The New York Herald Newspaper, July 11, 1856, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD. —— JANES GORDON BENNET?, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR, sere) Gros Brits, or Gh ang park of os Continent, n'y CORRESPONDENCE, containing import: ¥ , Bolictted from any quarter of the workd—i/ uset, will be Ea -RSt ‘us Larraas amp PACK w8. AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, Be Broadwey-—Youna HENGLER ON THE ‘Rovk—Fiena aNp 4eruwe—Magic TRourer. BOWBRY THEATRE, Bowery—Tux Brava or Faxsvem— ‘Teeen—DeeD Suct. BROADWAY YVARIETIE®, 472 Broadway—Incomas, THB Gampualsn. weet TRELS, 444 Broadway—Ermiorax Mur —Tae Mumay. Penile DUSEBIDORF GALLERY, 7 VALU ASL Wasermee axp Statcaky—Maxtriivou or Huss, &. New York, Friday, July 11, 1856. ‘The Ncws. ‘Thesteamship Africa, now over€ue from Liver- “pool, ‘had'ne: made her appearance off San@y Hook Up to one ¢ clock this‘morning. The Serate yesterday passed the Indien Appro- spriation till. A bill making sundry alterations in ‘the graée and saleries of our representatives -wbroad was reported. The salary of the Minister to ‘France is to be increased to $17,500, that ef the Commissioner to the Sandwich Islands to 96,000. The Vienna mission is to be a ful one, ‘with 12,000 salary. Muinisterste France and ‘England are each’to have clerks at $1,500 per an- gum. The biil to promote the efficiency of the navy “was debated, and severel amendments agreed to, among others one striking out the section reviving ‘the grade of Admiral. In the House, a select com- mittee, consisting-of Messrs. Ball of Ohio, Kennett of Mo., Burnett of Ky., King of N. Y., and Cadwal- Yader of Pa., was appointed to investigate the alleged feands in the construction of public buildings. It ‘wae stated that Secretary Guthrie doubted not the eharges would prove to be slanderous political false- hoods. The consideration of the report on the Sam- mer assault was then resumed, and a lively diecus- sion continued until the adjournment—Mr. Comins, of Mass., being the principal speaker. There were at one time symptoms of a flare up betweem Mr. Comins and Mr. Aiken of South Carolina, buat through the timely interposition of several gentle- men nothing serious grew out of it. ‘The old line whigs of Maryland met in State Con vention at Baltimore yesterdey, and adopted a plat- form. As for the Presidential candidates in the field, they regard Fremont as unqualified and the prin- eiples of the republican party unconstitutional; Mr. Buchanan's Ostend Conference doctrines are dan- gerous to the peace of the country; bat Mr. Fillmore is the man to restore tranquillity to the country, &c. A Convention of Kansas Aid Committees met at Buffalo on Wednesday, and adjourned yesterday. "The object of the meeting was to secure aid in be- half of freedom in Kansas. Gov. Reeder and Ger rit Smith appear to have been the leading spirits of the gathering, and very billicose and bloodthirsty Beaders they were, if we may judge by the reports of ‘their speeches, which we have received by telegraph. The Governor defended the bogus Legislature which has just been so summarily broken up by Col. Sam- wer. He cited the circumstances attending the ad- mission of Vermont, Kentucky, Tennessee, Iowa, Florida, Michigan end Arkansas, to show that Congress could not reject the Topeka consti- tution on the ground of irregulatity and dwelt particularly oa the opinion of Attorney General Butler, who, in the case of Arkansas, de cided that a Territorial Legislature had no right to authorize the formation of & State constitution. All Phis was evidently tame talking in the opinion of Mr. Smith. He was in favor of sending armed men to Kansas. They would get no more money from him for Bibles and ploughs, but he would contribute to send men out to fight. He had hoped car of a collision between the federal troops and the free State men; then he would hear of Northern Staccs arraying themselves against the federal go vermment. He believed the time had come to use physical force. Mr. Reeder was equally anxious for a fight. When the collection was taken up Mr. £aith put down $1500 per mouth until the war was over. He was very anxious for some one to follow his example, but not a eolitery dime was forthcoming. Instead of sub- scribing the sinews of war, the Canvention resolv- ed to raje> $100,000 a month to carry on the cam- paign, aad to do many other extraordinary things. Eli Thayer was appointed general agent, to super- intend the formation of a committee whe are to disburse tho fonds when collected. A national cen- tral committee of seventeen persons and Gov. Ree der was selected, and the Convention dissolved. The repabi!cans of Michigan have renominated Governor Big, am and all the other presem Btate -Sfficers for 5%: lection. The Board.of Aldermen, last evening, adopted a x@vort in faver of paving the Bowery, Chatham su cet and Fourt. avenue to Union square, with the Bé& cian pavemen:, at $2 19 per yard. is the Board-( Councilmen, « resolution was of- Sega’ declaring th> seat of Benj. F. Pinckney, the Pres&levt of the doard, vacant, on account of his wemoved {rom his Council district. It was referral to the Garp rittee on the Law Department. The corim ittee te wien was referred the communni- cation rom the Cents’ Park Commissioners asking fot ep aypropriation % meet expenses, reported an ordimanc? appropriating $100,000, to be subject to the deaft of the Commigson ers. An imtereating accougt.« te progress of the re moval of the dangerous ohe'2 uction to navigation in the East river between Gower nor’s Island and pier No. 1, knowa £# Diamond Bo ef, is given in another cokumn. ‘The free schoo. system wasie. ‘Todaced for the first time into the city of Charles, 0, 8. C., om the Fourth of July—the first school . being opemed on that day with anusud demonstratis, 4. By way of Baltimon we have Kio Janeiro dates to the 3d af Jane. The stock of og, % was small. ‘There is no palitical news. The cottom market was more activ, ' yesterday and at firmer rates. The sales embrs ced about 2,000 bales, 1,000 of which wore in tea, wWita, and 1,000 on the spot, based upon middling ‘uplands at Ife. s1ije. Flour was in fair demand, t %b for export and for home use, with a alight improv ement in common brands of State. Wheat was leas &ni- mated, while fair sales were made without chang ° of moment in prices. Abont 1,500 bushels new wh from Baltimore were on the market, not up to strie * ly prime, which was held at $190. Pork was again higher. Sales of mens were made at $20 87} a $21, and of prime at $17 500 $17 564. Sugars were in good demand at very full prices. The sales embraced 1,200 a 1,300 bhds., of which 250 were Porto Rico, and the remainder Cuba muscovado, with a small lot of boxes at rates given in another column. Freights were firm, bat less active, owing in part to reduction of room, firm prices for bread+tufts and a disposition on the part of shippers to await the receipt of the Africa's news. Whiskey advanced to 25c. for Obio and prison, equal to 1}c. per gallon. Our correspondent at Toulon (France) writing on the 20th ult,, states that the government, finding it self at the close of the war with a stock of Ameri- can pork on hand amounting to 50.000 barrels, ad verted a public sale of 200,000 kilos., to take place on the | 2th; but as the limited price of 1,800 francs per twenty |. ts, or net 1,800 kilos, with five and a, half per cen! avction charges, could not be realized she ale did pot « we off. . Van Buren—The Wind Shifts at Hinder= hook. In 1848, that memorable and gloomy time for Mr. Van Buren, when the fortunes of Gen. Case overtopped his own, when the White Hoase, only a short distance from Baltimore, faded ‘rom his view, there was at least one thing left, and that was revenge. In order to strike an effectual blow, it was deemed advisable to come isto the field as the representative of an interest, active enough to do harm if not strong enough to secure suc- ‘oss; and to the wonder of the people Mr. Van Buren ran for President on ike same ticket with a decNled abelitionis: as ‘Vice President. To be sare, he did not camry a'single State; but he di- vided the democratic party, and Gen. Cass was as unfortunate as on ‘that other memorable oc- casion ‘when he was talon prisoner and broke his sword. It was deémed by Mr. Van Buren’s riengs, that to give bin a good ram it was ad- visable to\write a goed letter; and so he commit- ted himself to paper, forgetting his old Latin quo- tation, Seripti mament—what is written remains. Slaveryvas the hinge on which he then turned. He gave at length the history of the policy of the “iustrious founders of eur government,” whose first step was to “interdict the introduction of savery into*the Northwestern country, now covered by ‘the States of Ohio, Indi- ana, Tllinois, Michigan and Wisconsin,” ami to prevent, by united efforts, “the extension of dlavery” in the territories in which it did not exist. We thus bad first the ordinance @f 1787, and afterwards am act of Congress in °98, recognizing and adapting it to the new or- ganization. And this policy Mr. Van Buren in- formed us was carried out honorably, perse- veringly and with good faith,.and the attempi to employ the question as ‘an element of political agitation” had been “successfully frustrated by the good sense and good feeling of the people.” In the organization of the'States of Ohio, ‘In- diana, Michigan, Illineis, Wisconsin and Iowa, slavery was expressly prohibited; and so, con- tinued Mr. Van Buren, “the plan devised by the founders of our government, including the fathers of our political church,” is not only the wisest which the wit of man could devise, but the only one consistent with the safety and prosperity of the whole country. 1 do there’ore desire, said he, “to see it continued so long as slavery exists in the United States.” Nor was this all: Mr. Van Buren admitted that he “went farther on ‘this subject than -his best friends could approve,”’and'on he went, and it became “a source of eonselation to him” in his after life. With these preliminary remarks he preceeded to discuss the action of the Baltimore Conven- tion, and to spit upen its platform, if not upon its candidate. The doctrine of thet‘Convention was, that the exclusion of slavery was a violation of the consti- tution; and worse, General Cass only received the nomination because he avowed the same opinions. And still worse, the Convention pro- posed to give the most solemn sanction to the doctrine, “by the clection of its declared advocate and suppor} to the Presidency.” “I cannot by my vote,” said Mr. Van Buren, “contribute to this sanction.” We must adhere inflexibly to our opinions—we must make no retrograde movemente—we, too, must follow the gigantic efforts of Great Britain for the suppression of slavery. Such was the tone and such the temper of the letter of 48. A large number of abolitionists and democrats swallowed t whole, and General Cass was defeated. Ever since that day the democratic party in this.State has done nothing but bubble, bubble, and gained little else but toil and trouble. The Prince, the heir apparent, has been looked upon merely as a pretender; and the Van Buren dynasty crumbled into dst. All at once, a new light breaks in upon the letter writer of “48. If the house of York is in ruins, the house of Laneaster may yet afford shelter. If the soil of Kinderhook is worn out, there may yet be much good ploughing in Wheatland. Nay, there may yet be a future harvest. It is time te look about, perhaps to turn about, and jump just so. We have it, clear enough. I feel myself honored, says the Sage of Linden- wold, on the 28th of June, 1856, by the invitation of the Tammany Society to unite with its members in thecelebration of the anniversary of the Declara- tion of Independence; and while my hand is in, I ehall—he substantially declaree—notwithstanding the fact that for several years I have taken no part in political meetings (though I encouraged them in 1848), and that I did not answer the first invitation of the Committee of Arrangements (not exactly seeing how things were going to go), now give you what few remaining opinions I have left, without reserve. These opinions appear te be that the demo- cratic party have been exclusively deveted to the “maintenance of human righte and the happiness and welfare of the masses of the people,” although he opposed it in 1848, and denounc- od it for leaving the platform ef the ordinances and compromises of the Union, and seeking to extend and perpetuate slavery! ‘This letter to Tammany Hall also culogises the party for having “resisted the revival of bereeies;”’ though that of 1548 accused the party of itself being heresical. The great question now, which to all others are subordinate, is that of slavery in the Territories, to which I was epposed. I am willing to be judged by the record, and I have from the beginning preferred the old way of dealing with the question. I was againet the repeal of the Missouri compromise—I am “deeply sensible of ite injustice.’ But the step is taken: the child is born; it has many fathers, but J think we must adopt it. It is of no use to go hack to the compromise, Nothing is left tut Kansas and Texas. The fer- mer will have taken care of itself, and the Texas Territory would only be left for its conversiam into slave States. Washington, Oregon and Min- neseta do not seem to be any Territories, accord- ing to this proposition of Mr. Van Buren, and are left out of his caleulation. As regards the Topeka constitution, and the action of the Territorial government of Kansas, ), ¢ thinks it unnecessary to enter into a discussion ot the various difficulties connected with these sub, ‘ects. “ His soul is sick with every day's re- port, of wrong and outrage, with which carth is filled.’ ” In 1848 resistance to slave tyranny was obediem @ to God; in 1856 itis quite another affair, "he Nebraska-Kartiens act is the only panacea, "fe regards it with more favor than formerly. It i# the “only attainable mode” by which the county ean hope to be relieved from | he injurious and a emoralizing effects of slavery agitation. (To all of which it must be admitted no man has contributed more than I have!) Mr. Van Buren doce not think it worth while to go into reasons Not having a copy of the pdrct edo, act, be tober Js, Buchasau’s yigne of ita Lui why bob coulius ite cljcet? NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, JULY Il, 1856. Thus we perceive the sum and enbstance of this last letter are flat contradictions to the senti- ments of the letter of 1848. A somerset has been turned; having fallen off’kis horse the other day without injury, Mr. Van Buren is not afraid of mounting the new hobby. Kis not the firet time be has astonished the public by his performanees in the ring. The original opponert of General Jackson, he became his warmest suyporter an@ most zealousdefender. The bitter persecutor of De Witt Clinton, the General’s friend, he beeame perfectly reconciled to’him in tke house ¢f the father-imtaw of Go- vernor Marey. The@ownfall of the democratic platform being effeeted in 1848, the mounts it now, and aails up every loose plank. Whether the consequents will be what it is in- tended they shall bc, remains to bescen. Per- haps Mr. Buchanaa, when he gets into office, will remember his eleventh hour repentant friend; but this remains to beeen. It is somewhatdoubtful, however, whetherae will ever have ‘the opportu- nity. In the meentime, let the lovers of political consistency, truth and disinterestedness, study well these famors letters.) They rosy become a good precedehtfor the next exiled statesman who seeks to renew his influence with the party he has betrayed. We shall see. Tur Know Noruise War vron Fremoyt.— We publish elsewhere in this paper, as one of the Know Nothing curiosities of the dey, a very elaborate argument from the exclusive Fillmore organ of this city, against ‘Col. Fremont, and upon the astounding text that, having been mar- ried by a Catholic priest, “he must have been a Roman Catholic.” Had we fished up this pom- pous and ridiculous article from some old Puritan newspaper of two hundred years ago, when Roman Catholics were outlawed, and witches were hung, and Quakers were drowned, .as for the highest offences known to the law, we should not have been at all surprised at it; for this delectable argument of our booby has much of the ancient godly twang about it of a sermon from old Cotton Mather. Asa productien of the present day it is the most ridiculous rubbish. No discourse from the Angel Gabriel in the Park was ever made up of such incoherent jargon and stuff. “Fremont was married by a Catholic priest "—“ nobody compelled him ”—* marriage with the Roman Catholics is a sacrament ”— therefore, Fremont, when married, “must have been, or pretended to’be, a Catholic ;” and “if, in view of the Presidency, he hae recently changed his religion, so much the worse.” Thus it appears that Fremont’ religion, whether he be a Protestant or a Catholic debars him from the support of the real Simon Pure Know Nothings, because he was married by a Catholic priest. What insufferable trash! Why not inquire who baptized Frement’s chil- dren—who nursed them, and whether Mrs. Fre- mont has or not been accustomed to the services of a wet nurse, and if a wet nurse, whether Pro- testant or Catholic;and whether Fremont’s butch- er, baker and grocery man are Catholic or Pro- testant ? These inquiries will probably next be sifted by our Fillmore organ, for the enemies of Fremont have not.stopped with his marriage, or even with his birth. His father and mother, dead and buried long ago, are dragged frem their graves, and examined as before a mixed commis- sion of democrats and Know Nothings as to who and what they were. The enemies of General Jackson, by this mean, miserable and dastardly course of opposition, did more to make him Pre- sident than the battle of New Orleans; because such wretched and unmanly hostility the konest masses of the American people repel with scorn and disgust. The same coarse action towards Fremont, if persisted in, will do more in his be- half than the fame of all his wonderful achieve- ments for his country, for science and mankind. The Fremont party are pursuing a more bon- orable course towards Mr. Buchanan. He is an old bachelor, pretty wellon the way to three soore years and ten, and has been in his day a man that need not have gone begging for a wife. But why was he never married? He must have loved some fair damsel or other at some period of his life. We dare say that a tale fully as romantic as the marriage of Fremont by « Catholic priest, could be told of the lonely old bachelor candidate of the demo- cratic party. But his opponents have rightly decided that that has nothing to do with his qualifications for the Presidency. It was de- clared in the Cincinnati Convention that Mr. Buchanan was wedded to the Constitution, and that as the laws of Pennsylvania interdict biga- my he has never thought of marrying anybody else. We think, however, that Fremont’s excuse of marriage, even by a Catholic priest, is as good as this of Mr. Buchanan, with every sensible whig, democrat or Know Nothing. Let us hope that the managers of the Fillmore cause in this city will look to their organ, and for the sake of commen decency stop its folly and nonsense, even if they have to buy the con- cern, or sell it off at Jess than cost. Tue Worx or Tue New Kaveas Brut—Tus CixarinG Ovt Gorse ox SwiMMInciy ty cine Ternirony.—Our last advices from Kansas show that Col. Sumner is doing up the werk with the free State squatters in fine style. After establishing a cordon along the Kansas boun- dary to keep out the pestilent abolitionists, the border ruffians have been ably seconded hy the President amd Col. Swmner’s artillery and dragoons in the dispersion of the free State Legislature at Topeka. The free State party thus being completely silenced in Kansas, and everything being ready im the House at Washing- ton for the bill of Mr. Toombs, now ie the time to strike for Mansas as aelave State. The Senate have paved the way, and in the late order for 209000 extea.copies of the bill of Mr. Toots, excluding the free soil party amendments, they have taken the firet step for making out a good case before the people. Every rational man knows thet this Wl means Kaneae aca slave Mr. Toombs is honest enough to admit it; Lut Mr. Douglas, Mr. Senator Bigler of Pennayl- vania, and Mr. Pagh ef Ohio, deny it and dodge it, and whip the devil reand the stump at a fall State gallop. Make the bill as pure as the gospel, and as clear ae the truth in favor of Kansa: a free “tate, aml give the exceution of the law to Mr. Piexee, his five commissioners, hie army of dra goone and hie Miscouri militia, and Mr. Toombe will be eaticfied. The bil means Ka asa Flave State thing cize; but we say again, that | the Sout entitled to it, let the bill pase. | | pe rable, and adopte them unanimously, In short, | The Institution od Progress of Slavery in the mist has disappeared, the scales have fallen trem his eyes, and he preys, in the language of the prayer book, for a happy iseue out of ‘ll our afflictions, Mr, Buchanan ise tried mai, his an- tecedents (federalism included) are all right; and “a wayfering man, though « fool, cannot now miss the path of duty. Selah!” the United States. Many, very many, of the people of the North- ern States upon the helding of the colored race in as an offence against humanity and a violation of Christian principle. Of these @ large number are sincere in their opinions; but a very large number are not. They are sustain- ed, not only by the agitation athome, but by the tendency of public sentiment:abroad; and as the discussion has grown more'serious, it has be- come more violent. But are we notebdliged, after all, to take a prac- tical view of thesubject? tre we not compelled, by'the ferce-of circumstances, by natural causes, and by the irresistible necessities of public policy, to look otherwise upon the subject, and that, too, on the seore of humanity? We must not forget how this servitude com- menced in this county, nor how it has made pro- gress. It has, by the permission of Providence and the inscrutable 4aws which control the inte- rests of nations, inereased upon us, and become part and parcel of the country, its political, in- dustrial and commercial strength. It has not dwindled away, though we have advanced in power; it is an eloment of our towering greatness; in short, it has become a practical question—one in which there is no desire to exclude the efforts of benevolence, but which outgrows all indivi- dual interests and all private feeling. It is not any longer a question to be dealt with asa moral abstraction, in which our Howards may use their personal influence; it is one fore- seen, foreshadowed and provided for in that great instrument of our confederation which we call our Constitution, and under which we have be- come one of the greatest nations that ever inha- bited the globe. It is a political economical question, and as such only can it now be dealt wivben the Constitution was adopted, slavery was universal in the States. The slave trade it- self was for a time recognized as a portion of the commerce of the country, and its extinguishment was only prospective. It wasa difficult problem, its angles were many, its elements were conflict- ing, it gave rise to much and long debate. But finally an adjustment and a solution were found in the present constitutional provisions, and pro- perty in persons was recognized as a basis of rep- resentation and a guaranty for the safety of the Southern States, This arrangement became indispensable to secure the political independence of the nation and the particular sovereignty of the States, jealous of their rights, and many of them reluctant, up to the last moment, to make any surrender. When these concessions were made, there were but about 300,000 slaves in the the country. Still they were largely taken into the account when the ratio ef representation was fixed upon. It was not long, however, before it was found out that certain products—such as cotton, rice, indigo and subsequently sugar—were peculiar to our Southern climate, and their cultivation seemed @ natural as well as an industrial necessity. Slave labor, because it was cheap labor adapted to the growth of these staples, became a political as well as an economic resource. They soon interested the whole world. The whole world wanted them. Cowmerce required them—social life demanded them. No human self-denial could withstand these wants, Without the fabric of cotton, without the food of rice, without the aliment of sugar, the condition of our own race would not have been so rapidly improved. Slave labor, therefore, became an important auxiliary in increasing the comforts of America and Europe; and finally, under this irresistible im- pulee the colored population have become ne- ceseary as the cultivators of fields where white men cannot labor, and whose products were actu- ally indispensable. They now number, therefore, nearly three millions, and without their aid one- half the confederacy would be without agricultu- ral value. Nor is this ell. The Northern States would lose most of their commerce. Their ships would rot—their warehouses would be empty. Those persons who flippantly ignore all these questions must have taken leave of their judg- ments if they adopt any other view of the matter. Besides, no race of men on the face of the globe have thus far, been more cared for than this, and none have been better protected. But we are met with two objections ; First, that the moral aspect of thiestate of things is bad; that the rights of huma- nity are disregarded and trampled on. But is it so? Have we not found, by the actual experience loth of England and France, that liberation has not advanced the condition of theee people? What is the issue of things in the West Indies but the decay, demoralization and ruin of the emancipated? Is not every art resorted to by these very nations to find other races to do their work, and to submit to a more rigorous discipline? What is the meaning of the introduction of Coolies, Chinamen and South American Indians into the islands of the Antilles, but a confession that the new system isan entire failure? We cannot shut our eyes to the fact. The principle of liberation has no moft elevated the colored race than the erection of our hundreds of churches has thoroughly reformed the city of New York. On the score of humanity and religion alone, their emancipation from servitude may be claimed to be no emancipation from vice. Civilization, industry and good morals have not advanced one step for all the efforts of the liberators, but the contrary. There are about twenty millions of the colored races in the world, and the American slaves eurpase them in every respect. They alone of all have made any advances in education, re- ligion, or social comfort. Next, the South may have good cause to say, that as slave property was made an clement of political power by the framers of our Constitution, co by that instrument iteelf they have aright to re- quire its recognition now. The balances of power were kept even by these compromises from neces- sity, and they cannot now be kept evenly without them. We have prospered under this practical ad- ustment of things, and when we cease to recog- nize it we shall as a nation cease to be. Paitting all other considerations out of question, thie alone is worthy of serious thoughtfulness, The South and the North must grow together equaily in their sovereign power, or they must be forever separated. The Kansas bill of Mr. Douglas, whatever form it may asemme in its details, is o rectification of this disturbed balance of power, and in that light it may be frankly acquiesced in. Suppose this is the real object, why should we blink the qnee tion? It is of little moment who succeeds in holding the reins of government for four years, if tle government itself but firmly laste. We must rot consider men 0 Inneh as we should the Union. Thie hond is all that makes us great and hoppy and prosperous. ij? We may, indeed, expeot some of our favorite n the etrug When » lo ‘ vu ale at tise ne to be damaged ang good late the fir! the ranks and from its leaders. It is the fate of war—it is the lot of men. So we must not care for these casualties in defence’ of our great na- tional unity. We will cure the wounded, and we will bury the dead with all the honors of war. Let, then, the Kansas question be settled in the right spirit. Let the South, if it wishes, have fair play. Let the Territory come in as a slave State, and there will be no further cause of dis- content. The Union must and shall be pre- served. The Foreign Policy of the Pieree Adminis- tration. In another column the reader will find an ar- ticle extracted from the Richmond Enguirer—a leading organ of the democracy in Virginia—on the subject of the settlement of the enlistment dispute. The writer conceives that the happy solution of that difficutty is wholly due to the able diplomacy and uncommon kill of Mr. Pre- sident Pierce and Mr. Secretary Marcy in ma- naging the controversy. And he points out with obvious exultation how far Mr. Marcy is, in his opinion, superior to Daniel Webster, and how generally the foreign policy of the Pierce admi- nistration has excelled the policy of former cabi- nets in ability, honesty, vigor, and every good thing. The time is now fast approaching when that administration will be brought to a close. Its foreign, like its domestic policy, will soon be matters of history, and history will form a dis- passionate judgment thereon. If, as the Enquirer thinks, that judgment will be favorable; if the future’ historian shall laud Mr. Pierce, and cele- brate the “unerring skill” of Mr. Marcy, he must do so at the expense of the public of the present day. He cannot praise the one without slighting the other; for if Mr. Marcy or Mr. Pierce deserve well of their country, that country has been most ungrateful to them. Both have sunk to a depth of unpopularity never reached by any former statesman in this country. Neither Mr. Madison, when his weakness laid Wash- ington bare; nor Mr. Adams, when people thought he had juggled himself into the Presidency; nor Mr. Mr. -Van Buren, when he made his very name synonymous with disaster; nor Mr. Tyler, when he killed himself and his friends; nor Mr. Polk, when he lost the Northwestern territory, ever approached the contempt and the disgust with which Franklin Pierce is regarded by the masses of the American people. If this be, affer all, the reward of honest, skilful, conscientious service, then a great wrong is being done, and it hehoves us to stop it. If, on the contrary, Pierce and Marcy are only reaping the natural harvest of their labors, then it is well that the sophistry of democratic organs like the Enguirer should be ex- posed. And that, so far as the foreign policy of the administration is-concerned, shall be our pre- sent business. When the Pierce Cabinet assumed the direction of affairs, the foreign policy of the nation was much embarrassed. With our great rival and friend, Great Britain, we had three subjects of dispute—the fisheries, the Canadian Reciprocity matter, the Central American question. Two of these, in which the United States were the plain- tiffs, were considerably embittered and vexed; the third—the Canadian reciprocity measure—was keeping alive a feeling of uneasiness in the Pro- vinces, and tending every day to alienate the affections of their people from England, and fix them on this country, With Spain we had several serious disputes, arising out of vari- ous outrages upon our flag, and interferences with our commerce, which had taken place off the Island of Cuba. With regard to these the public mind was much excited; it was questioned by well informed persons whether the new administration—just elected by so over- whelming a yote—would consent to accept a pecuniary indemnity, of whatever amount, in satisfaction for these outrages. We had no quar- rel with France, but the mischievous consequences of her unfair commercial and port regulations had become more and more felt by our merchants and ship owners; and it was generally hoped that the Pierce term would not elapse without a radi- cal change here. With Denmark we had a quar- rel in reference to the Sound dues—they in- sisting on their retention, while our government was committed by former administrations to de- mand their abolition, Our relations with the States of Asia were confused and unsatisfactory. While England, France and Russia were making freeh treaties or acquiring fresh territory day after day, we were standing by, looking on. But it was hoped that the Japan expedition—which the previous administration had organized—would redeem our credit and our name in this particular, No shade overhung our relations with Mexico or Central America, save that which proceeded from the Clayton-Bulwer treaty ; with the people themselves we were on the best terms. Such was the condition of the foreign policy of the republic at the time Franklin Pierce was elected President. Let us now see what has been done during the past four years to settle these questions, In the first place, with regard to England, we have settled the Fishery and Canada Reciprocity matter; but the most important of the three ques- tions—the only one that really menaced the peace of the two countries—the Central Ameri- can dispute—is no nearer a settlement than it was, The reason of this is that England had an interest in settling the former, but nothing in set- tling this. With their usual address, the British diplomatists pressed toward a settlement of the questions they wanted to get out of the way; and with his usual obtuseness, Mr. Marcy did not per- ceive their drift, and instead of holding the Cana- da Reciprocity matter in abeyance until England consented to close the negotiation on Central America, he let them get all they wanted, and left to fate the only question in whose settlement the United States were really concerned. The enlistment dispute, which grew accidentally out of the Russian war, was certainly brought to a proper close; but the credit thereof is not due to Mr. Marcy, but to the press which coerced the government into pursuing the course it did. The Spanish questions are understood to be settled; but we have received no apology or in- demnity. On the contrary, Spain has treated us and our representative quite cavalierly; and real- ly, when we remember the character and exploite of the latter, it seems hard to blame her. The Sound dues are to be left for settlement to the next administration. France has made changes in her commercial policy; but they aggravate in- stead of ameliorating the condition of our ships and our merchante; they are throwing the whole harvest of New York trade into the hends of British vessels, In Asia, no- thing has been done. We have seen both KR , and England extend their territory and infirenee there; Mr. Pierce haa done on our side, but make a treaty with n which camot be Carried into effect, and > Lag made we pase for SWmpletoas awory thy shrewd Japanese. In Central America our navy has distinguished itself by bombarding a village of fishers’ huts, small. traders and Indians, calleg Greytown, and burning it to the ground; the cause of war being a scratch on the left side of the nose of one of our foreign ministers, Mr. Borland, produced by a bottle thrown at hing from the village as he passed. The administrae tion has also, on the occasion of a revolution ig Nicaragua, assumed to control the popular voice in that country, by refusing to recognise the government they set up; and having done this, when that government was nearly overset, an@ its existence became doubtful, it turned round, and in obedience to filibustering instincts, recog~ nized the representative it sent. Such have been the acts of Mr. Pierce—sucls the foreign policy of Secretary Marcy. The Greytown bombardment, the shilly-shallying im reference to Walker, and the circular on coats and breeches, have been thefr only original mea sures—all the rest has been neglect, carelessness, shuffling, pettifogging and shirking. This is the democratic idea of a foreign policy ; this, beyond a doubt, will be the policy we shall witness should Mr. Buchanan—who did his share toward inaugurating it as Secretary undér Polk—be elected in November President of the United States. - Tue Next Governor or New Yors.—We have received intelligence from various sources. in the interior of the State, from which it is manifest that the contest in this State for our next Governor will be as complex and. exciting, and fully as violent, as the struggle for the Presi-~ dency, if not more so. The famous Central Railroad operators have, within the last few years, succeeded in effecting a joint stock con- solidation with other roads, representing an aggregate capital of forty millions, and: yielding ‘profit of fifteen or twenty millions to the opera- fors. Emboldened by their suceese in.this mag- nificent scheme, another project, on a still more extended scale, has been resolved upon. This project is the consolidation of the Central road and its appendages with the Hudson river and Harlem and Albany lines, To accomplish this gigantic combination, in connection with the monopoly of the proposed bridge over the Hud- son, at Albany, the speculators, operators and financiers concerned find it expedient to put in. the Governor’s chair a man identified with their cause, and devoted to the consummation of the vast railroad despotism which is thus to be fastened upon the State. The managers of this magnificent scheme are distributed among all the political parties and factions of the day. The plan of this railroad logrolling combina- tion is to secure the nomination of E. D. Morgan as the republican candidate for Governor, as that: ticket is thought to be the surest of success; but to “ make assurance doubly sure,” the most pow- erful influences are to be directly employed among other parties and factions to secure his election, in conjunction with a State ticket of corresponding usefulness, It may be thought somewhat singular armyong our unsophisticated readers, that few or none of our party newspa- pers appear to be possessed of the facts, purposes or policy of this grand railroad combination, and their scheme, which, if carried out, will establish: # transportation monopoly between the eastern. and western extremities of this State upon a con- solidated capital of fifty or sixty millions of dol- lars. The reason is that our political journals of this and that party, especially at Albany, are con-- cerned in the plot. A monopoly scheme, however, of such vast ‘ imensions as this, may well startle the people of this commonwealth in reference to their canals, heir taxes, and the freedom of their elections. It. 8 ascheme which simply proposes a Camden and Amboy government for the State of New York, ora railway despotism like that of the Illinois Central road, built upon the public lands given the concern by its stockjobbers and financiers in. Congress. We are, however, informed that, not- withstanding the silence of the party journals at Albany on the subject, there is a counter-move— ment on foot in reference to our next Governor and the State ticket for our fall elections, and: that the anti-monopolists leading offin this move- ment have hit upon Fernando Wood, of this city, as the man for their gubernatorial candidate. Thirty or forty southern and western counties are already preparing to go in for Wood against Morgan. How this complication of our State polities will affect the Presidential election remains to be- seen. It is very evident that the speculators, operators, managers, financiers and drummers of this splendid railroad conspiracy, including the Albany Evening Journal and the Atlas and Argus, are more absorbed, and feel a deeper interest, in. the success of this plot, than in any or all of the Presidential candidates and platforms put to-- gether. of Diamond Reef. Diamond Reef is situated in the East river, midway between Governor’s Island and pier No. 1 East river. It has always been an annoyance to vessels of large draught: sailing up from the bay, in consequeence of the narrow- bees of the channel at this point and the large number of sailing crafts continally passing and repassing. The reef is some 200 feet long, and on an average 90 feet wide, some places being much narrower tham others. It is of gniess rock, similar to all the under- laying strata of New York, and is about thirteen feet im eight from the bottom of the river, and the top of ther rock is about thirteen feet from the surface of the water at low water mark, To make the channel secure for all vessels of largo draught it would require to be torn away ten feet lower down, thug giving twenty-three feet of water at low tide, Indeed, this would scarcely be ocnough during the prevalence of certain winds, which blow: the water out of the river, at such times often causing, the South Brooklyn ferry boats to ground in thelr docks. This dangerous reef, right in the path of our commerce, has been a source of considerable annoyance to owners: of ships, and many efforts were made to Induce the gene. ral government to make an tate a for the removayy of the reef, but always without Atlength the Com- mon Couneil were induced to authorize Messrs. Husted && Kroehl to remove the impediment to commerce for ther sum of $26,500, ‘The Corporation expect Congress to reimburse the city” treasury, but it is doubtful whether it will ever be done, The work was commenced six weeks ago, and already ts. ridge ten feet wide has been cut thi the roc! required depthmand it is expected that the work will ber finished by next September. The blasting will continue, every fine éay at high tite. Yer terday, at 2). M., upon invitation of the contrac. tore, large party, composed of the members of the: mmon Council, representatives of the press aud others, preeeeved to the dock at Whitehall, where they wok the Steamtug Ajax, and were conveyee to the scene of opera tions fo witnes# the process of blasting. Several of thes Aldermen and Councilmen, apprehensive perhaps that. ther be some danger in going too near the powder mi prudently remained on the dock, with the unwashed an twrry marine democracy, to witness the ne doubt dictated by a desire to be sy and the city ¢ aduition to the steambout, which was very less emall boate we the scene to partici fon. Before the be tthe deck, the rst blast, of one der, was fired off, and ae ” *, in the form of ‘& eone, with feet, and upwards of hundred feet high.” Tho powter ia inclo: » & simple tin canister, which is placed hear the edge of the rock, aid consequently on the ex. plosion the rock is torn off and the 8 thrown into the deep bed of the river The second blast wae of one hundred pounds, and the hird and fourth of two hundred pounds of powter, The larger quantities Of powder aid not appear to send the. water £0 high a8 tho staior, but a much larger bed wae raised. The ri beautiful ¢ First, a dale Fhoek qe dpeard ar uiler the surfaes of the ‘waters, on BE boty vt Apiay eid lowe Would buses A