The New York Herald Newspaper, September 4, 1856, Page 2

NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1856. ‘Var, for the reception of troops arriving from the East, were broken up on the 16th of August. At a meeting of the “‘ National Reformatory Union of Bogland,” beld at Bristol, on the 2let of August, Sir Joho Pakipgton said: — He congratulated the soviet, whieh them cause bad made. He thought this question of endeavoring to reclaim the youthful criminals of ng. Yand might be spoken of 8 anovel question. It dated waalnly from (wo conferences which were beld in Bir. wmingbam in the years 1861and 1858. But this great achievement was not confined to Europe, for in the United States the success of tbe system had been most signal. ‘In 1889, 4,397 boys and girs were received into the New York Refuge, two-thirds of whom had been saved from ruin and reformed At Philadelphia 2,250 were receivea tw the same year into the House o1 Refuge, of whom the ame favorable report was given. (Cheers.) Thus they had demonstrated tuat both in Europe and America the result of this great movement was successful, and it only mow remained for that union to push it further, and to ef- fect @ still greater amount of good. (Cheers.) It is eaid tne Emperor of Rusaia gave his fassent to the ‘title of Duke of the Malakof! bestowed on Marshal Pelis- Bier. A correspondent of the London News, dating at Erze- roum on July 29, says:— Colonel L. Melekott, the officer in command of the Rus- ‘sian forces at Kars, arrived bere om Sunday last, the 27th ‘met, with bis sta. In a few days he returns to Kars to give that place upto the Turks. Hussein Pacha is to be sent to take over the place from the Russians, This samo Bussein Pacha was the chief of the staff at Kars under Shukri Pacha, and was sent away by General Williams for drunkenness and debauchery, and now that Generali Wilhams has left they send him back honorably. A letter from Constantinople, in the Gazelle du Midi, rays: — The attempt made at Sebastopol to get up the fragments of the vessels sunk atthe mouth of the harbor appears Mkely to prove successful. Another and better diving ‘Spparatus is about to be put in operation, ‘The Patric, of August 20, explains at length the diifer- ences between the republican and democratic parties in ‘he United States. The slavery question which divides them, says the Patric, isa gnawing worm which they carry in their breast. France and England, which, at ‘tbe cost of serious sacrifices, have been fortunate enough %0 put a stop, without political convulsions, to the odious ‘snomaly of slavery in their Trans-Atlantic possessions, ave to congratulate themselves on haying no more slaves In their colonies, and algo om the fact that their great Trabs- Atlantic rival carries that heavy load on her Dack. The Paris correspondent of the London Post, writing on 29th of August, says:— Sir H. Bulwer left Paris last night for Constantinople, ‘where he will meet his colleagues, who are deputed wo take into consideration the beet means of providing a governing system for the Danubian Priccipalities. The hh Commissioner has already arrived; the Pied montese and the Prustian Envoys are on their way, but we bear nothing of the Austrian Commissioner.’ The Avetrian troops :efuse to move, and pretend to be watch ‘mg tbe Russians, who yet bold their ground in Bessara. ‘Dia, to watch the Austrians. The first office of the depu ‘ies of the allies at Coustantinople will be to decide how ‘the divans shal! be summoned, and then the Austrians Bre to evacuate the Principalities beforefthey (tne divans) can commence their sittings. Horace Vernet is painting “the Capture of the Mala oft” for the French government. A Paris letter aliudes to some earnest discussions that ave been held recently in the imperial family, as to the Mile to be settied on the son and grandson, issue of the frst marriage which Prince Jerome contracted in Ame wea. Theright to bear the name of Bonaparte is fully conceded to them; indeed, they refuse to take aay other, and particularly objected to the title of Princes of Mont- fort, which bad bitherto belonged to that branch of the family. Im France the barvest ip the departments north of the Loire bas been completed with most delightful weath mever could grain bave been better éried. All accounts agree in stating that in the most productive departments @f France the sheaves are excessively abundant, and although the care do not yield so muchas might bave been hoped for, yet the produce, per hectare, will be good. Thus, im all that part of France which extends fom the banks of the Loire tothe Belgian frontier, be ‘ween two lines, one startisg from Nantes as far as Dun- Kirk, and the other, as the bird flys, from Orleans to ‘Vouziers and the frontier of I uxembourg, it is calculated that, on an average, the produce in sheaves will exceed ‘that of last year by about 150 to 200 per hectare. A Wlegraphic despatch {rom Constantinople, dated the 28th of August, announces that Gen. Pariset, with the remainder of the Turkish troops, had left the Turkish ferritory. Admiral Stewart was to return to Constant opie, but the English feet will cruise in the Black Sea Until the erd of September, when it will retarn to Malta. The Ruesian lighthouse men have been carried off trom ‘the Isle of Serpents dy an Knglish ship of war, anc deli- ‘vered over to the authorities at Odessa, who, however, merely permitted them to be landed, and said tho affair must be settled by diplomatic negotiation. Reliable information from Constantinople mentions that the Turkish government, which is now turning its atten- tion with renewed vigor to the subject of its commercial relations with foreign Powers, is not disposed to renew its Present commercial treaties in the same shape as her to: fore, but is already occupied with the elaboration of a Graft for a general treaty of commerce to be offered w all Bations. The leading feature of this draft treaty is de scribed to consist in the principle of circumscribing, for the advantage of naive produce, the concessions hitherto made to foreign trade An American is reported to have gota firman to ex- ‘amine the practicability of theprincipal rivers of Asia Minor for navigavon. The Earl of Shrewsbury has died of consumptioa at Lisbon. His body was brought to England. General Todtleben was visiting the principal tortresses te Germany, whence he procoeds to France. The Russians have sent in a claim of 400,000 francs for damage done to the Russian palace at Constantinople, from tts having been converted into a Freach hospital, A quantity of treasure, valued at $150,000, was buried by the Russians in the church of Sebastopol, and they bave just dug it up, in safety, although the French slept Ww the editice for some considerable time Tranquillity now prevails in Greece, and nothing more fe said of brigants. The evacuation of the country by We French troops is considered certain Prince Pau! of Wurtemburg has returned home, after « four of eight years in America and Australia. ‘The demand in the Liverpool cotton market by the trade bad been limited throughout the wees, whilst for export there had been a good inquiry for the better Classes, and holders of American, though not pressing tales, bad been obliged w concede 1-1¢d. per ib. in the lower grades. Sales of the week, 47,920 bales, in @lading 34,370 American, of which 2.340 were on specu Jation, and 9,270 for export. Saics Friday, 6.000 bales, fcuding 1,000 on speculation and for export—market continuing dull, without change in prices, Fait Orleans, 9d.; middling, 6 5-16d.; fair Mobiles, 6X4.; mi 16d; tait Uplands, 65 77 0, including 655,050 ‘Owing to the continued uneettied weather, prices of Dreadstufs again showed @ further slight advanoe, say On wheat of 24. a Sd. per bushel, and flour, Is. a 2s. barrel and sack. Indian corn bad been rather ex ively dealt im, and catabliehed an advance of 2s. on the week, which to some extent checked sales. Quota tions are called about as follows, varying according to condition —Red wheat, 7s Gd. a 108., white, 10s. a lis. ger 70 ibs.; Philadelphia, Western and Baltimore flour. a Sue. 6d.; Ohio, 38%. & 34s.; sour, 258, a 30s. per Darre!; mixed corn, 33¢.. yellow, Sie. @d., and white, Bae. 6d. a Bbe. por quarter, the epecciation [a the article Being caused by rumors of potatoe disease. The market for provisions continued inanimate; prices Mortly without alteration, Smali sales of iard were ‘Made ot 60%. 2 70s. Tallow in brisk demand; fine North and South American. 65« In ashes there had been some epecuiative demand for xe, 4 mm. Od. a Ste. Od. pearie quod 46a, a 474. active, at 4s. Gi. a 4s. Td. with «mal! sales of fine fo Tis. Linseed off quiet, at oBr. a 2%. 64. Spin turpentine quoted at 31s. a Jie. 64, crude turpentine 9s searce. Dyewoods in fair demand In Manchester a {air business had been done in both i and yarns, and prices gonersliy were steady The published statement of the Havre ot, from the 13th to 19th inclusive, reports th de tales of the week, 4.364 bales (a Stock 96,500 bales. New Orleans tres ordinaire, 98 fr, b. Bell, fon & Co., London, report there \s no alters ‘ket for Amerioan securities, and give quo os 6 per cents, 1 OB cee lh 9105 United states 6 per cent bonds, 1968 10 0106 cent bonds . OM oe Alabama 5 per cent sterling bonds oe Kentucky 6 per cent bonds, 1868 "7: Man Maryland 5 per cent sterling bonds Martachusetts 6 per cent sterling bonds Moasiesipy: 6 per cent Pik Road be, 1841 Misetertppi @ per cent Union Rank bonds. Pennsylvania § per cent sterting vonda... . Pennsylvania 6 per cent bonds, 1877 Sl a 83 ‘Tennessee 6 per cent bonds, divers... 96 8 88 Virginia 6 per cent bonds, 188 « BK a 956 Montreal 6 per cents, 1856-66... 83 8 85 Pittebarg 6 per cent strk, 1860-'9 66 a 67 Iilinoie Central 7 per cents, 1875 Bn 84K Tilimoia Central 6 per cents, 1875 1. 2g a 835g Tilinots Central 7 per cent (free lanis) 1860. 93 a 94 Diinois Central. rr $25 i 5 a6 prem Michigan Centra) 8 per cent, 1860 6 a Mic! Central § per cent, 1960,...... %® ant New York Central 7 per cent, convertibie from June 15, 1867-"59, to 1864.......... 93 9 9% New York Central 6 per cent, not cony., 83 80 a 82 N.Y. Erie y. ¥v y om the rapid progress | If we are forbidden to hope | for the speedy arrivai of the time when wars shail bo bo more, there is at least the consolation that hostilities are century conducted in a more humane and generous spirit. In tais respect the present age, gaid by its detractors to be wanting in high bred courtesy and chivalry, shows brightly in comparison with those | old times when Warrior was most romantic aod Not to mention the wars of the middie ages, when princes, the mirrors of kaighthood, hanged and burned their prisoners without mercy, we may think with satisfaction that the deeds Wallenstein and Tilly, of Louis XIV., and even of geuerals as late as the American war, are now a moral impossibility. All plundering of an enemy’s country is now avoided as much as possible by a commander who has the honor of his country at » Even the bard measure the laws of war allow inthe case of a town taken by storm would now hardly be putin practice, if officers could by any means restrain an infuriate and triumphant soidiery. But unhappily thie milder code has not yet been extended to maritime warfare, It is evident ist morally no difference exists between the plunder of pri- vate goode in a house and inashipat sea. If the mer or tradesman has @ right to possees bis own in peace, even when the province he inhabits is occu pied by a soldiery hostile to his sovereiga, it is surely reasonab.e that the same property whea in course ef transport for sale should be sacred trom the entmy’s cruisers. But the fact is that the laws of war were maie in and for other times than these. In all ages there bave been home steads and workshops, the property of the poor, for which both medi#val priest and modern lawyer {eit bound to demand protection, but the freights of rich mer- chantmen were considered to belong to a wealthy, and, © some extent, ® governing class, who bad no claim to the forbearance of the hostile State. Now, however, commerce is tbe natural pursust of all classes, and every year sees men of humbler means taking & Shire tn the trade of the New World, India, and Australia, In the war with France it was customary te allow fishermen to follow their gecupation in peace, while letters of marque were issued for the capture of every kind of trading vee sel. Forty years have retined even this morality, and, though the war witn Russia gave no opportunity for pri- vateering, there can be little doubt that the issue of let- ters of marque would have been looked upon as unwor. thy of the time we live in, and, if resorted to, would have greatly embitered the struggie. So, after settling the alfuirs of Turkey, Greece, the Principalities, the Black Sea and the Baltic—after re- Viewing the position of the Pope and the King of Naples —the plenipotentiaries at Paris rescived on declaring some general principles for the humanizing, as far as porsible, of future hostilities. Count Waleweki urged that, as the treaty of Westphalia established freedom of conscience, and the Congress of Vieuua condemned the slave trade, 20 the Conferences which closed the Russian war should’ pot come to an end without doing something for the cause ot civilization, Accordingly, the last protocol it is declared that privateering is and remains abolished, that the neutral flag co vers enemy's goods, that the enemy’s flag does mot condemn to forfeitare neutral goods, aud that Diockades, to be binding, must be effective. These reeolutions, when agreed to by the contracting Powers, wore sent to several governments for acceptance, and ernment of the United States. The an the American Secretary of State, bas just been published. It is written with no smail abi lity, and will, no doubt, command the attentioa of Euro- pean governments. Mr. Marcy points out the obvious ‘ogical defect in the principle enunciated by the Con. ference. If it be desirable, tor the sake of humanity, that private property shall be respected oa sea as on land, it Must be desirable that its capture by men of war should be prohibited as well ae by privateers. The Euro pean governments, therefore, says the Seeretary of State, bave not consistently carried out their own principle. If private property isMo be captured, it must be by apy species of vessels which the bel rent States choose to employ. Privateers at ea are ous to volunteer levies on land, and the United States, which have neither a large army’ ror a large navy, cannot con- sent to limit themselves to any description of force in de- fending themselves. A comparison is then made of the naval of Engiand and America, and 1i is added that not only regard for her own safety, but even a sense ot what is due to the other small naval Powers, obliges the republic to oppore a regulation which should debar any Sate from making use of volunteers by sea as well as by Jand. Now, there is much truth in this, though the Earopean governments are not so {consistent as may seem. They certainly have not taken a broad view of the subject, simply because one or two have posstbiy deemed that their beighbors were ts yet cr willing to counterance any sweeping change. No ope can doads that a country like land, whose commerce covers every sea, would be enough to find the whole world agreeing to respect private property on board ship. But it was not quite certain tbat some of her neighbors world nf doctrine which would geem to give greater advaniages to & pation whose supposed inouopo'y of commerce already excites the envy of the world. Therefore, philanthropy bas tried to obtain as much as possible; and, i the arguments of Mr. Marcy, we thipk there difference between ue morality of privateering the capture by ships of war alone. No doubt the captain and crew of a ship of war are to some extent encourage: hope of prize money: but it must be allowed that re educated in a high sense of honor, acd look g for their reward in reputation and « good standing with their profession and the public, ave likely to carry owt the syetem of capture ina very differen: “t from mere adventurers united only by a thirst of gaia. Th: crew of a goverament vessel is subjected to a severe cipline; its captein & abliged to far @ strict account of all his proceedi>gs. Very different is tne case of the pri vateer; the crew are generally the moet wild and ruthless of a profession which is uappy to encourage a disregard ot restraint; they go anywhere aud do anything with litte questioning from their own gorerament. Teir responsibility is leesenea by their very obscurity, and generally is such that uothiag short of actual atrociies could lower them ia the opinion of their fellows. In fact, privatecring ia too apt to degenerate inte piracy. The captain of such a vessel will take every advantage, with out pity or )emorse, while an oiticer of the regular Bary is bardly Hkely to stretch righis to the utmost, aud em sitter the contest by crucity and rapecity So far, then, the European Powers were justifie’ in proposing the abolition of privateering. even if they no further. But now they are asked to go further. Tn» American government Seoepte their proposition, but generalizes the principle. “If,” says Mr. Marcy, in effect, “you abolish altogether the rigbt of capturing private property, priva eeriog em is matter of course; bat, if you retain this right, we will not consent to limit the exercise of it to any class of vessels.” Finally, she American Secretary moves bis amendmect. To the words, a py | is and remains abolished."’ he pro. poses to add, “and the private property oi the sunjects or citizens of a belligerent on the Nigh seas shall be ex empted trom seizure by public armed vessels of the other belligerent, except it be contraband.”’ Thus for the first time a most important igs = P for the adoption of the civilized world, being nothing jess than tbe extension to maritime trade of absolute jmmunit) trom acta of warfare, tis now a question for the family of nationa whether they will decide that a cargo of mugar om the Aluantic i as sacred asthe same article when stored in (he warehouses of a captured eaport. It ie evidbat that { the proposition cf the United Sates be adopted mo tern warfare will be entirely revolutionized The subject is of the highest importance, and will oo doubt be discassec with earnestoess and good faith [From the London Post, Aug. 21.) When the Cong ess of Vienna was about to close its de liberations, the representatives of the great Powers of Hurope there assembled, intiuenced by a mobie desire to extinguish that odious and detestable trafic—the slave trade—‘as repognant to the principles of ba manity and universal morality'’—iesaed a solemn de- claration, in which they announced that ‘they could not do greater credit to their mission, better full! their duty, and manifest the princivies which actuated their august sovereigns, than by proclaiming, in the name of those so- vereigns, their wish to put an end toa scourge which had #0 long desolated Africa, degraded Europe, and a: humanity."’ So the plenipotentiaries recently asse at Paris—having brought to a termination the grave and portant questions which they had been summoned to discuss aud arrange—and having as an example and ide the wise and Christian declaration of the Vienas ongrers respecting the siave trade, were unwilling to separate without the authoritative enunciation of some opinion which they conceived would as largely and as permanently tend to advance the cause of civilization, by divesting warfare of some of ite unnecessary |i ¢ the declaration of the 16th of April, 1856, asserts that privateerivg is, and remains, abolished, that the neutral fag covers enemy '® goods, with the exception of contraband of war, that neutral }, With the excep. tion of contraband of war, are able to capture under enemy's fiag; and that blockades, in order to be binding must be eflective—that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient reaily to prevent access to the coast of the et Ib ia difficult to detine the precise legal effect of such claration. It can scarcely be considered to amount to an ‘act of public legisiation—if such an expression can be ap plied toa law which 4 upon universal custom and consen se the Plenipotentiaries “engage to bring the declaration to the knowledge of the States waich have not taken part in the Congress at Paris, and to nvite them wo accede to it'’—thas showing that whilst it is binding upon the contracting Powers, other States arc atili at liberty to accept or reject it. Declarations of this kind usually receive their formal and legal sanction oy sabrequent treaties. This was so in the cage of the slave trade, and the same course must again be adopted before the relaxations in the law of maritime wartare announced at Paris can be cousidered as fixed principles of interna onal obligation The only State which from the possession of a great mercantile navy, can on this subject be supposed to have nterests not entirely coincideat wich those of the gr Suropean Powers is the United Saves of Amer the Secretary of State at Washi bi les patch to the Fi except upon its w exclusively to its own * at Paris. The United hot object to the relaxations which have been made in favor’ of neutral commerce It could hardly do #0, when it is recollected that these relaxa)\one Amount, in act, to nothing more than the re cognition of @ doctrine which the people of the United States, from the com’ ment of their national exist ence, bave constantly and honorably labored to assert The provision with respect to blockades affirms no new principle of pudlic law. It is merely yaiuabie as an au thoritative condemnation of the practice of paper block ades, wbich, in times past, often produced many most njurions consequences. There remains, then. only one prineiple or relaxation to which the United Staves gov- orpment remains strenuously, we may almost say inex orably, opposed. Pri last relic of the pri vave wars of the middle oe a on by ths common nt of the Powers of karope, is still to be retainea republican America, as in some degree a counter. poise to the naval power of Fogland and France Mr. Marey argues the case with great ety, we acmit, eolely on American grounds. He the intenance, in times of pence, of navel arma inte, and he pointe out that in case of a war with « ee maritime Power, the Soda bean \mpotency o! the nited Sates upon the sea would pplted by the em. ent of privateers and letters of marque. We can- not undertake to say what authority opinion ste in the United States, whether Ralwagecenvenienty follows present oF anticipated self interest; but this we can as- sert withoat fear of contradiction, that all the special Pleading of Mr. Marcy im favor privateering is directly and diametrically oj to the declared and uniform policy pursued by United States from the year 1785 down to the period of Mr. Pierce’s Presidentebip. Dr. Wheaton, te Bie ‘Elements of International Law,’ states that “the ty negotiated by Franklin between the United States snd Prussia, im°1785, by which it was supulated that, in case of war, neither Power should com- Mission privateers to depredate upon the commerce of the other, furvishes an example worthy of applause and imitation Franklin, writing at the game time, ob- ‘*\t i 4» hime, for the sake of humanity, to Lormity. The United States of Ameri- *itiatey than any European nation to make profit by priva cert g, are, as far ag in them lies, endeavoring to abol ©h the py eoiiee.”? France, in er last war agaipet Spain, bay »« dev. ed that she would grant Do commissions to private re, Present Monroe in ais annual message (1823) stated:—* Thic declaration, which appears to have been faithfully ca-riou «1.0 elect, concur- ring with principles proclaimed and che-isned oy’ the Uni- ted States from the first establishment of tucir adepen- dence, ested the that the time ‘a1 arrived when the proposal for adopting it as a permane it niu invariable rule in all future maritime wars imicnt meet the favorable consideration of the great Eu- ropean Powers. Instructions bave accordingly been given to our Ministers with France, Russia, and treat Britain, to make these proposals to their respective governments; and, when the friends oi bumapity reflect on the essential amelicrauon of the human race which would result from the abolition of private war on the sea. and on the great facility by which it might be accom, quiring the consent of few sovereigus—an earnest hope is indulged that these vertures will meet with an attentive consideration, ani- mated by the spiritin which hey are made, and that th will ultimately be successful.’ Mr, adams, the Ame: can Secretary of State, writing im 1824 to Mr. Rush, the 4merican Minister at St. James's, uses these remarkable words :—‘ We press no disavowal on her (England), but we think the present time eminently auspicious for urging upon her, and upon |, &2 Object which has long been dear to the hearts, and ardent in the aspirations, of the benevolent and the wise; an object essentially congens to the true spirit of Christianity, and therefore peculiarly fitting for the support of nations intent, ia the same spirit, upon the final and total suppression of the slave trade, and of govereigns who have given pledges to the world of their determination to admipister imperial dominion upon the purine principles of Christianity, The object to which 1 allude is the abolition of private war upon the zea.” Feeling to some extent bound by the authority of these great men, and perhaps being afraid directly to ignore the ancient and uniform policy of bis country, Mr. Marcy expresses hie willingness to abolish privateer.ng, provid- ed that there ve added to the first proposition in the de- claration the follo sing words—‘‘and thatthe private property of the subjects or citizens of « belligerent on the high seas shail be exempted from geizure by public armed vessels of the other belligerents, except it be con traband.”’ The object of this addition is, no doubt, to assimilate the rules of war on sea with those which pre- vail in wars cnland. In maritime warfare i} is well known that privaie property becomes the property of the capturing State, or of ite officers; whilst in war by land the private property of individuals is casually respected, and excluded from the subject of y- But private property captured upon land is ina very different condition from thai captured at eea. Ja the one case, the fact of capture shows that the place or territory is in the posseesion of the succeseful belli- gerent, who is in a position to prevent its transmission to aid bisenemy. But in the other, if private property, not contraband of war, were permitted to pass free, the ene- my would have the whole world at his command, vided he had the pecuniary means to carry on his usual commerce, and thus, without impediment, he would be enabled to obtain resources for the sapply of his armies ‘and fleets. The principle urged by Mr. Marcy in the name ef humanity would, in reality, amount to a refine- ment of cruelty. Wars would become more protracted and disastrous in their consequences. A lavish expendi- ture of blood would in every case be substituted for taose operations on hostile commerce which, po doubt, entail ruin uyon individuals, but which are oftentimes more eff as a means of procuring peace than the most brilliant victories. Mr. Marcy has written an able State per, but he has proposed a condition which must be impoesihie jnntil ‘the arrival of that happy time when “was cease in the carth.’” {From the London Aug. 22.) Itcan hardly be denied, even by the most strenuous uphoider of the virtues of ancient days, even by him who laments most bitterly over the degenerate chivairy of modern times, that the spirit of the last war exhibited a decided improvement over that of former years; that its ends were better and more fairly directed than were those of other times. The true object of war is to show which government is the strongest in council and in bat- tle. There is no use, though there is much michiet, in mixing up private warfare with public—in letting slip Ube dogs of war through all classes of society—ia arming bodies of privateers to prey, for the lucre of gain, on the commerce of our foes. ‘The Congress of Paris did wisely, and in accordance with the spirit of the age, when {t as- nounced in the firet of its four declarations, submitted to the Courts of Europe and to the councils of America, that the system of privateesing was abolished. It is well known that the government of the United States, which not long since exBibited an inclication to enter more strongly than it bas hitherto done in.o Euro pean politica, Telused to recognise the sound policy of tne declaration, and the truth of the motives which prompted it, and ¢eclined to surrender the old tradi- tional right, which it declares that it ponsesses, of using the services of privateers whensoever it may think fit. There is, however, one condition on which the lnited ‘States are ready to accept this article. That is, that the private property of belligerent sbould be enurely re spected, should be utterly tree trom aseault. This would be a mde of war which would ul erly disarm the great matri- time Powers of England and France, v hich would convert their wee poms of offence wnto shnvy playthings which would have che same eflect between them and their opponents as has the iaw of dueling with pistols between a big man and & little one. The former * his weight and bis strength, the lattes piques bituse!! on the emallnees vi the mark that he offer We have already analysed the despatch ip which Mr. Marey lays down the reasons on which the United S:ates +round their refueal to accede Ww the declaration of the ‘Congress, except with the modest addition which we have mentioned. It is of course a bighly elaborate, and, no doubt, a very ingenious document. It is true that it seems rather strange in a pure republican authoriy © take Louis XIV. as its guide in principle or practice. Macy things, besides privateering, were approved of by that great apd absolute personage, which would make 4 tre mendous uprosr were they introduced at Washingtoa. Mr. Marey. however, takes Louis Quatorze and Mr. Valin as bis star and bis example in the matter of priva tering, and proves from them exceedingly well that no bE bg can be more just Or more politic in the case of United States than that which lets loose all toe ruffians that they posters to prey upon toelr neighbors or their opponents, This may be #0; but we cannot heip thinking that whatever may be said of bis authorities, Mr. Marey’s arguments in support of bir cause are weak apd one-sided, and that the carrying them out will not be found to answer, The authorities refer to # former state of things, which it is the object of the civilization of the prevent to reform aud ameliorate. re Was nO worse, more dangerous or more miscbieyous class than the privateers of our former wars. They would not be much improved in the present dav, nor would those of the United States be much better than their rivals. Armed Bfor the sake of gain—scouring the seaeg for Profit—these volunteer warriors would. no doubt, be a ecourge and @ terror to the peaceful indusiry of other nations. angers-on on thejoutskirts of the conte-t, they would have po effect in deciding ite issue, however much they might increase its borrors. The government of the United States cannot of will net atiord to keep up a large navy. It considers the temptation to use it dangerous. and it is sure tbat the act of maintaining ao armed force is expensive. But it thinks the system of privateering the one to suit its great mercantile marine—its formidable body of well built ships, manned by stout fellows, who would like nothing beter thay making war on their own account for their own profit though they might object to doing so under strict discipline, and for the good of their beloved country. ‘We most, for our own yart, regret their refusal to j9in (@ & declaration which is prompted solely by the spirit of pro and of advanced civilization. Bat they ean hardly expect other nations w go ro ‘ar as to disarie themselves in order to moet their views. (n the contra ry, ifdifferences sbould unhappily arise between them apd apy European State—tf they should use the old and barba: ous ances of war, they must expect to be treated accordingly. Trey must expect to have none of their seaport towns held sacred. Trey will be tumbled about their ears as the stromghoid of eisai They canoot hold to the ancient traditions of battle; they caanct ther on others and claim to be treated themsely: gentleness of modern civilization. if they persist in be- ing barbarous, they may depend on t that their reward will be rough usage when it is needed. [From the London Chronicle, Aug. 23.) ‘The despateh of Mr. Marcy, in refereuce to tne resolu tions of the Congress of Paris on the subject of privateer ing, i# @ document of much greater importance than at fret eight In perusing it, it is impossible not to be etruck with the marked diference wi exists be tween the tone of the militant democratic clasees in the United States and that of the government. If in the diplo matic papers of such government there may be found cecasional traces of cunning and jesvitical sophistry, worthy the Cabinet of St. l’eversburg. it must be confessed that thowe characteristics are more than counterbalanced by a certain boldness and largeners of epirit with which the American statesmen discuss great international ques viene. Those statermen evidently desire to establish for the ation over which they role a right to exercige a moral uence in the affairs of the world, Ieclaied raphi y from the old hemisphere and still more SE Srosgh their peculiar institutions, the Americans consider them: selves free from many tracitional and customary obliga Hone which other nations hold to be bind) y teel themaelves eptitied to begin de nova. and ohy down nerai principles for the acceptance of 1 ind, much tor the fashion of a provisional or revolutionary govern met ip dealing with the domestic affaire of some nation of the continent of Europe. If these pretensions are ac compsnied with #ome disadvantages, they are certainly not #thout @ concomitant benefit, inasmuch as that the principles or views of the American government can | put forward without offence, and may receive attention from other nations when similar proposals, coming for any Uld World State, would be met with a natural jes ousy An instance of the position thue assumed by the states. men of America was afforded in the vase of the negotia tone with respect to the Sound dues, Whether justly or not, the United on Bie Gea claimed on that ooca- sior an exemption from the obligations which Ruse’ Frerce, England, and seme others, regarded as visding’ ‘They possess a Know Nothing policy as regarde Karopean international law. In like manner, the American govern- ment bave on other orcasions claimed exemption from trad tionary ep, ts. We are not even quite sure that they would not have disputed the right of Turkey to clowe the Black Sea, or that had not the war been brought to 4 cles FO Ry 4 and rtunely, they might not have been jhtimg the battle of American rights eeninst the cause of civilization and progress. We refer to these antesedents beeanee, to a certgim extent, iney assist an interpretation of this despatch of Mr. Marcy’s with reference to the abolition of 3 The claim of America toa diplomatic posttion inde- pendert of the system may be mere ‘*smart- ners assumed to evade responsidility—or it may sincerely emanate from the peculiar tone of nt prevailing in the Union—a tone of thought fortered by circumstances and institutions. ue thing is sure, that if yt has its sinister, it also has its bright side. The same indey of custom which enables the American states! fling off the incubus of traditional policy, also ieads bim to adopt a large and liberal tone in deal- ing with great international questions. It is only another reeding of the cry, “America for the Americans,” that they should either whoily isolate themselves from Furopean influences, or claim admisnion only on their own terms. If their demands were made in a mere spirit of arrogance, they would, of course, be instantly rejected, because there are but a few European nations which would pot feel quite equal to cope with the Americans, even siogie handed. But when these new views of policy eome in the guise of political philosophy, and aspire to initiate a new interha ue law, founded on the most modern principles of economic science, we are forced to listen to them with respect, and to give them their fair amount of weight in our calculations, Read by this light, the theory laid down by Mr. Marcy in bis despatch on’ privateering, is perhaps destined to exercise a most important influence on the fvture desti- vies Of mankind. It embodies the enunc'ation of a great pripeiple, entirely in accordance with modern British policy, aad generally with ths spirit of the age. Mr. Cobden was not so far wrong, at least in principle, when he argued that peace must be the complement of free trade. Although, in corryng out that theory, he assumed an attitude ridiculously advance of public opinion or of the practicable means at the disposal of statesmen, yet it is remarkable what strides have since been made, and in how short a time, toward the accomplishment of his dream. The sudden stopping of the Russian war, by an I to the moral influence of the various States of Europe the attempts of the Congress of Paris to effect a settle- ment of outstanding difliculties, in Italy and elsewhere, by triendly interference—above all, the resolution of the Congress condemnatory of privateering—these were all et tp the direction in which Mr. Cobden and his friends gone eo far abead, It has remained for the govern- nt of the United Stastes to put the crown and get the seal on these exertions, by the proposal embodied in this despatch of Mr. Marcy. The United States government having been appealed to for their assent to the resolution of the Paris Congress on abject of privateering, have rejcined, through Mr. Marcy, with @ sti!l more important peal to the States of Kurope. They ask why the ap. plication of the new code should stop at privateering? ‘Why should any mercbant sbip found on the high seas be liable to capture, whether by a privateer or by a regular by—and here is the true point at issue -why should even articles contraband of war be subject toseizure? This, it must be admitted, is a bold line of argument to take; but is it possible to say that it is mis placed? Why, ifyou are removing restrictions, should any be permitted to contiaut Why not sever for ever trade from wer, leaving the traders to go their way in peace, and confining the ee those who have been bred 10 the profession? 's is the answer of the Amer) cap goverpment to the appeal of iurope. You ask us, y say, to give up our right to issue letters of marque itso. But let us go astep further. let us all pass a self: dex ying ordinance, and bind each other henvetorth to regard all commerce as sacred ! As bas been ably sbown, upon Jand has already been done. Nay, more, the principle has even been car ried out with a degree of hyper humanity. In war, the pride of a modern general is to compel hie troops to respect the property of ali persons not actually im the battle array on cither side. Commanders vie with each other in protecting the peaceful, avd in confining the havoc to the belligerents. A more striking proof of this could not have been aiforded than in the bom- bardment of Odessa during the late war. There the most scrupulous care was taken to corey pabte proper ty ouly, and to preserve that of individuals, as far as pos- sible, from damage. If this be systematically done on land, there can be no argument against ibe adoption of the same principle on sea. Indeed, there are many rta- sons why the rule would apply with even stronger force in the laiter case It may be urged that America is peca liarly interested in the adoption of such a principle. Spe is scarcely more eo than land herself; for vast sad numerous though ovr naval forces be, there his been # corresponding increase in those of other maritime Powers, and we might find that our hands were too full to pro- vide convoye for our gigantic commerce. On the whvie, thereiore, ibis proposition of Mr. Marcy deserves to be regarded as something betier than ao ebuliition of arro gance, and it few 2 thus prove of in lable advantage to mankind should American lsolation and American tensions tead to the erection of another great landmark the adveace of civilizauon The Central American Question, [From the London Poet, Aug 20.) Of the two questions which have recent!y aisturbe {the friendly relations between this coustry and the Vaitet States of Amcrica, one appears to have received a setwle mpd sae J talistactory to our transatiantic cousine. We allude to ihe iorcign enlistment question, which, otly afew months ago so threatening in its aspect, nas now almott passed away from the drama of poltics. The Americans hayingtsucceeded in vindicating (hat which they contidered @ matter Of pational pupctilio, by the diemic val of Mr. Crampton and three tish Consule—thue, es tar ag they are concerned, putting a step to all diplomatic ntercourse between the (wo countries—the British gow ernment, tofinenced by & laudable desire to preserve peace by all means compatible with honor, wisely ab stained from adopting that measure of retaliation which would only have added additional elements of irri tation to an already disagreeable and unnecessary dis pate. If Mr. Dallas had been ordered to leave his country, all chance of the eettiemsst of the second question—tbat connected with Central America—would, or 4 time at least, have be indetinitely postponed. We must say that we attribute in an eminent degree the pac! ie golution of the foreign enlistment question to the ex ceilent tone which, with a few exceptions, has pervaded the prers of both countries. In the United States, the more well iwiormed and respectable journals were not slow in discovering that the offensive policy of Mr. Pierce war dictated by a desire to raise wery which he hoped would ensure his re-election to the office of Presid: ot ‘np England there never for a moment existed on the }i°t of the government or the people, any invention to infringe either the sovereign rights or the municipal laws of the United States. The Englieh was certalayy unwilling to submit to the outrageous demands made by Mr. Pierce, by throwing overboard gentlemen of the higher: honor, whose word was not considered by the Ame ican authorities to dence outweigh the suspicious evi by common informers and dis- such as Hertz and Strobel. The dis essly provoked by Mr. G. H. Moore, ap jwars to have produced no ill effects in the United States, by indueing there tbe beliet that Mr. Pierce bad sympa thers ix the Pritish House of Commons. The United States government bas now given orders to its officers to diacenhinue proceedings against persons who have bee imp ie in the matter of foreiga enlistment, and b. offered a pardon to one person who had been coneicted of the offence. Thia, then, is the conclusion of a question which, we believe, never would have b either by Mr. Pierce or Mr, Marcy, if the |’reridential el section had not been rapidly approaching. The good eense of the public im beth countries bas fortunately exhibited iteel( in 4 mapper which has prevented a selfieh political iatrigue from expanding into a most dangerous and unvecessary jiven iter! juarrel. The American question ts etill the eubject oF negotiation. Ap ofler has been made by the State of Honduras to establish free ports, under the joint guaran tee of Evgland aud the United states, which would leave the transit scroes the isthmus fectly free, and accom plteh to this extent the object of the Bulwer Ciayton cou vention. But, if this otier were accepted, Ragland woutd have to yield ‘in favor of the State of Honduras, as the successor of the Crown of Spain, territorial righw which she bas heretofore always claimed. We do not stop to valance the advantages of such a surrender in compar) son with the beneiit which would be obtained by the set tlement of this disagreeable question, but it is obvious tbat nothing can be more unsatisfactory then the prens condition of affairs in Central America. Walker has been elected President of Nicaragua oy an overwhelming ma jority, but his influence is not considered likey w la~ ‘ong, notwithstanding the assistance which he re celves in men and arme from the United States. In anotber Central American State— (rapada—the government ‘s incapable of performing the ordinary fum tions of supreme power in its territory. It cannot protect travellers crossing the ishmus from the attacks of the Indians and haif breeds, who _ > imagive that the Panama Railroad is runing them. The scene of murder Which took place a short time ago on that it § portant line—the most direct route to California—whoe may have prevoked the quarrel, show that the gove: ment of the State has not the means of enforcing ord r within its territories. this condition of things te New York Henatn suggests that, for the purpose of ¢ § euring the safety of American citizens t-avelling actos the isthmus, asioop or steamer of War, carrying the American flag, and stationed at either outlet of the line, and a company of American soldiers quartered a Aspinwall, and another at Panama, would be the only ‘safeguards that would really be of eer vice. Our american contemporary, in support of this view, states that at the present moment no less than three countries in Earepe are occupied by foreign troops in order to keep the peace, in the absence of ca. ‘on the part of the established governments to do ‘8; and it eites the Austrian occupation of Lombardy, the French occupation of Rome, and the presence of a fisal! French and lish force in Greece With the exception ‘of the Inet, these cases have no bearing upon the quer tion. Austria cccupies Lombardy as a portion of her own dominions, and France rey e at the request of the Pope, the Sovereign of that State. |i it be necessary for the purpose of securing safety for life and propert™ ip the Isthmus, the occupation should be joint on the pa b of England, France and the United States—indeed, on th of these all maritime nations which have an intere-t in this most important line of transit. One thing must be viour—namely, that such exclugive occupation by ie ‘United States woul t be a total i ‘¢ fromeven tt American interpretation of the Bulwer-Clayton conve @ ton. The Sound Dues Question Settled. (Berlin (Aug. 20) Correspondence of the London Times. Mr. Buchanan, our Minister at Copenhagen, passeu through here last week on bis return to his post from London, whither be had been summoned to confer with Minister on the eubject of the Sound dues. Since his re turn to Copenhagen it bas transpired that our govern ment is no longer disposed to offer any obstacles to the realization of the Danish plan for capitalizing the Sound dues, and having them redeemed by the various nations mnterested in the Baltic trade according to ‘jon @f their participation. Mr. Buchanaa tas, it "appears, also enabled aupwate to the Danish government that the Prussian Cabinet, which had already long apo, ex ite acquiescence in the plan of a redemp- tien of the Sound dues, but was striving for better terms then those offered by Denmark, would also no longer offer any obstacle to the arrangement being carried out, This step taken by our government, which vir. tually settles the matter, is important, not oniy on ac. count of the commercial interests of the various na. tione involved im the abolition of the Sound duce, but also from the rircumstance that the navigation of the Baltic, the Guif of Bothnia, and the Bay of Finland, beng ' thus opened up more freely than before, qe) remler the erection of Bomareund and eimilar ag- freesive and threatening fortifications matters of imme- diate notoriety, instead of their springing up and arriving at maturity almost withont one knowing auytbiog of their existence. The abolition of the Sound dues will also loosen Russia's bold of Denmark, which aitherio has served pretty much a8 a@ porter’s lodge to the Russiaa capital, offering every facility ae an outpost for policieal and commraanelst Le yery baa Rayterd the Baltic «ll but a mare clausum, is e that provisions wive veen made also for tke abolition of the A ih dues over- ‘and througn Denmark, which were levied by that gov- ernment, confessediy 48 & protection to the Sound dues. The opening of this sea way round Denmark will «iso compel Mecklenburg very s00n to accede to a diminution or repeal of the Eibe dues, which again will act in the same direction towards relieving the Rhine and the !)s- pube from the tolls that at present weigh 0 oppressively on their iraitic. “Spain. POLITICAL POSITION OF PARTIES IN MADKID. (Correspondence of the London Times.) Paris, Aug. 21, 1856, ‘The Débais and the Assembice have articles on the al: ‘errs of Boat, ons. ie: Sree the si TOnee ste coeree, pondence from country, represen ’ Donnell Sinistry as having decided ‘that the Constituent Cortes can and shall be disolved by the Crown. That they will ve thus got rid of is highly probable, but the question of right 1s another matter. Iam not much disposed to defend those cortes; fer, without entering into the me- rits or demerits of the constitution they have tramed, I think they are fairly chargeable with having protracted ts completion by indulgence in idle disputes, in empty boasts, and acrimonious personalities. Had they ab- -tained from these; their work would have been done ‘ong ago; they would have dissolved themselves, ordi- vary Chambers would have been convoked, in confor- mity with the new constitution; the period of transi- tiop,, which we may now style the revolutionary period, would have been at an end; and the recent bloody nd unprofitable struggle would very probably have been voided. Any one who has followed, even superficially, he debates of this Constituent Assembly will remember the countless sittings wasted in bitter squabbles and vain- glorious self laudation. All sides and sections of the Chamber are equally subject to blame in this respect. Now it was the extreme ieft, led by Orense and his demo- crats; now the rignt centre, where sas the very few de- cided and avowed moderados who had ob‘ained election; now the left centre, where was grouped a band of staunch Esparterists; and now the knot of Vicalvarists, and even the Ministerial bench itself. We have longwinded speak- ers, assuredly, and wearisome, in our own I’arliainent, out anything resembling the waste of time, egotism, an gasconade of these Cortes would not there be tolerated ‘or an instant. Itis the delight of your Spanish Parlia- mentary speaker to dwell upon his own deeds and upon his own sufferings for his party. In such vain talk, and in much spiteful recrimination, were half the ses- sions of those Constituent Cortes wasted. The few men who were worth lietening to, and who would gladly uave despatched the business on hand, were continually .pterrupted and compelled to rebut pergonal attacks. We uow witness the result—a reaction has come, and the National Assembly will be broken a According wo its vonet.tution, it can be dissolved only by its own act and when its task shall be fulfilled. But when that was de- ided the people were tn the ascendant and the throne in danger. Now all 1s changed, and doubtless a royal de- sree will be considered a very legal and proper mode of getting rid of the difficulty. Tne convocation of these Cortes, although it assuredly was never coutemplated by O° Doppell and his supporters in the military insurrection of the 28th June, was a useful and perhaps even a aeces- sary measure at the time. The misgovernment and tyrappy, the banishments and imprisonments and exac- ions of the Sartorious Ministry, the heartiess conduct of ube Queen Mother and of a knot of speculators who ued with her in her equivocal transactions, scandalous proceedings of the Court, had caused a flerce a not only in Madrid but in the provinces, which, in July and August, 1854, unques: ‘onably put the crown of Isabella Il. in danger. The most €! cious means adopted to calm down angry pas. ions and to satisfy the was the summoning of a Representative assembly, and by resorting to that mea sure Espartero averted many perils and perhaps a vio- jent struggle ; for if the people had at that time in- visted on carrying their triumph further, O'Donnell std the army could pot have put them down as they did the other day. The army was then numerically weak, oan ra the frauds of the Polaco Gov- erpmeat, which misappropriated the money paid by conscripts to provide substitutes; it was <igpirited by reverses, its organization bad been ne- glected, and a@ considerable of it was well in- clined to the popular cause. e summoning of Consti- wwent Cories and the prestige of Espartero secured the adhesion of the National Guard to the cause of order, «nd, in fact, saved the throne. The attempts at s second reyolation made by the democrats and rab- ole of Madrid on the occasion of Queen Ch istina’s flight trom the capital, was suppressed without bloodshed, solely by the firm and Joyal attitude of the nationals, «nd from that day dates for Spain a period of tranquillity, and, t must c¢ admited, of honest government and in ft! prosperity, which all well wishers to 'y must bave regretted to sce interrupted. That rruptcn, and whatever evils may ensue, is to be at- sributed, not solely to mupisterial dissensions and to court intrigues, not alone to the weacness of one man or 10 the ambition of others, but also, and in no small degree, @ the divitions and quarrels aud waste of time of the reely-elcoted Constituent Cortes, Che King of Naples and the Allica Western Powers. ‘The Cologne Gazette publishes the following at a correct yhopsis of the pote ‘of tbe King of Naples in reply to the eceut notes of Exgland and France:— King Ferdinand formally declines all tnterference of be Western Powers in the internal afiairs of his king ‘om. He rejects it as contrary to all the rules of inter vational law, as an attack upon the independence and Jignity of his crown. Relying upon the principles ot eter oul justice, which prescribe “that thou ebalt not do unto ‘hy beigh bor what thou wouldst not have done unto thee,”’ ne put the following questions to the London Cabinet, whose representations were made jo much stronger lan guage than those of France :—'‘Wbat would Lord Pal merston say ifthe Neapolitan government was to presume © describe the management of the Eoglish Cabinet, and © propose @ modification in its internal policy or the adop jon of more liberal views towards Iretand, or to recom mend more humane conduct towards its Indian subjects * What would he say—wha! would he reply to the repre -entatives of that Power which interfered in such guise with the governmen: of her Majesty’ He would reply, asthe Court of Naples now replies, that be does not recognize in any one the right or the power to dictate 4 line of copduct or to address re) Or rather he would not do this: lord Palmerson would not even give himself the trouble to reply at all; be would most probably serd the meddling representative his passports. And bas not the King of Napies, as well as Great Britain, the right to look after his own honor and that of his peo- ple’ He may, as proof of bis good will, listen to commu nications made with a view to the consolidation of public order in Europe; but uch communications must be made with that moderation and ceference which are di (0 a tree and independent sovere gn; and he alove must allowed to form bis upon the propriety of U propored measures, ‘of the moment for carrying th out. Noone except the King can form a correct judg ment upon What circumstances may require. It is said that the nt state of things requires certain altera tone and improvements. It is stated that the armed attacks of the revoluticn against the government of the Two Sicilies have ceased. This is prima facte evidence tbat the system to them, and” which i¢ the object of such violent attacks, if not co uselers or Bo baneful a& some persons wish it to be believed. But, 4 is added, the necessity for such a syetem no longe existe. The King is not of this opinion, and bis will appot be oppored unless the exercise of superior torce ean be agwerted ay a right. But what will thea become of the principle of royal authority? and what value will ve attached to the sols of a government which have ema nated under the pressure of a foreign Power? Uader sveb circumstances any concession, however justifiable woule lore all effect. His Majesty King Ferdinand, there ore, regards himself as perfectly ju in maiptaiuiog his prerogative, and of notity ing bi jention to decide himeelf ak-ne upon what ought to be done, and the proper cme for doing it. He ardently desires that the time may peedily be at hand; but it cannot be denied that the vio- cept and systematic attacks of the lish prees and demands thundered forth in the English larliament are fa bature to adjourn that time for the presente Is \ supposed that auch means are calculated to calm the evi! paseiona of a country y to the revolutionary doctrines of 18487 It cantot surely have been alrea- ¢y forgotten that the Central Committee of Italy only recently established the principle ‘* that political amsas sipation Was not a crime, especially when its objec to get rid of a powerful enemy,’’ and that ts same committee put a price upon the bead of the King of Naples, and promised a reward of 100,006 ducats “to man who rid Italy of this monster.” deri +h recent facts, it if not only the right, Dut it @ the duty of his Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies, to act with the greatest caution, and not to relinquish carelessly stem of government which ne thought fit to adopt, as much in the interest of hie sub sects as for bie own safety. It hae been asserted, aod sttempts have been made to establish this assertion, that he constitution of 1848, under which the above execra ble principles were openly Promulgated, is the fendamen tal iaw of the kingdom of Naples. Bat it is overlookeu tbat when tbat coustitation was proposed to the Sicilian ‘arliament, they oe it with contempt, aod asked for the constitution of 1512. The concessions then made by King Ferdinand Ii. bad no other effect than to increase the demands of the revolutionary faction throughout the whole of Italy, and the risings Which took plage at Na oles and at Palermo were the s for rigings in Sardini , Rome, and Lomoaruay. Is it desired to gee a renewa! vi hore \readful crimes and catastrophes of which unber oy Italy was then the theatre’ The constitution of Isee vould be wonderfully adapted to bring forward a re petiion of them. But, on mature reflection, that cannot be the idea of the Cabinets of london «od Paris, whose ebject must be maintenance ihe peace atFurevr so dearly beaght. Especial! cannot be the view of ihe French Cabinet. After ken such energetic mea ures at home to put down ution. Frapee surely cannot seek to crente it in Italy “bis would be in direct opposition to that wise and clever wlicy which has been #0 succeesfully carried out “rence and kngland should also remember that the war n the Fast was undertaken precisely to prevent a foreign ‘ower irom interfering .Jn the affairs of Turkey. Any imilar interference in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies would bem curious anomaly, not to give it a more pre- ‘ae qualification, King Ferdinand cannot, and wil! not, velieve in anything of the sort. He places hull contitenoe n the acknowledged principle 80 gloriously establiched vy the Courts of Faris and London, according to wiih every ‘State, although much weaker than the vowir which wishes to force its counsels upon it, bas the neortestable right to reject thore counsels if they con ‘ain # menace Or an attack upon its independence. The King ie firmly resolved to adhere to what he has said. \(, however, an attempt should be made—which is scarce. ¥ pessible—Yo go further (passer owtre,) his Majesty, ret ying on the justice of his cause, would appeal to the pa riotiem of his people, and, trusting to bis brave and aithtul army, would repel force by foree. Affairs in Russta, It will be remembered that in 1855, in obedience to or. lore hem St. Petersborg, all the rorts along the Circassian onst, ir eluding the tortrees of Anapa, were destroyed by the Ror: iame. Sinee the clove of the war ali tae positions ‘hue abemdoned have been reoeenpied by them. The re A <s, cecupation of Apapa has been effected by the ald of the Russian fleet. Fi of gunboats, some of propelled by steam, left Nicolaieft, Reni and Torail. trated, days since into the straits of Yeni Kertsch, while a land force advanced along the shore to- wards the fort, The defences of the place having bebbre been destroyed it was unable to offer resist xace, and was at once vecupied by te Russians. The Circassiaas with: drew into the movntains, taking with them ffven piese: of caunon and all the provisions. It's thought the Rus. rians Will rest satisfied with the taking of Anaoa, and wi leave all furthur operations till next campaign.’ Gem Be- wuto!l bas the temporary command. Another despatch eays the Russians have also taken, poesession of Novogeorwiask, on the Ghelendjik. The diplomatic corps intending to be present at the Czar’s coronation, would leave St, Petersbu.g on the 2dr ot August, for Morcow. The departure of the Empeiwr Alexander was fixed for the 26th; his solomn entry iio Moscow will take ae 4 00. e ‘29th ultimo, and the coro- we 7 y ceremony of the coronation and its adjuncts will apya- rently throw into the shade every former proceeding a a» similar kind ip Rusvia or elaewhere. The toaguificenceo:” the preparations is something fabulous. There will be present no fewer than ten European princes, besides te presentatives of Powers and principalities ucnumberid, The Grape of France and Germany, | [trom the London Times, Aug. 25.] The following letter furnishes the latest description oj) the prospects of this year’s vintage in France aad Gen. many :— Sm—Having just returned trom visiting toe pri Is wine districts of France and Germany, I veg to offer sollowing remarks:— During the last thirty years the demand for champagne, | not only for this, but ior other countries, hes increased immensely; but'the supply has kept pace with the de- mand, and, although the land capable of poate thir) peculiar wine is comparatively limited, the vineyards | generally very carefully cultivated, there seems no reason to doubt that the same causes which have hitherto led to increased production, without diminution of quality or higher prices, will continue to operate. This district hus entirely escaped the vidium, or wis, disease; but, owing to several unfavorable seasons, | stocks are low, thereis but little very fine wine, and prices bave lately risen, owitg to cold weather in the spring and heavy rains aflerwards. The vintage thir year must be small, bu; the long-eontinued heat hag been very beneficial, and, if flne weather continues, excellent wine may be expected. By reference to the map of France it will be seen that the whole of the district generally supposed by English men to be the only plase where wine, besides chiautpagne, can be found for them, is the small spot below Bor on the Garonne. extending 50 or 60 miles dowa the river. This is the country of claret, known everywhere else ac Bordeaux wine; much of it Weservedly hed in great re pute, and probably ten times as much is eoid yearly ir France and abroad under the name of Pordeaux as ie ‘astually produced in the whole Medoc. The disease has been very severe there for two or three years, and con- sequently there is but little fine wine, and the prices of al the common descriptions have risen enormously, But the vine itself is regaining its natural healthy, vigorous look, evidently throwing off the disease which formerly seeired to threaten ita very existence, and it be fair. ly hoped that with the healthy stem’ even aa year will givs abundance of good (ruit. From Bordeaux to Toulouse is one continuation of hills and plains of healthy looking vines, less aad less cared for as the distance from the former town and the expense 0 carriage increase. After leaving Toulouse we come inte Ube great wine distric’s, which possess a climate and soi nowbere in the world surpassed, but, although very productive of food and drink, capable of greaz imcrease. As one proof of this,1 may mention thst a commor| sight was a circular space ina field, beaten dovan level, on which were laid the mpe sheaves of corn, on whict were three women with flails, three or four oe or} horses kept running reund, and a man or women = tbree bullocks, dragging behind them a large stone longitudinal grooves; and, after the corn has been thu: thrashed out, the etraw is carried of, and the corn up £0 as to let the wind biow away the cha't It may be inferred from this bow the vines are looked to end: the wine made, and it is probably no exaggerated suppositio: that, immense as is even the usual produce of grea! district, — the i, ‘throwr open by the railways now in progress, by the opening of the English market, the rn may be increased tenfold. The disease has ver; virulent, and stocks were never before so low or prices] so high, and this y ear will be little if any better; but al anxiety as to the decay of the vine itself hae vanished. for everywhere it looks strong and well, and the vd has already led to greater attention to the ct x greater part of the wine drunk im Paris anc cheapness. But even now, although the are 60 dear as to have had the unfortunate effect of driv ing many of the working classes to spirits, very fair qua Iities can be bad at prices which astonish ap who would be not less surprised to find that adding the usual application of brandy that port ne would bave a wine quite adapted for Jobn Ball, thougt’ too strong for the Hollander, the Hamburger or the Swede ip their fine climates. Proceeding onwards to Montpelier and Avignon, th« #ame fertility and abundance presents iteii the Rhone, the wines, being generaily round, show more delicacy and variety, au © on getting into the Burgundy country, where a very eir vintage may be expected, and where the oidium ba ever been very bad. Throughout the beautiful country from Dijon, in Bur undy, t© Manvheim, on the Rhine, not much wine roduced, but there the great Rhenish vineyards in nd continue a long way down the river, These ot prong nesy escaped the disease, we there is — hoy. one fine vintage in every live or six years. The promises to be fine, bat the quantity smal! vorra In the Palatinate the vines are heavily laden with well vrown grapes, giving the prospect of a abundant supply) -# A pleasant, though very light, cheap wine of thi district. The conviction in all the wine districts I have visited {i that prices have attained their maximum, and conse| quently purchases are made only for immediate wants and consumption ts diminishing. This stste of matter) Must continue till it is bnown bow the vintage of 185’ will prove, and, if itis very abundant, « great fall may] be e: , for every one will then bring forward what ever be bas for sale, remembering the former usual priv: and what he therefore expect by holding on. Thi} fear wil! not be ished by the knowledge of the talling off in the demand at home and aby and by th enormous power of production, further incited by searcit, and high prices. ‘The Prussian Naval Engagement with Pirates. LPSince my eter ofthe say before yesteniay a rare ‘Since my letter day betore ry °| particulars have come to light connected EK ig Be skirmish of the crew of the Pruseian corvette Dantaij| with the Ruf pirates, on the coast of Morocco. Of thes¢ various communications the official statement jm thd Prewesitche lene \s the moet circumetantial From it \¢ appears thatafter parting company with the rest of the fictilla off Madeira, the Prince-Admiral b it desirabte, on account of the cholera having raged a: Fan} chal, to procure a clean bi | of health, lest any diffcultie| should be made by the Qnarar tine authorities om occs ‘of bis potting into Gibraitar or Malta. He therefore ‘at Mogador, an¢ obtained one from the E: Ce residipg there, and thus provided, 10 Gibralta for The stock that the governmert #ores cou! rt with there not being sulictent for the prosecation o| is voyage to Constantivople, the Prince made for where there were said to be ample stocks. While on way thither. and of thefAfiican coast, the Dantzig arrives near the spot to the east o: the Spanish town of where, in 1862, a Prussian brig bad been plundored b; the patives, and inierest and curiosity led the Prince put of a boator two for the purpore of taking « peare| view of the epot; but any attempt to land lay iJ out of his tions and plans. A number ot the tants came down to the beach and made every (riendi; cemonstration at first, waving white fags, &o., sudden they poured in a volley upon the occupants «| the two boats, wounding one of the oarsmen; the voile; was returned, and, a the firing increased from the under the command of proached, and brought he| pon the piratical assailants. All ie of the steamer, with the exception of the paddi box bouts, were now tmanued and der fire of her beavy guns, the party, about 0 wut off for the shore, and abont 65 of them i jere, throwing out trailers as they went, Grove the Arabs or Moors befere them up an acclivit: about 600 or 600 feet high, that slopes close down the edge of the beach, snd piaoted the rrusean fag for on the top, but finding that the (whowe number at tbe time of landing i mentioned @ accounts to have been already 600) were continu ull ing, aod menaced to cut the put of from th} boats and to surround them entirely, the Prince them to retreat to the boats. This retreat was the tug of the battlio—the lantzg plying ber gans vigorous!) on the dense masses ¢f the natives, and the landing exp dition keeping up a steady fire of small their ammunition lasted. The foamed numer of 17 in all, were wounded in the , SIX were killed, ¢ whom three were I*ftin the fleld. The leas of she \* presumed to be three or four times as many, It ‘at the top of the acelivity that Prince Adalberd ® wound in his right thigh, and that hie sdjaten lieutenant Nieseman, received a wound, of which died just ax be was being put on board oo he return the ship. The Prince intended to return to Sngland roon as hie wound admitted of his moving, and Dantzig was, after a short stay at Gibraltar proceed Constantinop.e, where she will for the pregen. semain the disposal of the Prussian Minister there, ts. Loxnon Mowry Marker, Fripay Evesive, Aver 23, The money market continues to assume a position sing ‘arly free from uneasiness. Mr. Wiliam Avena, of Tokenhouse-yard, Lothbury, in hie weekly circa says —Discounts, instead of being restricted as wou! ‘undoubtedly be the case it there were any general q well founded apprebensions aa to the harvest, eb liberal; and the supplies atthe command of the ban and the money ors are nearly as large ay they we when the dividends were being paid three or four wee! ego. Rates certainly have not declined generally; bi the highest class of bills are taken in Lombard street, 4\,, and in some cases at 4 per cent. Exchequer bills also looking up; #0 that if the money market be of opinion in the highert and best informed quarters as the immediate future, there is no reason to be aiecou at present prospects. On the Stock Exchange been very ney; but we may expect some tightness in few C4 as Apayment of aten per cent install uy five million oan, amounting to £500,000, is d next week, while the railway settlement will 1 grees at the same time, Specie fo the value of nearly £500,000 hae arrt doring the week from Australia and the United The export to India amounted to £516,680, of wich on‘ £16,060 was in gold, all the rest being in ailver. Gold tp tees demand for France, and there is an im q ‘that less silver will be required for India, hh may absorb more, in order to pay for the increased di mand for silk from that country The return from the Bank of England for the week