The New York Herald Newspaper, July 30, 1856, Page 2

2 tweaty of peace, thore were also laid upon the table proto- | imperative duty to uphold the independence of the cols, from which it appeared that the aifairs of Italy had | of Sardinia at al! hazards (cheers); and be believ undergone some discussion at the Peace Confer- | that a feel was growing te amongst some of the epces at Paris. The immediate object of his Savwreigue: of Maly which Motion was to ascertain what had taken place, im conse- | foreign bayonets for the maintenarce of their thrones, uence of (he representations which had been made by the | This feeling ought to be encouraged woerever it was lish and French goveromen's w the goveraments of | found; and he was glad to see, from the failure of some the ltallan States, anu if he were given to understand | ecclesiastical prosecutions in Tuscany, symptoms of a that no satisiactory auswer had been received to those | spirit of independence anda better state vi tags. lu Tepresentations, he should then ask what were the inten- | Parma, too, Was rising ap a xpu it uc cesistevoe tothe tions cf her Majesty's government with regard to their | intolerance of Austria, ou the part of the go’ ment of that future policy? because he thought he should be enabled to show that unless they were prepared (Wo pursue the course » which they had entered, and unless it was their intention to take some serious steps with regard to the allairs of Italy, it would be better for the people of that country, and better for the character of the British government, that her Majesty’s ministers should at once declare tbat they meant no more than to make friendly represebiations, and that those frieadly representations having bad no effect, it was not their iuteation to ‘© any further consideration of the matter. is, he thought. would be much better than th) only other course which the government could pursue, viz. -— the repetition of ineifectval remonstrances. (Hear, hear.) There might be those who would say that whea the war with Russia bud ended happily, the powers who were State. The noble lord has also referred w an opinion of tae late Emperor Napoleon, that \ustrian domination was so bated in aly ‘because it ruled with the stick, Hot with the sword. He (Lord J. Russel!) believed this’ was the true secret of Austrian power im Italy; and it would be easy to compel Austria to withdraw her troops by a firm cectara tion on the part of France and Hugland. He had heard o surmise that France would not aseist this country in this matter; but be could not believe that ac ally who had be- baved so loyally and gallantly i, war wonld de sert us after her own minister ht the question forward in the congress st Paris. He wan glad that the French Emperor bad bimself taken this step. It was not for him to suggest what steps should be taken by her nero evecare in this matter; but he trusted that they wo communicate with the government of the represented at Parts, having agreed w the terms of Emperor of the French, and see what could be effected on ought not w have raised any new question, but ought to | behalfof Italy. In conclusion, noble lord strong!y have been satistied with the work which had been done. | appealed to vernment to muke & declaration of their ‘He would not, however, join in thatcomplaint, and it was | opinions, and of the cuurse they intended to pursue. evident that such was uot the opinion of ber Majesty’s LordyPatmenston said he not be surprised that government, and of the government of the Emperor of | his frieud had considered that it was his duty to the French. The house would be aware that on the 8th of April, Count Walewski, who presided at the Conference, thought \¢ necessary to bring before the pienipoventiaries ‘the condition of the Italian States, among other subjects: deeply interesting ail Europeam nations; but, so far from the clouds which then obscured the political horizon. of Italy baving been cispelied by che representations which were then made, it would appear that they bad become gradually darker. Count Walewski introduced the subject to the Congress by observing that the pontifical States were in an abnormal state, and that the necessity for not heaving the country to anarchy bad decided France, as weil as Austria, to comply with the demand of the Holy See by ng Rome to be occupied by her tro) the Austrian troops necupied the legations. The first French plenipovertiary also made some refertnce to the state of Naples, and hie was followed by Lord Clarendon, ‘um whose declaration the people of this country were more des interested, inasmach as he was the repre- draw the attention of the House, and through it the atten- tion of the country, to the interesting and important mat- ters which he had just brought under their notice. It ‘was impossible to overrate the importance of these mat ters in the preseut condition ot Europe. They had just ‘Witnessed the termination of one of the greatest, although one of the shortest, wars in which this country had ever been engaged. That war bad been happily terminated; and, altbough the questions which gave rise to it had threatened to result ip consequences most calamitous to Furope, they had now been settled in a manner which, he trusted, would effectually remove any epprehension from that source for along time to come. A Congress had as- sembied at Paris to discuss the conditions uf the peace; and it was only natural ‘hat the representatives of the eat Powers of Europe should not separate without ing directed their attention to other matters of Eu- ropean interest beyond the immediate objects for which they had been called together. It would have been a re- sentative ot her Majesty at the conference. Lord Cla- | proach to the representatives of the great Powers if, Tendon stated that it was most desirable that all | when they had been called together for the great purpose foreign troops should be removed from Roma | of European pacification, they had shut their eyes to cir and the Roman States, and then went on to | cumstances which might bring about future complica abserve that “for the well-being of the pontitical States, as also for the interests of the sovereign authority ®f the Pope, it would be advantageous to recommend . vation of the goverament and the organi. 2 administrative system io harmony with the age, and having for its object the happiacss copie. He admitted that this reform might per- in Rome itself, at the present moment, certain ies: but he thought that it might be easily accom- plished in the legations He also observed that for the dest cigu years Bologna had been wi # state of seige, and Uvat the rural districts were barassed by brigauds. It might o¢ hoped that by establishing in this pa-t of the Roman “tates an administrative and judicial system at once secular and distinct; and by organizing there a na- tonal armed force, security and confidence would rapid- fy be restored, and the Austrian troops might shortly Withdraw, without huving to apprehend the return of freeh troubles. It was at least an experiment which, in bie (Lord Ciarendon’s) opinion, ought to be attempt- ed; and this remedy, proposed for indisputable evils, Ought to be submitted by the Congress to the serious cousideration of the Pope.’ With respect to the Neapo- tan government, Lord Clarendon stated that ‘+ he was desirous of imitating the example given nim by Count ‘Walewski, by passing over iu silence acts which have obtained tuch grievous notoriety. He was of opinion ‘that it must doubtiess be admitted in principle that no P ctoape gore bad the right to interfere in the internal af- of otuer States; but he considered that there were cases in which the exception to this rale became equally a@rightandaduty. The Neapolitan government seemed to bave confessed this right, and to have impoved this duty op Furope: and, as the goverments represeuted in the Congres: wer? all equally desirous to support the mo- rarchical principle, and to repel revolution, it was a duty to hift up the voice against a system which keeps up re- volutionary ferment among the masses, insteat of seek. ing to moderate it.” These representations were followed at the conference by similar representations on the pert of other countries—Connt Buol, on the part of Ausiria, having alone declined to enter into the discus. ion. Count Cavour stated ‘that the occupation of the Roman “tates by the Austrian troops assumed every day more of a permanent character, that it had lasted seven years, aud that, nevertheless, po indications appesred Which would lead to the supposition that it would cease ata more or less early period; that the causes which Gave rise to it were still in existence, that the state of the country which they occupy was assuredly not improved, ‘and that. in order to be satistied of this, it was enough to remark that Austria considered herself obliged to main- tions, as dangerous to the peace of Europe as those which it had been their gratifying duty to put anendto. The aftvirs of Italy, therefore, naturally attracted their atten- tion. His noble frtend bad well remarked, that occu- pations of independent States by foreign troops was such a departure from the ordinary course of affairs that they were only to be justified by an immediate and pressing necessity, and that they ought not to be con- tng after the uecessity which gave occasion for them ad been removed. If they were, the power which con. tinued them beycnd that period became deeply responsi- ble, and was bound to show the reasons upon which it acted. The occupation then of several of the Italian States by foreign troops, naturally attracted the attention of the Congress of Paris; and no one was more ntting than the representative of the Emperor of the Frencb, whose troops participated in these occupations, to bring the subject under the notice of that reas. Jt was ‘most honorable to the Emperor of the French, that he should have instructed his representative to take this courte, and by so doing signify his desire to putan end to this state of things, if he could obtain the concur. rence of Austria. The discussion, however, did not jJead to apy resuit. The representative of Austria held out no hopes that his government would take any steps in this cirection; and he professed to be without instructions on the subject. nobie friend (Lord J. Russel!) therefore wished to know what were the tnten- tions of ber Majesty's government; whether they meant to let the matter altogether, or whether they feit it to be their duty to continue to press the matter on, and what steps it was their duty to take in so doing.’ He (Lord Palmerston) thought that both his noble friend and the House would feel that when her Majesty's govermen:, in conjunction with the government of the Emperor of the French, had made themselves @ party to an official re- presentation, with a view of inducing a cessation of those ebnormal occupations, it was no momentary result that eught tobe expected, and that no failure for the time sgould induce the governments of the two great countries to desist from any endeavors which they might think would produce results greatly to the advantage of all Purope. What steps her Majesty’s gov- erpmpent might think it their duty to take, his noble friend, ¢f all men, must feel that it would be unbecoming for bim to state; but he bad no hesitation in saying that the questian Was one of the greatest importance, and Ubet he emertained the strongest hope that the objects which the Congress at Paris bad in view might be even: tually realiged. (Hear, har.) It was aid, on one side, ‘that if the ocoupations were put a stop to, scenes of revo \ution and disaster would ensue. It would be unbecom tain in ite severity the state of siege at Bologna, al- | ing in spectators at a distance to express an opinion on though & 4 fr the occupation itself. The | the vali tty of thts objection; but, reasoning on a great Presence of the Avstrian troops ip the legations and | principle, he could not bring himself to think that the an. ticipations of these evils were not exaggerated, or tha; a government like that of the Pope, for in stance, with ap enlightened man at its head, would not be able to acminster its afluirs so as to re- move any causes of discontent which would render con- vulsions probable. He then referred to the concessions aranted by the Fope on his accession, ant again on his restoration in 1849, aud stated bis opinion that if they bad been carried into fill effect, they wéuld have re- moved al} causes of discontent, and rendered jorviya occu pation uancces-ery He could not help thunkiog that if the Was well advmed by thane whore couneels he followed, even the limuted concessions which be bad for merly made would have bad the most satisfactory results, Her Majesty's goverpment felt that the cessation of oc. cupation in Italy by for: ign troops, acd the prevention of them f r the future, were one of the most {portant ob- ects which they and the Freuch government could ac- fn the Duchy of Parma destroyed the balance of power im Italy, and constitated & real danger for Sar. dinia."” "No doubt the occupation of Rome aud of the Renian “tates was tim) ar to ocoupations whica had for meriy received the sanctiou of the British government, being solely an occupation for the preservation of @e in and independence of a kingdom. 1: was, hower er, a matter of very great importance to Europe bo consi der whether the occupation of the Italian States by fo- reign troops shoulé continue any longer. In the first piace, he (Lord Jobn Rayeell) was aware of no instance im wbich ab occupation of this nature had lasted for so long @time, An occupation dy foreign troops for tue purpose la cage it bad been resorted to soley fur the pur. bing the usual relaidous between @ subjects; and a8 soon as that ob- as accomplished, the’ foreiga troops bad with Of restorzg order was @ rery modera practice. every “After the war of 1815 @ war which raised | compiich. With respect to Napies, their representations pe in arms, when a million troops were put | bed not as yet been attended with any iafactory re- fm motion inorder to cepose Napoleon from the throu: | *vlt His noble friend bad expros: od opicton that a pertere from the ordinary p ‘ened a foreign power from inte affairs of another couutry, was juatitic of things im that kirgdom, “fle (Lord Va! agi cod im this opinion, and he would b Dear in mind the important resalts which of France, and when £160,000,000 of money were | Spent by this country im that year alone, it was consider ed wut late an Occupation ‘of Paris for dive then the treops were withirawn two ¢ fixed term of occupation had expired by the Frecch, in 1824, oaly he need scarcely remint nouora- | aifecting the peace of the whole Conti bie members that ntipuance of the occupation, even } injustice and severity of the King of Naples rhould lead for that period, created great dissatisfaction. The occu to an outbreak, and be wid find himeectlf unable to pation of Rome, however. commenced in 1849, and had i# position, he would immediately ap; ot yet terminated. He would not pause to inquire | sesietauce to Austria, and then it would be a question lor her the government of Rome was good or bad. if it | the other Powers to say whether they allow thie ‘was a good government, there could be no need cf the | additional interference. This question would ¢ - assittance of foreign troops; if, on the coutrary, it | & serious effect upon the peace of burope and the ttor was a bad government and ‘that bai coverninent | ests of other countries; and that fact Was a sufficient jus had been continued for se years without | tification tor a friend y ‘nterierence on the part of kng: amen mt, he could see no prow st amending it | land and France, for the purpose of induciag tue King of by cont a the occupation. (It ar)) The | Naples to prevent by own means the occurrence noble lord here referred to the declarations made | of events which m lead to such great complica by the French government at the time when | liont and embarrasements to the Interests of the the cecupation of Rome was decided upon. 4 then | other European Powers, Although the ,overn to allude to the oocupation of other portioas of | maut of Naples had looked with suspicion upon the a. He referred to the particu. | advice from France and kngiand alone, ministers did pot despive that advice of the sate kind w night reas’ the Neapolitan government from other qui it would be received with more entire eon’ cause an effect which England aud Frence bad failed to produce. There with regard to Naples as we'll as | with regard to . they did not dexpsir, They saw a ich threatened the best interests of Barc Uhat the Brivis gor ernment bad ¢ an Unprove. } ment, (Hear fee! that he could pot go furth } he bad no hesitation im giving bis f m one point friend's observations. His noble t | the King of § baving nobly a eafely b Thus the evil propagated itself. Let | with kegland ance, had oxtad i them, however, look at another portion of Maly rely on the protection of Englan Ube Bilier, under circum-tances 0( great ¢ifleuit, danger net brought abou by im war [or preserving toe general interosts his own part. The provocation, he was « small State nobly steppe! forwas and took up Sard woeid be tog wire to give; and ty tion by their side in & most noble and galamt mar | Ccoontries wore bound by every tue of honor wer. (Cheers) Sardinia had sutlered heariy im mer | (Cheers.) He was satiefed that the knowledge that sect Hes existed woula of if be enough to pew a: his we Ubreatened. No doubt, aio, that as bis noble friend aa- vised, it would be desirab ¢ to encourage those sovervigns f Italy whose territories were (ree of foreign troops, previous comfict with Austria, and her Soauces were Oppresstvely burdened, but she bad not borttated, fully relying that her powition and proepects ia aly would ¥ considerably ameliorated by the support of the two great Bilied powers. He might be wid that there was no specitic errangement made for thie ia the treaty wita Sardinia, but he coo ended that in spirit they were bound to iend ber this eLcouragewent and eapport; and \t was a question of Beowr «ith her Majesty's government and that of the like Tuscany. or stil occupied, like Parma, in retrieving and maintaining there territorial tncependenee. I was true that Italy was removed from us; but the Bistory of Rurope was foil of examples @ great wars and disturbacees commencing in Ktaiy, bwt spreading much Pm of the French not to abandon her. He might | further. and leading to greet baropean ware. He be * thet hese governments necer had any inven. | Agreed further, m thinking with his noble friend, that iow to lnterfere in the affwirs ef Italy. bat mean: to rert | the mmgt argent ettention should be given by the British eatiefied with their protocols, Bat he considered that, | fov to the allure of Italy. Anu the interests of Ra baviny cour so far, they would be under a deep reproach | Topeand of Eogland would be best secured by giving por And hotiaton 4M they remained satisfied with the mega. | feet i mdence to the States of Italy within their own tive resuks which had been occasioned by the declara- | limite. With regard to the production of papers, he was tious of the Cougress at Paris If Count Cavour and the | sure his noble friend would be satistied with the assa energetic government of Sariinia were drewen from po that in the present state of things, wits the corres pendence still going op, it would not be conducive to the public service to lay them on the table. fe could ouly say, therefore, that, concurring with the general vi which his noble friend had #o well deveiopet, he Because they had relied upon the promises of Gag’ end France, if they retired in deepair of maintaining the fortunes of Italy, woul these two great Powers um dergo great humiliation’ They bad urited in a congresa Of the great Powers, and they bad peered a eolema con. | served to her Majesty's government the die-retion of demnation vpon the state of ge ie Taly, even sketch parsuing those objects in a manner whieh tay leemed {ng out the means of reforming them. but if afte: the best wutted to accomplish thetr purpore. (beers. ) they euflered Austria to resi thbir objects, and Mr. Inenants said the poble lord called their atten King of Kapics to meet them with open 4 tion to a most momevtous subject. Rememberiag what flance. 4 must suffer « painfal degree of ha. | they owed w ltaiy, thet the olden ume it gar miliaven rejoiced in what ted been done at the con. | oar laws, and im the latter time our arts, Fees of Paris, and he thought \t wae dictated by a true | condition of thet country must he a mat nd sound policy: but he conldnot think that, fit was | ter of interest. But there was a way of view necessary to go #0 far, 1t could de inexpedient to carry it | ing the quertion which the noble lord had called the ut, He could not believe that it would be requisite to ake such energetic steps ax had been latety taken in he defence of Turkey; for he was comvince: a rance and Fogland said the state of thing auch hat they could permit it no longer, Anstria would at nee withdraw her army. He did not propose to enter Bio eoch matters as the secularization of the admisi-tra on in Rome, and other reforms sketched out by Lord Clarendon, They might be safely left to the Roman peo. te when they were relieved from the tncambus of fo eign Gocupatton. What he contended for was, that no foreign power should be allowed to interfere, and (0 con Cem persone to imprisonment for the slightest posite offence. The care of Naples wae somewhat fifferent: for, es Lord Clarendon pointed ont, it might not be altogether fale to remove the foreign troops in the King’s servive from that kingdom; but at the same time he should have great doubts that any constitution granted to Naples woald be durable 40 long as they continued. In Sicily, throurn the futerterence which bad taken place under Lor? William and he could not belp thinking tha ch might lead t the gravest conse nis Country, there was dunger in being led the mere poctry of politics, or by the very vague *peech which they id just heard’ from the noble lord.g However, le hud revered to the poetry of politics had made some practoal | x etions. and in ring to of Paris, bad shown that our plesiputentiary had committe! tie country to a very grave if it wae only intended to ase the row “poetry of politics in introduced euch @ subject at the conferen to have roused the passions of the peo What, he asked, were they to infor from, the qu: tious of one nobi« who had been the Prime si nister, and the answer of another noble lord who was now the Prime Minister’ Whiiet be listened to the noble jord, the member for London, he thought at frst ie was about to Counsel met sures Of |he most decisive and ener Bentinck. great improvements had commenees, but only | getic character. He could hardly suppose, after what for the time; for immediately after the withirawai of the | the noble lord had stated, that the nobie iord confined lie Engiish troops the engagements made with the Hritiah | meaning to the communication of a note, throngh our government had been violated by the Neapolitan Court, | minister, to the courts of Tuscany of Naples. The noble and fresh ones, diametrically opposite to them, were en’ | lord had alao said it was their duty to prevent the wap tered into with Austria, The Sictians complained that | pression by Austria of the liberty of the press im Ita jand had deserted them, and they made several | Hut the papers shower that @ was net Austria, bw! our great Fisings subsequently; but thie country gave them nothing | aily (he Bmperor of the Brench, why had interfered to pre Dut good wishes, This conduct had certainly excited sus. | vent Heuestonin haly. (Hear, heat.) Prom those pagers ions of England in Italy, becanse the promises made | taleo appenred that the responsibility of jot ing the ‘ord William Bentinck were not carried out. Beariog «i | Iavor tion at t1e Paris Conferences rested with she thie in mind, if, alter having stepped forward at t French Picnipetentiaey: but the further papers which had gress of Paris, aad excited expect . this country rest. | been pr {showed that it wae not Count Walewskt wlio dl satitfied with paper protocn!s, she would for ¢ a9 | War resjore ible for introducing this question. The rs {ho conddence of the whabituats of th fh the consideration of the ou pinion, it Was iseutmbent upon ther ected to these extranevus and perce of the Frenen, fm “* int Wa'ow ntro i! som me 27th Murch, the Sardinian Minister had placed in them to look beyond , } | {| ‘the hands of the French and English governments the “commuoication which had been published, coatsiaing the charges againet the Austrian government. At the couler- eu Lord Charendon said that, on principle, it was not right t# interfere Detween @ State and its su’ jocts; 0 at th rv were He asked if Lot ment i! he had not recetved instructions jodicat: decided policy than what bad been stated by th Minister that evening. The noble lord (Palmerston) had said that the state of allairs at Naples was dan gerous, as it might result in the armed interference of Avstria, which would probably lead to the most serious calamities to Furope; but he also stated that, though England and France bad not succeeded in their rem sn. stranees with Naples, he did net despair that another Power would succeed by ite triendly interference. He (Mr, Digraeli) understood that Austria was tae Power re- ferred to, and he concluded that the noble lord was in- consistent in stating that there was fear of an Austrian in- varion, at the same time that he was holding out hopes that the peril might be ended by the it inter- ference of Austria. (Hear, hear.) The also bave felt the awkwardness of asserting aseictance of Our great ally, we should be nd ate Occupation oF mee we onda reat ally was occu; Very capital at, he asked, a) the we thus rousing the passions of the people unless he was prepared 10 interfere effectually, anu upless he bad also the feeling of the House and the coun try with him? It might be well, so far as the poetry of polities were concerned, to dixcuss the gatwr; bul were they prepared to go farther than the mere discussion, a xl ‘to commit the country to a line of policy which might b« attepced with the most serious consequences? Ther were two ways of dealing with the question. They migh £0 to war w th Austria, and send a to Naples and th Adriatic. They could also send ships and convey th~ troops of their ally to any part of Italy; and after enga ging in a war, perbaps as long and devastating as the Pu- bic war, they might, in the course of Sena, change the whole constitution of Italy. If such was their plan, he called on the Ministers to state it to Parliament, and appeal to the opinion of the public. There wax an- other mode by which they might attain their object In 1848 it was his (Mr. Disraeli’s) part to lay before Parliament the affairs of Italy. He remembered well what the government of day had done, aad Delieved their conduct had been so dangerous to the in. terest of Italy that he viewed with pain and fear anv at tempt at pursuing a similar course by sending missions 10 give advice to the people of Italy. That second m tod Might be accomplished by rousing the passions of the Italian People: ey need not declare war; but they might ret Italy in fam and produce consequences which all would deplore. ning aside, however, trom this topic, he would first ask what was the state of Na ples? government ought, he thought, to state what the condition of Naples was. But, assuming all thee tales of ruthless imprisonment to be true, he believed that It was caused by the panic fear of the sovereizu of a small State, subject to perpetual insurrections and conspiracies fomented by foreign States. The same ttatements had been made years before with refer- ence to the Avstrian patriots imprisoned in Austrian dungeons ; but had they interfered in favor of them? Had they not ali heard of the banishments to Siberia, but had they declared war with Russia on that accounty had not hegpow gn wo deca. swat: for, pene causes mary tpt erful states; and why, he asked, should they adopt erliiferent policy with pe ato sma)l and comparatively powerless? People believed that the perils of Italy arose from all liberty being crushed and overpowered by its occupation by foreign troops: but he conceived that the great peril of Italy arose from secret societies. It was useless to deny that all Italy, the greater part of France and* Germany, and very much of the rest of Europe, were covered by @ network of secret socielies who wanted, not constitutional governments or retorming Popes, but @ transfer of all the lands from their present possessors, the overthrow of the church, and still moreextreme changes. They would have a re: public im Naples, formed on extreme opinions, which would be followed by the Pope becoming a fugitive; in which case, perbaps, his Hon. friend behind him (Mr. Spencer) would say there was no great harm. (Laugh- ter.) triumvirs would be re-established in Rome, and toe cardinals and priests would be banished. What of thaty it might be said, Jet the cardinals and priests go; for po _ republic can be as great a tyranny as that which had been overthrown. But did they think that that would be the end of tt¥ Italy would be oce spied by the forces of the twe reat Catholic powers, France and Austria. The red repub- cans would be conquered; but the snifering of the people would be dreadtul; nor would the mischief even end there. ‘The secret societies of France would be on the alert. With all respect for the great prince who now so ably ruled France. and bad go powerful an army devotedly attactied to him, be (Mr. Disraeli) could not forget thet another great prince bad a! no distant period sat on the French throne —a prince, whose sagacity waa powerful, who, like the precept Emperor, had also been schooled in adversity, whose name was never mentioned in that house Dut in terms of pamegyric from each side, who also was surrounded by an army flashed! with com quest, yet who Jell suddenly from the machiwations of secret societies. catastrophe was precipitated by the scarcity ot the previous year: and he re minded the bouse that was bow also sulleriog from @ great calamity, I might be that the sagacuy of the present ruler would succeed in mitigating its con- sequences; but he would be very careful ia his policy to avoid strengthening the secret societies, which were a ource of such danger to bis throne. He believed that f the advice of the noble lord, the member tor London, were fullowed, the p:cgress of civilisatic: and Improvement n Italy would be retarded; and be theretore expressed his alisfaction that, notwithstanding all the pomyp of the con erences, and a!! the detail of the protocols, itappeared to be the calm and weil considered soild determination of her majesty ’s ministers, as regarded the affairs of Italy, to do nothing. (Hear, and a laugh.) He believed tht the uo. bie lord (Lord Palmerston) bad remembered the expe rience cf 1827 and 1848, and be bad mae up his mind pot to enter again into a position as ditficuit and dangerous as be then occupied. He bad als> «uch con. fidence in the wisdom of the Emperor of the French as to fee) persuaded tat, as regarded the affuirs of [uly, his majesty Was of the same opinion and determination as the noble lord at the head of the British government, He (Mr. Disrael) could fee! as highly for the condition of Italy any gentleman in that house, and he believed that the time ‘woul! come when in Italy there we societies Dor crownec despots. These, jects tor the closet, and pot for the «| cal popular assembly. H @ clear conception of the ol d, they would only arrest the lisation in Italy. It wag impossible to conceal selves that the great power of italy was | unless they were prepared to enter {nto an interne stroggle with Austria, thelr object should be to rene ‘Austrian rule mild aud beneficent, and not to encoarag: © who were prepared to conspire agalost it Ile Lad mireif visited Italy, in 1845 and 1849; avd though be did not find the country under @ rule tke that beneath which poetry, the arts and civilization flourished, he ba: toand that Under the rule of Austria thore had been ao inimonse expendivure of imperial money upon great public works. that the people bad been lighdy taxed, and that there had of civ been a progressive material impr nt in this country The pobie Lord, the member for 1 By Aad, noggh there might be no formal treaty with Surdiaw, biog ws 10 support it against other powers, yet, after the adhesion of Sardinia to the great alliance agaiast Russia, we were bound im honor t come to the suppost of that couatry 11 attacked. The nobie lord also ridiculed the notion Sardinia, attacking Austria, but the noble lord forgot that in JS45 it wae Sardinia that attacked Austria, nd not Austria that attacked Sardinia. He (Mr. Disraeli) trusted that the King of Bardia’. would prout by the ex perience of 1848, and that be woald continue to pur policy which bad carned for him the respect of 4 which would secure Lim against any unjast Hear, hear.) It was to the interest of the King o. ‘nia to preserve peace in Italy, but if he were to fo! the advice of the noble lord the peace of laly would gered, and the throne of Sardinia would fall, not but by the edivets ew than the w be en by Austria or by foreign ocoupatic of men who had other objects it tit vai improve {iow and attention o the Kin of civilization, it was to be due to stir ap the passions of the ) felt satictied that the House woult courve recommended by tue Dobie lord, London, i they were to interfere in ltaiy a a real interferences; Dut if they were not prepared to ac complieh their pokey by force, the be do would be to remain sient, and not © the people of Maly intown enterprise. the co which tight be most dimetrous to the whole of the poo ple. (Hear, bear.) Lord Jomy Reexr e@apiained of the mieroprosenta: tions which the right bonorable gentieman (Mr Ineraeti) had put vpon his observations. He (Lord John Rassetl) bad referred only to occupations by forega troops, and be did not propose to interfere in other States Which soquiesced in a dos form of government of their own free will He only soggested that the governments should either abetain from ail interference in Italy, or should proceed in the line marked out by the protocols of the Congress of Paris. He twd de- sired to ascertain the intentions of the goverament; for he wished to know whether Austria's occapasons were to continue im Italy until she had obtained a title to the States she occupied. He expressed hie ratisfaction at hearing that the government cid uot tend to abandon the views ex in the Congress at Paris. He hat not presumed to d the course which they should pursue, and he was gied to thivk that there was some ground for the favorable anticipation of the noble lord st the head of the government, that the Italian Powers might be induced to adovt the necessery reform them velver. The motion was then negative! without a d:viston. ‘The Dantsh Sound Does. Loxoos. Priiay. 11, 1866, ‘The select committee appointed to ingfire imto the Sound dues assembled in Londen at one o'clock, Mr. C. P. Villiers_in_ the chair, The other members present were Mr. T. Milner Gibson, Mr, Liddell, Mr. Duncan, Mr. Mitebell, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Hutt, Me. Pramicy Moore, Mr. Cardwell and Mr. R. Phiilimor: the first witness called. He said he he minister representing this country at Copenha- avd was acquainted with the desire of the Danish nment to meet the views ft other countries with regard to the abolition of the Sound dues, The repre- different countrie ad been invited to meet avh government and discuss the question; and, renee, tables were iuced showing the d by each nation. rally speaking, he wae enabled to confirm the evidence already given as to the inconvenience and dangers arising from the deten: tion of s+arels at Fleinore. ‘Ther eros aents at Elsinore who paid the dues and charged a com roiesion. The agencies were very profitable, several of them realiving_ae much as £2,000 8 year. By the tretty of 1645 a fixed rate was levied upon emamerated artisies in the shape of Sound does, and that fixed rate war continted in the treaty of 1841, In 1701 a treaty wee entered into between Holland and Denmark, and subsequently receded to by othergcountries, by which it wae wgreed that an ad valorem duty of one per cent heula be paid Gpon wnenowerated artictes, There could, therefore, be fo question as to the duties to which different descriptions of goods were liable; and he had never heard that the charg ed bad been principal reason Which induced the Danish government to desire a revision of the dues was the objection of the government of the United states vo pay tbem. The United States objected tothe payment oa iweiple, but were perfectly willity w pay Denmark a fair indemnity for the abolition of the dues, 4o tar as the ships of that countey were concerned He was ut aware thatany other counwy had relused two pay the dues. Prussia, Sweden, Norway aud the Germaa States bad already agreed to the proposition of Denmark to abolish the dues upon the payment of a xed sum. At the present moment there was @ canal in Sweden by which goods could be couveyed to the Baltic; but as Swe den was most anxious to get rid of the Sound dues, he could not conceive that she had any desire to secure the soonest for berself. Transit dues were levied upon goods which went overland. All countries were bound to pay the Sound dues, but there were exemptions irom the payment of transit dues. Th») latter dues were im- posed for the purpose of protecting the Sound dues, though perhaps it was scarcely consi-tent with the spirit of the favored Dations’ clause of the treaty to impose a tax, apd yet open a side door by which particular coun- tries might evade payment of the Sound dues. By Mr. Minor Gnison—Gooas were not exempted be cause they came from a particuliar country; but certain descripuona of goods were exempted. Comiug from where they might, goods of that particular description would enjoy the exemy the Cuamenn—He'was not aware of any arrange- ment \0 carry tue geods of other countries free The re venue cerived from tho transit dues was not very cor siderabie, the amownt pad to Denmark during tbe jast four years having averaged adout £5.40 a;car. The Russian government had offered to come in under the terms propesed by the Danish government. He believed the Prussian governmert, though anxious tor the abolition of the dues were waiting to see whut terms the British government proposec ftr their abontion before stating ler own terms. As yet, the only terms which hat been offered for the abolition of the dues had come from Denmark herself. Ifa separate treaty were entered ints between Denmark and the United States, the American flag woult simply cover American goods. All other goo is passing the Sound iu American vessels would still be Hable to the payment of Sound dues. By Mr. BRaMigy Mooxe—At present the dues were mortgaged by the Danish government to a firm in Lon. don, He wag not aware that any proposal had been made for their redemption, Ry the Cmancktion or te Excurgcer—The United States ‘al made an offer to Denmark, aud if Dewmark reiused 10 accept that offer, she would do so at the risk of incurring a war with America. If, however, she were to accept 4, all Amarican ships would be exempt from pay me? t of the dues, and i at case he did not see what means the Danish government would have ot ascertal sing whether the goods carried were American or viherwise. At the present moment the American ships paid the dues under protest. Prussian vessels paid the dues, but aad a portion of them subsequently returned to them. By the CnarkMax—Toe Sound dues were an important source of revenue to the Danish government. The reve- nue amounted to from £220,000 to £230,000, exclusive of the expense of collection, which would probabiy amount to about £4,000 a year. The ligbt dues amounted to ‘about £4,000 a year, one fourth of which was paid by the shipping of this country, Vessels under forty tons bur- then paid a smaller sum for light dues than larger ves. sels; but as all the vessels which went from this country to the Baltic were above forty tous bigthen, they neces- sarily paid the higher rate. By the Cuaxcvtior ov THE ExcequkR—The sum which it was proposed that England sbould pay, in commutation, was £67,000 per annum, That sum was calculaved upon an average of nine years—from 1842 to 1547, aad from 1851 to 1856. The three years, 1848-50, were omitted on ‘account of the Danish war, because during its continu. ance the proportion of payments by different States was greatly altered. The principle adopted was, not that the flag under whieh the goods were carried should pay the dues, but the country to which the goods belonged. By Mr. Hurt—The Danish government were bound by treaty to maintain the lights in the Sound. Mr. Bexnipam, a merchant, of London, was then called, and spoke of the inconvenience and danger resulting from the detention of vessels in the Sound while the duties were being collected. He thought that the dues ought to be abolished altogether, and that the British government should pay a fixed sum annually to Denmark, and levy it upon the commerce of this country with the Baltic. He believed that the abolition of the dues would give an im petus to trade, and would lead to a great increase in the commerce of this country and the Baltic. At present, there were numerous agents at Elsinore, who obtained a considerable protit from the Sound dues, The otficers of the Sound Custom heuse were chiefly paid by fees l’ro. bably the Danish government obtained about 80 per cent of the dues levied. Wi-ness bad resided in Elsinore, but left it in 1819 At that time, it possessed a population ot from 7,000 to 8,000. In reply to Mr. Bramley Moore, The CuAinman stated that he proposed to adjourn the committee til Tuesday, wben he would be prepared to examine a witness connected with 2 Russian house, and to take the opinion of the commuttee upon their further course of proceeding. — then adjourned till Tuesday at one o'clock. Lord Palmerston and the United States. (From the Loudon Morning Star, July 15.) Nothing can be more erroneous than the potion that Lord Palmerston’s tmperious and swaggering demeanor is directed only against the heads of arbitrary govern- meni. I he makes any distinction at all, it is tuat im. plied in the cutting sarcasm addressed to him by Monta ambert, in his recent letter on Italy, when he speaks of ‘his prudent longanimity’’ toward the powerful. Most certainly the character of the governments with whic! Le bas to deal has no influence on that braggart ant bumptious temper in which he delights to induige. He Las shown the same alacrity to quarrel with the constitu ictal monarchy ot France under Louis Philippe, and with the democratic republic of America, as with Russia snd Austria, M. Guizot and Mr. Webster have com planed as bitterly as Prince Schwarzenburg or Coun Nesselrode of the difficulty of conducting any negotiations with a man of such a porcupine soul. Miss Martinea, nm her ‘History of the leace.”’ after describing the change of administration in 1842, by the accession of str R. Pee) to oflice, remarks that the appointment of Lord Aberdeen as Foreign Secretary was peculiariy dortunate at that crisis, in consequence, among wther things, of the alarming state im which Yord Paimerston had lef: our relations with Ame cica. She then adds, in allusion, it is supposed, to a con- ‘vorsation between herself and Mr. Webster, ‘It seems strange,” obverved ao eminent American statesman to wa Englieh traveller, “that we republicans should be glad when you tories come into power. One would think tuat our sympathics should be with your reiorm govern ments; but the (ruth is, we cannot get on with your whig Ministers. They do not understand business, and ther do pot understand official good manners. Your ¢ ‘tinisters are able and atventive and courteous, and wh we do not agree we are not likely to quarrel. But wite the whigs we bave to forbear, and nothing goes ov smoothly.’ In ike manner, when the debates about the right of search took place in the French Chambers in 184 it was openiy declared by Guizot and Soult that all th: dificulties on that question bad ocourred during Lora Paimerston’s term of office, and that whea Lord Aber toon succeeded bim nope bad arisen, And, we confess, tbat so far from feeling any assurance on the ground of liberal sympathies, we look with spectal anxiety to the prospect of abandoning, at the present eriisal moment, our relations with Ainerica to the un checked caprices of the rime Minister. Symptoms are not wanting to warrant the darkest apprehensions. We believe it ix ne ret in politica! circles that Lord Palmer ston Was bent upon the summary dismissal of Mr. Dalias and would have «ucceede t iu that determination but tor the epposition of bis colleagues, aud probaviy the sign Heant oi Mr. Hayter as to the state of feeling in the House and in the country. Every one must have 1e- marked uppressed bitterness which be betrayed to. wards the American government in the debate on Mr Crampton’s motion; and if he feels, as it is impossible for Lim pot to feel, that he stands humbled and rebuked be fore the Great Western repablie, we believe he is just the man to (ook (or an opportunity to wreak bis grodge For, let it be observed, that no successor pton bas been appointed, that no intelligence bas been communicated to the country as to the state or prospects of the negotiations res ecting Central America, and that sddit | forces continue to be sent out the Weet Jodi Is there no man in the House of Commons that bas the courage to insist upoa some exp! nawion being givea on these points before larliament is prorogued? Will the representatives of the people be content to disperse themselves over the four points of the compess Without making an attempt to ascertain, at least for what purpose are these enormous reinforcements of our maritime armaments in the West? Searcity of Breadstuffs tn France. (From the Paris Constitutionnel, July 14.) We cousicer it useful to offer to the public certain por tive {ucts afforde i by history with respect to the natural causes of scarcity, in order to destroy the popula ja dice, which has existed for centuries, that attributes to the avarice of speculators and to the boarding of corn the occurrence of famine. Scarcity | no less nataral an event than abundance, that is, there exists in the reg course of events @ succession af circumstances connected with the climate that are respectively favorable and pre- judicial to the production of corn. The earth has its pe Tiods of abundance and sterility, It has appeared to us advisable to consult the eources Of history contaiuing se crets go useful to the population, and we place before the pubile a reries of saniy hag by of scarcity, which historians have recorded withir last four centuries. From the list given by our cotemporary we extract the most memorable instances of scarcity that have oocurred in France— From the year 1829 to 1834.8 continual scarcity exist ed, which was due to excessive and permanent heat During there six years it did not freere two days in suc. cession. The earth was covered with weeds and in sects, Ia 1565 an extraordinary scarcity ooourred. |1 2675 Pare was invaded by the population of the rural districts, driven in by famime. In 1/87 the ficlis were not cnitivated in conrequence of the wars of the league All strangers were driven ovt of Parie. In 1626 there was a general scarcity over Europe. In 1684 the wheat perixbed in consequence of inundations, In 162 a farmine ‘ollawed eight years of abandence. In 160% tbe oreps were destroyed by rains. The most terrible instance of searcity in modern tines took piace in 1709, The previous autuon bed been rainy; in the nightof the 6th Janu. ary there arose » north wind of @ severity hitherto un known to mao. The earth was frozen two fect in depth All the wheat perished, and not a single ear of coro was produced, In the spring the whole country was like ao immeree field. In 1764 a general famine is recorded In 1796 took place the Prairial insurrection. Bread was sold im Parie at three hundred francs, in assignats, the pound. In the provinces the pound was dis pered of at 20 to 50 sous in silver. In 1800, 1801, and 1806. partial scsreities occurred, In 1812 bread’ was worth 7 sous the pound in Paris, This dearness delayed for two months the departure of the army which invaded Rureia, these two months changed the face of the globe In 1817, the price of bread in Paris was 9 seus the ponnd d in 1820, 634 sows, in 1847, 6)¢ sous: and in 1666, @ sous the pound, This list proves that in J eighteen years of scarcity occur in the century, fe than one year of Want per 8 years of abundance undeniable iacts, and te doubt their significance They prove that the produce of acen cen insuffick nt of bad harvests. Scarcity ix ther al scourge, of rather itis a regular feature gf the P produ tion. Are we certain that the periods o steriRty, during which vegetable life appears at a standstill, NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JULY 30, 1856. 60 not contribute to the energy of the fruttiul periods ? Who ie the landowner that does not possess iruit trees which bear only oves intwo years? * = * The dest solution of the probiém of scarcity will always be which combats the scourge with the greatest number eeible means. The reduction of railway transport 8 on provisions, the improvement of cultivation rainage, & more usive production of cattle, ditinishes the consumption of bread, the intro- sl tubercles, and the more general usage ne wine, Which keeps up the strength—nothing ’ must be veglected. It would be, however, great error to be alarmed by the idea that France does not produce in a regular wavner the uecessary quantity ¥ corm for bome consumption, It is only’ in poor or weakly populated countries that asurpiusof wheat exists, such as Poland, the Ukraine, the Danabian provinces Mongary, Turkey, Feypt, Spain, Algeria, and the United States. Rich aud populous countrics never sell corn, because they consume it. England always, and France often requires corp. But there always exists gora to be sold in sme direction or another, and it oply requires to be in possession of naval material in order to transport it with celerity, and of ratiways to distribute it with econo- my. Jt is only necessary to be rich enougt to pay for it. Notices of New Publications. BOOKS RECEIVED TO JULY 29, Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth. The Tongue of Fire, or The True Power of Chris- tianity. The Last of the Foresters. Lire ayp Apventures or James P. Beckwountu, MOUNTAINEER, SCOUT AND Prongent, AND Cater or THE Crow NATION OF Inpians; by T. D. Bon- ner. Harper Brothers. . The subject of the present biography was one of the early pioneers of our Pacific settlements, and is well known to the officers of our army who have been stationed out there. Long resident amongst the Crow Indians, he acquired such popularity and ascendancy amongst them that he finally became their chief. A personal witness of most of the events which extended our conquests in those regions, and ofa restless, daring spirit himself, there are few careers which present so many features of interest as that of Beckwourth. Mr. Bonner, who obtained the story of his life from his own lips, has properly deemed the life of such a man a fitting companion for those of the wor:hies whose courage and energy paved the way for the spread of civilization on our continent. He has given the narrative as nearly as possible in Beckwourth’s own words—thereby pre- serving its spirit and originality—which of course form the main value of the story. Tue Last OF THE Forssrers; Ox, Homors ON THE Borper; A Story of the Old Virginia Frontier. By John Esten Cooke. Derby & Jackson. A pleasantly written and gemal story, with occa- sionally aslight tendency to caricature, which, how- ever, is never 80 broad as to mar its geveral trath- fulness. The tale is one of the best that Mr. Cooke has written, and will add greatly to his reputation. Tue Toneve or Fink; or, Toe Trur Power or Canistianity. By Wi Arthur. Harper Bro- thers. This volume is the result of the meditations of an earnest and simple minded man, desirous of lessen- ing the distance which he felt to exist between his own life and ministry and that of the early Chris- tians, As arf be expected from the strivings of such a soul, it breathes a spirit of deep conviction and passionate zeal, which is rarely to be met with pte ar modern Christians, and’ which, perhaps, only finds its true parallel in Apostolic times. Interesting _ Narrative, Philip Toohe: aeedeticaenet i ike Tueareguas Army—Hie Capture by the Costa Ricans, and lease. TO THE EDITORS OF THE NEW ORLEANS DELTA. New Orveans, July 9, 1556. On or about the 27th of February fast, witha company of those destined for Nicaragua, I, with many citizens of Louisiana, left on the steamship Prometheus for San Juan del Norte, to join the filt- busters, as they were then called, in Nicaragua. We landed in Granada in time to find the country at war with one of the neighboring States—that of Costa Rica—and my company, with four others, were ordered to Guanacaste, which is claimed by Nica- ragua. After four or five days’ march we were met and defeated at Santa Rosa by three thousand two hundred of the Costa Ricans. We killed 173, and wounded +0 more, although they gave the number as very small. Ican certity to the truth of this, as I was wounded and taken prisoner on the field of Naturalization Laws of the United The bill introduced into the House of Reprisen| tives by Mr. Whitey, to establish a uniform rule naturalization, and to reptal all acts hertofd paseed and now in force on that subject, contang following provisces :— First. That any aljen, being a free white pirag desiring to become a citizen of the United & must have declared, on oath or affirmation, bed Circuit or District Court of the United State, least five years before his ad.nission, that it wasbo Jide his intention to do so, and to renounce fa all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign power ci or ecclesiastical, Nothing contained in this wt however, to prevent said alien from taking, hdd or conveying real estate after having made sub d claration. Secondly. That he sheli, at the time of hisipp cation to be admitted, declare on oath or affirmatiq that he will sapport the constitution of the Unit States, and doth absolutely and entirely renoage allegiance and fidelity to any other power, efil «cclesiastical. “ Thirdly. That the court admitting said alietsh be satisfied by competent Loggers ce wth wn,) that the spoteane has resided witha t United States or the Territories thereof tweny-0 years at leust, and within the State or Terito where such court is u: the time held, one at least preceding the time of his application; an further, that during that time he has behaved as) man of good moral character, attached to the ogre of the constitution, aud a faithful obewrer \¢ laws. Fourthly. That in case of said applican’ beariy any fimo title or foreign order of nodlity, shall make spreea renunciation of said tith, in ' cout where his application is made. ‘The act further i pring that no alien wit who country the United States may be at war at he tin} of his application, should be then admitted tthe p vileges of citizenship; that pny allen residing in tH United States at the time of tl pemige of 3 way be admitted to become a citizen in conprmit with the provisions of the existing laws, and that 7 de jon of an inten:ion to become a citizen sh: be made, or certificate of naturalization be grante except in ove of the conrts desi; din this act. Provisions are also made for the re; of aie who may arrive in the United States p of this act. All former laws on the subject of n turalization ure repealed by this statute. ‘The bill has been read twice, referred to the Cor mittee on Judiciary, and reported back with amen ments in the nature of a sul te. These amendments make the certificate of registi| the only evidence ot the commencement of there dence of the alien; secondary evidence, however, lein admitted in case of the destruction of the certile Various other alterations are made in the legal bray of application for admission to citizenship, all ing to surround it with ir solemnity and: ¢ he Lagi ee ig aby more substanti iculties 1e wa persons of good charicte The following is the foes of oath substituted by tH} report:— OAR. do most sincerely promise and n swear, or affirm, Keg reahine as Bagh" 5 fathfc ly I will support the consti of the Uhite States of America, and henceforth I will holéit paramount to all other laws as the rule of my jo cal action; and that i owe no obligation to inconsistent with my firm sq, of instr ment. i faviine: near oe ate that e| and truly demean myself a8 @ citizen of ie Ua cee America to the best of my ability, go te! me 5 It is also enacted by these amendments alien who has been Patserer and pose he pr go pe which such ce aye for the crin of murder, arson, rape, borg! ery, or larceny, shall be ioevanle rd being pT as a citizen of the United States, and the natara zation of such by the courts is forbidden. It is rende: unlawful for of beagle in bro I to hear = a pat lor citizel thirty da: ceding federal or State entices, ” . Newspapers and Politics in I1inols. [From the Chicage Democrat, July 26, The following is nearly a complete tit of t newspapers published in this State. probably a few—not exceeding half a dozen, \ think—which we have been unable to obtain, T political classification is believed to be correct, wil the exception that perhaps a few partisan pap are included in the neutral list:— battle, and saw every thi: transpired that day. FREMONT. 7 BUCHANAN. Our loss in battle was 17 Filled and 60 missing, out Dailies. of a battalion 260 strong leaving San Juan del Sur. | Courier, Alton. Times, Chi I cannot account for more than 25, whom I saw most | Democrat, Chicago. Demokrat, C barLarously executed by the order of the President | Dem. Press, Argus, Rock of Costa Rica. Kaen Hook eee ~ I was the only one that was saved, from the fact | Journal. % lerald, J that they found in my possession a note book, giving | Staats Zeitung, Chicago. Register, 8; a dercription of the country, its climate and gen Zeitung, Belleville, News, Peo . productions, as I had promised to favor the Delta oe can, Quincy. with anything which might be of interest to the MR many readers of your valuable paper; and another | Advertiser. Rock Island. reason for saving my life was to give a chance to a —— Springfield. , young, inexperienced doctor to practise on the | Republican, Peoria. wounds of a condemned filibustero. After having { T1#nscript, my arm amputated, and being in a very critical con- | Advertiser, Galena. dition fue the loss of beet, and while I wes eutbe. Journal, Seems . ing much from a wound in my side, they informed methat if T'would write tothe Delta, advising all | Pain Dealer, Oquawka. Democrat, Alton. young men to stay at home, and not to come to Niza- | Pree Press, Pittsfield. Spectator, Oquawka. Tagua, they would save my life. True Democrat, Joliet. Review, Monmouth. And I being too weak to write, they wrote some | Gazette, Kapkakee. Demokrat, Belleville. letters they wished to send to the United States; and | Telegraph, Lockport. — Banner, Peoria. having no knowledge of the Spanish laaguage at — ae. Signal, Joliet. that time, Iam still ignorant of their coutents in | Journal, Jacksonville, Standard, Ger full; by the aid of two soldiers I sat up in bed and | Republican, Ottawa. —Ballletin, Freeport. signed them. Post, Princeton. Flag, Bloomington, ‘ow, gentle reader, I ask, would you not do the mgt ea Presa, Peoria. same when your life was in the hands of worse than | TTve Democrat, Gales- Free Press, Ottawa. our frontier savages? As itis, 1am now with you ma. 5 G Sentinel, Jacksonville. all again, and bave one arm leit, and I am still as pu ‘4 r, Galva. Democrat, Princeton good a filibustero as ever. Ihave come to ask aid pn i Gazette, Jonesboro’. in men’ and means to go at those uncivilized | Journal, Warsaw. ‘Tunes, Cairo. wretches again. Demoorns, Wenkegan. IndepenJent, Macomb’ 1 will, in a few days, deliver a lecture on the man- | & or de Ex aa hia 3 ner in which our prisoners were executed, and how eae ‘oh po Union “aah the prisorers who are still there are treated, givin, ‘elegraph, eae, Democrat, Freeport. a true statement; and God knows the truth is black Democrat, Roc! E , Batavia. enough to damn Costa Rica in the eyes of the civil- a ae Union, semaine, ized world, England excepted. Cosia Rica is now | Vol Poni i yong in a deplorab! sitaatlon; chelers hus destroy wd ‘Soomeaiate i: Se Mebay oo 9 twenty-five thousand of her inhabitants, chictl - » Carthage. men tien alter Killed six hundred at the battle cag inatero Tabane, of Rivas. country is divided by two parties— ; ~ 5 the aristocratic and democratic. ‘The latter party | free ae Banker, Lake Zarick. is in the ascendancy, and four towns have already | Standard, Belvidere. Tilinoisian, ronoun-ed for Walker. To the democratic party ns Peru. Democrat, Decatar. am indebted for m fang a and hope | will shorly — _—_ Union, Mount Sterling te able to join and help them to pull down the ty- | jonyuehy areneo» ‘Transcript, rants who trample on the liberty of the people. ° ~A Balevitle. inelieseees, i j Ina few days from now, there will te published, pont t ave — ye agg by Gen. Molina, the Costa Rican Minister at Wash: | Journal, Lasalle. Wat ington, a cirenlar purporting to be issned by our | frye Fo x rat, Carrolton, prhoners now. in tbe hands of Costa Rica.” The Sentinel, 8 imes, 8 H writer of this circalar is a man by the name of Har- F poten Calumet, Carl per, who served two years in California peni- | Forum, hea, » ‘on, Ui tentiary. His fall history I will give to the pablic | yoehinr Moline. Constitution, as soot as the circular makes its appearance, and | (, = remy will prove its contents to be _ ou ‘< a. Walker. Torun lg —— ain " . 3 avila,” | utr E. Toomer. | P St Mi a é a : Exorement, Carrone axp Retvrx, rx Taxses- | Independent, bserver, Vandalia { srx.On Saturday evening lasta lady and gentle- | Times, Monticello. Paris. ’ man of this ctty took on the five o'clock | Journal, Greenville. Sentinel, Pera—47- § train for Chattanooga. parties are married, | Advertiser, Fulton City. i the one leaving his wife and the other her husband | Gazette, Wheaton. in Nashville. It was readily ascertained that they | Courier, Charleston. 5 were fleeing from home with criminal intentions. | Republican, Mt. Carroll. A despatch was imi sent to the Marshal of | @ — Caones, giving a ceowrtption of the free love | Gazette, Mattoon, couple, and authorizing him to arrest them. The | Democrat, Rushville. train arrived there at five o'clock Sunday morning, | Prairie State, Jerseyville. the man was and imprisoned, and the wo- | Courier, Henry. Tue next train brought te Chattanooga the husband, | Gem, Lebanon. next 4 , and brother-in-law of the woman. | Prairie State, Decatur. She refused an interview her , | Tribune, a 4 bat consented to admit her brother into her | Republican, Macom| room. So great was his indignation that he | Jounal, Morris—61. attempted to shoot her, and was only prevented FILLMORE. c by a gentleman who wes with him. A subsequent | Times, Bloomington. Telegraph, + interview resulted more fortunately, and she con- NEUTRAL. thee a sented to return home and to the louse of her hus | Plaindealer, Pekin. Reporter, Oxegee. Her friends took her lover from prison, and | !/inoisan, Beardstown. ‘Times, Monticello, bj he whole started Cy "s train for Bentoten Courier, + ‘ashville. to | Re , Pathfinder, Chicago anes oxtraned parte of Ils bosom, or faoe the | Jctwnal, Knoxville News, Shelbyville. inger of inted those who have no | (azettes Decal a ‘ charity 1 teen teskapn, ee forgiveness for sin | Christian Times.Chicago. Carden State: Lode, committed. While not immediately under the ey» | Cbristian A Vie Index, Buelt hi r" of his guardsmen, he ran to the platform of the | Congrega' as ay ‘i f smoking car and leaped wildly from the train, | New Covenant, 5 A i He has py bears of roa y it ie eu need — Home Journal, Advocate, Toulon, 4 by some that he was ly crippled or killed. Pd Farmer, § gt Curortunate ‘man was an American, and kept a | Prairie Farmer, Chicago. pe 4 mall contecti on South. Market street. The | Bulletin, = le Winchest! other parties are 4. Satisfactory considera- | Nonpareil, New Boston. By! tions induce us to withold for the present the names | Gazette, aie. ite =” " of those who “loved not wisely, but too well.” | Journal, Napi . seman Nashville (Tenn.) Gazette, July VA. fe r Hien Price ror Neoror’.—There has been a | Dailies. sseeses Wb id great and for negroes in this city during the | Weeklies......... secvves eof 5 Jane and July, than ever teows Weeklies from daily offices. . before, and y have commanded better prices = during that time. This latter is an unusual thing, on os the summer months are generally the doliest ia . 33 the year for that description of property. Prime ae field hands (women) will now bring from $1,000 to - ir $1,100, and men from $1,250 to $1,500. Not long Total in State...... since a likely negro girl sold in this city at private Tt will be observed that sale for $1,700. A large number of negroes are | pers feebly advocating his elai hought on speculation, and probably there is not | others—the Shawneetown Iiinoisan and the Jess than $2,000,000 in town now seeking investare | loo Patriot— present the anomaly of supporting in <nch property,.—Richmond Dispatch, July 22 chanan and Bisee!!.