The New York Herald Newspaper, July 6, 1856, Page 2

y ‘Be Ftationed on the premises night and day, in order to = any further attempts, and to'protect the adjoining y- Fine iy Hupson Srumer.—Shortly after 10 o'clock the veo! of buikiing 230 Hudson street was discovered to be @mére. The fremen were soon on the ground, and ex- @imguiched the fire before t did much damage. The build- genet and occupied by M. S. Macnamara, as a re warehouse and dweliing. The 6 done ‘will probably amount to about $25. Insured in the New ‘Fork Fire and Marine Insurance Company; on Duilding 96,000 and on stock $4,000, The tire is supposed to have @riginated from reworks. ‘THE FOURTH IN BROOKLYN. ‘Be cightieth anniversary of American Independence ‘was ushered in with the firing of canon from Fort @reeve by the Veterans of 1812, and the ringing of the @My bells. Flags were displayed from every public ‘Duilkding, from the liberty poles and from the ferry boats ‘and shipping along the wharves. The day, as wellas ‘We night previous, was made lively by continuous expio- ‘sions of all sorts of fireworks and small firearms. The miMary made a good display in the morning, The Fifth ‘Brigade mustered on Hicks street, and passing through @everal streets, were reviewed in the city park by Mayor Ball. The regiments composing the brigade are the Thir- feenth, Fourteenth and Seventicth, under commané of @onerai Duryea. They were kept under arms from seven ‘® eleven o'clock A. M. Ba the evening there was a fine display of freworks from the vacant space of ground bounded by De Kalb, Befayette, Vanderbilt and Clermont avenuea, under the @rection of the Committee of the Common Council, It is @emputed that from twenty to thirty thousand people col- _ tm the neighborhood to view the display, which em- ved several tastily arranged and beautiful pieces, and elicited the applause of the vast assemblage. A band of music was in attendance, which discoursed sweet strains @erwg intervals. A number of displays, on private ac- eount, were made in al! sections of the city. The station Bouse of the Fourth district police was brilliantly dlumi- ‘The usual number of accidents occurred from gunpow- @er explosions, among winch the following are the most Serious, as far as avcertained — A doy, named William McCool, residing in Skillman near Park avenue, was shot in the face by another ‘and blinded. His eyesight may be destroyed. A ip Graham avenue his hand shattered by the discharge of a pistol. son of Timothy McDermott was badly burned about and face with gunpowder. Taken to his home, street, by the Third district police. boy, a nephew of Mr. Johnson, residing at 196 street, Was also badly burned by the explosion of il was shot through the window of a bouse in At- street and whistled past the head of a lady named Fortunately no injury was done. Matthew Connerty. while sitting at the window of his », in Hoyt street, was shot in the face with @ pis- Lay seriously injured. ‘eam, owned by William Segur, of New Utrecht, be- @me and ranaway. The wagon came in con- et with car No. 93 of the Greenwood line and threw it ff We wack. The wagon was upset and broken. A fre, caused by explosives, broke out in the store of ‘Mr. Lincoln, corner of Sackett avd Court streets, and @ainaged goods to the amount of $50. rf A Ht rf THE FOURTH IN WILLIAMSBURG. ‘There was no public display in the Eastern district of Brooklyn (Williamsburg) ia honor of the day, except of ‘reworks in the evening, which were witnessed by about 34,000 pereons. There was but one accident of a serious . & lad who was firing a small cannon, carelesaly the ramrod in !t, and it was discharged from the gua. Mstruck a stone w the street, and, glancing, struck a weman, er of Wm. Gibson, who was sitting upon the stoop of residence, No. 151 South Third street. ‘The rod passed in atone cheek and through her mouth mitbe aber, fracturing ber jaws. THE FOURTH IN JERSEY CITY. B Jersey Ciy the bells were rung morning and evyen- fog, ond calutes were fires! at sunrise, noon and sunset, At #ix o'clock in the morning the Continental Guard, Captain Wm. Sanderson, paraded, and at 7 o'clock the Montgomery Guard, Capt. Farrell, also paraded. In the evening there was a splendid display of fire works at ‘Van Vorst square, got up by leaac Edge, senr. No ace dent worthy of note occurred. A large number of per- gens passed through Jersey City during the day and evening, leaving New York or returning in the trains of Be New Jersey and New York and Erie Ratirowd.s THE FOURTH IN HOBOKEN, ‘There was no public demonstration {n Hoboken. An fmemense number of persons, however, resorted to the — Fields and other places of resort in and near Ho- H TEL RAPHIC THE DAY AT WASHINGTON. Wasinnetoy, July 5, 1856. ‘were was no public cclebration of Independence day Bere. Ata merry-making in the suburbe, last evening, G@harkes A. Bell, a sea captain, was killed. He was a ua. fore of Bremen AT PHILADELPRIA. Proraperrurs, July 5, 1856, ‘The Fourth was celeDrated with spirit. The democracy Dhol their annual meeting on Independence square, and fe Keystone Club gave a banquet. Quite a number of free occurred—none causing much damage, AT BOSTON. Bostoy, July 6, 1856, ‘The heavy rain of yesterday morning, and occasional ebowers during the day, dampened the ardor of “Young America,” and materially interfered with the usual dis- play of the Fourth. The review of the military, the fre- men’s procession, the dinner of the city officials, in Fa went! Hall, and the regatta on Charles river took place, fccording to programme, but the public, generally, were eompelied to remain ind Several theusand people @ongregate:! in the Common in the even ng and witnessed ra B highly successful balloon ascension, by ason of the G@elebraied #ronavt, Mr. Wise, in ¢ b m Young America wo hours, miles from be Common was Obituary. IGNATITS TUREULL, THE POLISH PATRIOT. London New (Correspondence of the ] avaiw June 12, 1854. ‘The kingdom of Poland has s death of one of her ablest st Il, who expired here yesterday, a’tet Up fo the time of bis death he filled the most importan fe offices in the State, being Privy Council and Secretary of state for the kingdom of lof Poland; besides which, he was member of the Cour tate «iv! of the Commitve of Ministers at St. Petersburg Turkw!l was born in 1798, in the Voivodeshalt of Ka- Bech, anc studied at the universities of Lembery and ‘Viends. In the year 1818 be entered the civil service in on public offices at Warsaw, where he soon dis Pingviehed himeelf by bie extraordinary zeal and appli. eation to «*, brilliant talents and devoted otiem, were duly appreciated, and opened door for bis rapid promotion to the bighest of offee. The Emperor Nivholas, with that discrimination of talent w © eminently charec- Merized him, selected T as a office ® the late minister for the affairs of Pe Count Stephen Grabow-ky mpanying the pr Emperor on his late F T was taken iil on the row main behind for n few days, when tt r y physician, Dr Bolkoweky. snee ng him eufficiently to be able te proceed to Warsaw, w re ty was the it Wieh of hie beeart he relape of typhus, to w public act was renting fall pardon t v y belov to bit for the act of general amnesty. Or Die death, he <a a deputation of P fm with an — 1 would will ffer death a updred times to see my native country hap nN telegray bic despat b annonneing the minister's death wag Smmediately sent terday to the Emperor. ‘The iact t Wieland died on the 16th of Count de Toeg at file, member of t Jone, at th Ove. The @ud bad filled age of 80 year auether work Connt Flor Paris, at avery a La June horkull was greatly an @ who waited on ur 4e Tor tent a philosephical | in Lovie XS er of Or k yesterday af- 480 Cor " cotton and paper st Fre ts Boston —At thernonn. th rtreet, owne three o'cloc building N udred feet EUROPEAN NEWS. Peace Feeling Prevalent all over England, BR. CRAMPTON RECEIVES ALL THE BLAME. LARGE SHIPMENT OF WAR MATERIAL TO CANADA, DEATH OF TURKULL, THE POLISH PATRIOT. Display of Immense Waterworks at the Sydenham Crystal Palace. THE DANISH SOUND DUES PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE, de, &c., &e. ‘The mails of the steamship Canada reached this city from Boston at an early hour on Friday morning. ‘The Madrid Epoca, of the 13th uk., says:—We have re- ceived most satisfictory accounts from our Ameri¢an pos- sessions, Genera! Jose de la Concha, on hearing of the events in Mexico, and of the insult oifered Spain by that government, had immediately despatched to Vera Cruz a frigate and two other Spanish ships of war, He moreover informed the govern ment that the spirit prevailing in the island was excellent, and would enable hun to dispose of the entire squadron and of the 4,000 men on board, to re- quire satisfaction from the Mexican republic. Cuba then enjoyed the most complete tranquillity and security. ‘A Prussian flotilla, com manded by Prince Adalbert, has sailed from Dantzic to the mouth of the Danube. ‘The Russian government bas appointed a Consul General at Paris, instead of a simple Consul. At the audience of the French prelates with the Em peror they alluded to the necessity of restrictive measures to enforce due observance of the Sadbath day, and of re- moving the difficulties in the way of the troops attending mass regularly on Sundays and holidays. {t is said that the Emperor's reply testified some dissatisfaction at the interference of ihe prelates with the regulations of the army. According to indirect advices to England from China, drought by the jast overland mail, dated from Shanghae April 16, and consequently six days later than those pre viously received, silver was again more scarce, and the exchange had advanced to 6s. 7d. A rumor p) led that the rebels were menacing Souchong, but it was not credited, It had, however, sensibly interfered with the opium and import markets, Silk had experienced a fur- ther advance of $10, and was coming down very slowly from the country, where prices were said to be higher than at Shanghac. From Hong Kong the dates are to the 2st of April, when the rate of exchange remained at 5s. Our intelligence from Gibraltar {s to the 13th ult. Her Majesty's steam troop ship Vulean had on board the 17th regiment, under the command of Colonel Arthur Lowry Cole, C. B., bound for Quebec. The Morning Star had arrived at Plymouth from Mel- bourne, with dates to die 20th of March, and the Medway, from Melbourne March 6, with 127 passengers, 600 bales of wool, and gold dust and specie weighing 42,000 oz. The Morning Sur brought 44,682 oz. of gold aud 60,000 sovere'gus, principally consigned to the Bunk of England; 1,941 bales of wool, 6.072 salted hides, hides and call- skins, besides bones, tallow, tin ore and colonia! wine. The London Chronivle, of June 20, saye:—In addition to the troops on their pastage to Canada and Halifax, Nova Scotia, four regiments of infantry and six fleld batteries have been placed under orders to be in readiness for the same destination, and it is stated to be the intention of government further to augment the army in the North American colonies by reinforcements from the German ‘and Swiss legions. Orders have been issued by lord Panmure that all infantry regiments serving in or under orders for the North American colonies, shal! be increased 0 1,200 rank and file eact® the newly raised third batta- Lion of the 60th Rities have received orders of readiness for embarkation. This battalion will be augmented to 1,600 rank and file, including four depot companies of 80 ing the strength of the service companies ‘esterday the greatest activity prevailed in storekeeper 'sdepartment, Tower,orders hay- eived for the immediate despatch of large riat stores, and anam- loyed. to expedite the 5,000 stand trements, were put on board | Deptiord and Woolwish, at which places they +bipped for conveyance to Montreal and iHalfax. commissar.at stores vops'st of blankets, great coats, and w nter clothing. ‘The same journal adds —The American vessels in port at Liverpool made a display of flags on Wednesday, the lish ensign being combined with the American stars stripes. The display, we waderstand, was prompted purely Uy a feeling of satiefaction a3 the probable peace- ‘ub termination of the recent misunderstandings, and ‘was pot, as at first sight some uncharitable persons might have supposed, « specimen of Jopathan’s ‘‘ewagg' The floods ‘n France, which it was hoped were over, are recommencing ip the Garonne. A despatch from Toulouse, dated June 16, 2:30 P. M., says that the waters were ata very great Leight, and that a considerable over- flow was expected. It appears that while during the fetes the weather entering io Paris, there was beavy rain (2 the so Our London Correspondence. Loxpox, June 20, 1856. Tre Anglo American Question—The Sound Dues—An American Veewt Pays Them under Prot ‘The news brought by the Bultic, of the e Buchanan the chosen of the Ciucinnat: Convention for the Presidency, is regarded here as a favorable symptom in relation to the differences between the two countries, Pierce is no favorite here, A slight reaction has taken place in public opinion here. The universal expression Of satisfaction that Mr. Dallas has not received bis pass porta has now cooled down, and fresh doubts have arizen as to what next as regards the Central Ame: Lord Clarendon’s famous expression of dr war,’ is binted at as applicable in the pr However, much all parties in England are averse toa war with the United States—and as a proof of thu feeling I may mention that at Liverpool, when it was heard Dalje tion of Mr. would not be dicmissed, many vessels in port hoisted both cation as a token of gra f the questia American and English flag the probable friendly termination « © Much may be exacted by U “ in limit concession cansot go, The obsggvations on this subject tn the New 1 into the Timer, and into England was never bet and Ire all the leading Lendon journais. ter prepared for war than at the present moment feeling her strength, she ean affurd w peat it, Bo one here desires war; but no ¢ Another clemen word bas arisea— arrived. On the 14th Jur lerat fears it vl f, rather bas the treaty between the United stat and Denmark, respecting 1 dues, expired, and on the 16th the American trader Sarah Bryant, Captain Gellerson, laden with Russian produce mn Cron:tadt on her way to New York, passed the Sound. The Captain paid the dues uncer a formal prote: This question is one Suppose America insists on restitution and compensation; what, then, if Denmark refuses? As regards the propoved The Conference capitalization, nothing has been ecited. Ru Eure aand Olden n Powers will at Copenhagen ended in wothing agreed to it conditionally. TI to an exception being made for the Un never 8 States. Free to one, free to ail. This te a gord which may require the sword of an Alexander to »¢ The Sardinian Chambers have tertr The grand founta at the Crystal on Wednesday. The day there, and \t was a magnifi pecta The funds are buoyant Our Relations with England. EFFECTS OF THE BUCHANAN NOMINATION, From the London Tite « Tt is imposeibie foresee q Crampton quarrel. No one who is ne f human hatere can suppose that ear md th . macy may sm Cy May dictate acquiescence in aw sequences which, as neither of & t hime divert n whether abroa! or in bh pose for some time to con se mph on one side m hom! liatte ther levelopenent ist ng repres=ior ration of any p Br thered How that their ‘ atastroph recent NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, JULY 6, 1856. inspired by that hatred of Great Britain which animatod the pomens of Me. 2 ba ocd and har Ws Cubinet. Of the two men proposed for their sclection, they are better od with the cleverness of Buchanan than the open eaney of Pierce. Buehapan has ** done ” the Britisher—Pierce would eat bim, bones and all. The tormer accords better with the present humor oi the A . ‘They can chuckle over the clever address w illed two Dirds with one stone, and recenciled the amenities of diplomacy here with the pretensions of patriotism there, But they are not at present dispored to sympathise gene- rally with the more truculent predilections which savor of the bowie knife and the ritle. For this we may be thankful, not only on our own ac- count, but on theirs too. The unanimity which would have re-elected Mr. Pierce to the Presidential chair must have involved as a certain conzequence the assumption ofa gr Saab yoo with violence, ession and insult. It would have proclaimed to the World that heuceforth the government of the United States was pledged, and the people of the United States were devoted, toa system which, while it detied or violated the usual laws of inter- national intercourse, at the same time coined fresh laws for its own convenience or ide; and it would not be difficult to foresee that sach @ system, once permitted through weakness or encouraged by connivance, must sooner or later lead to @ rupture with European States, and, among them, with this country, And what a war that would be! We forbear to detail the peculiar means of motual annoyance which each of the contending parties oould bring into the fleld. We forbear to compute the items of injury which they might respec- tively infect and suffer; on the one hand, Boston, New York and New Orleans dismantled, shauered, depopu- jated and in flames; on the other, Lverpool, Manchester and Birmingham subjected not to the same indignities, but to equal misery, by the logs of their trade. We leave to the commercial imagination—an tmagination which in our days is more active than apy other—to reckon the lose, the bankruptcies, the ruin of private families apd ot associations, which must follow such “a struggle. That both countries could survive the strife and in a verySshort time repair their losses is probable enough ; but what time would suffice to heal reciprocated injuries and coo! the hot torrent of angry passions? More important far than this —for it concerns not two nations only, but all civilized Euro yr England and her trans-Atlantic child had inflicted these deep and searching wounds on each other— when each had drunk madly of the other’s blood—what would be the prospects of European liberty ? At the pre- sent moment a dark, thick cloud hangs over Haly, Ger- many, Seryia and Turkey. It is on the cast of the die that they rise free from their time-hardened bondage, or ‘that their fetters be rivetted more tigh ly forever. At such a crisis is it of no slight moment that the two kindred nations who enjoy the greatest freedom of speech, thought, and institutions, should be embroiled in a warfare which ‘would bequeath the bitter legacy ‘ot enduring and rancor. ous hatred ? It is no secret that the great sovereign Powers of Europe, who look with dread and detestation upon those institutions which give to the governed a voice inthe government of their country—and this definition includes nearly all the great Powers—are meditating a project for smothering the nascent liberties of those States where thought is not yet stifled by the censor nor speech fulgitied by the spy. A dexterously concerted pian of operations may strangle the Btn liberties of Europe, and throw its people buck into the darknees and degradation of the mid- dle ages. Once done, this capnot be undone. But, to do this, one thing is especially needful as a precedent condi- top. It is, above all things, necessary that England should be enther distracted or debilitated by some engross- ing and dangerous contest. Whatever diverts her atten. tion, drains her resources or endangers her ‘nfuence, gives an accession of strength to the mona) ch who hates liberty and eyery tyrant who abuses nis pewer. . Bat how great does this accession become if her energies are consumed in a parricidal quarrel with that kindred race, which with her language and blood has inherited her tra- ditions of law, liberty and self government? What would not the despotic soverelgne give to see Bngland and the United Staus committed t a long and desoisting war? Such a strife would seal the fate of free institutions for centuries, perbape forever. It would crush the germ of constitutionaliem in Sardinia. It would consign the fair provinces of Rome ani Tuscany to the eternal sway of a priestly caste and Austrian s ra. It woukl give full rein to the barbarous caprices of the Neapolitan tyrant. Jt would strangle Protestantism in Austr! It would de- stroy free speech and action everyw! and would leave no hope, no resource no redyess, save in the wild outburst of desultory insurrection or the capricious veu- geance af the cowardly stiletto. We know not if these things have been cumsidered by the American people. If they have not been £0, they are at least worthy of their meditation. MeanwhiJe, we venture to regard 4s an indi- ~- of lon — red ee 4 poder ind pre. mee whi ey have given to vil diplomatist over the martial and Dellicose President, [Prom the Loudon Times (City Article) June 20.) The commercial advi from New York yesterday re- port little change in money or ets. Quota- Alone generally were stédy, Dut it was not expected that any considerable movement would be witnessed until the arrival! of intelligence as to the course to be adopted by the English government on the dismissal of Mr. Cramp- ton. ¢ amticipations respecting it were greatly divided, ‘and it consequently exereised considerable influence in checking any dispositicn to buoyancy; but every one felt convinced that if lord Palmerston should decide in favor of Mr. Dallas being allowed to remain, a great and permanent rise would be witnessed in all descriptions of securities. According to some accounts, the existing uncertainty on the sub- ject constituted the sole reliance of pecula- tors for lower prices; Dut it ts evident that the civil war in Kansas between the pro-slavery and the free soil set- tlers in that Terri ory constitutes, together w.th the iuci- dental outrages that arise out of {t in Congress, the ques- tion that reaily absorbs the interest of the cntire population of the Union. With respect to the nominations of the democra ic candidate for the presidency, the opinion 0° the commercial community appears to be that i) is safer for the choice to have fallea ujen Mr. Buchanan than upon eiher Mr. Pierce, Mr, —_ or Mr. Cass;slthough no great reliance \s placed on the friendiy seatimeats of any representative of the party towai ; France. As far as could be judged, the 8 Buchawan was considered likely; but in the present state of the country the political probabilities of the interval up to November, when the election takes pl to allow of auy strong calculation. Toe candida opposite side remains yet to de selected, and it is eupprs ed the choice will lie between ex President Fillmore and Colonel Fremoxt. The Central American Difticulty— Reading of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. [From the London Times, June 20.) In the phraseology of the New World, the Convention at Cincinnati having “reeffirmed the Baltimore platform’ in a manifesto, adds thereto some resolutions, which will be found in our columns. They are not very pleasant reading, cither as to their style, whichis very much what the giant Gargantua would have employed’ for bis least amiable occasions, or for their tone, which is that of seif will, as opposed to all the doubts that international right or any other consideration might *uggest. at present, however, we are not in the mood to quarrel either with the tone Any more than with the style. We are pi 1 to make things pleasant for our rather quarrelsome cousing, and, it possible, would not leave to Mr, Bucha pun, in the event of his election, the trouble of discovering fone Dew doc for the settle ment of the re Tt is true that op a perusal of the resolutions befor documents of the same description, w to go a good deal fu “t than Mr. Buchanan in that pe- cularity of vision which he has applied to these affairs. He does not see what there ts to arbitrate upoo in the Claytou-Bulwer treaty. But will Mr. Buchanan, or any gentleman in his bebaif, be s0 good as to say what there was to have a treaty upon; what occasion there was for any conference at all; what subject matter for ony agreement’ If the democrats of Cincinnati and Mr. Bu nd even the President, have any clear idea on 1, it must be that the British government went through the pompows ceremony of sending a Plenipoten tiary to America to declare, that whereas it had it would acquire and tend to nothing, im Central soberness and sincerity we al nothing Amel was something very amis vimple reason that our pec they had made a very great coup. We do not believe in diplomatic coupe. When nations are well beaten out of a pesition they submit to it with as good © aa they can. They give way when they don’t think a point worth fight ing for, or when there bappens to be some national (ee ng of interest concerned. But no nation ever was bound by a mere form of words, and it was not to be expected that the United States would ever be bound by a phrase Evidently they know as little about the Clayton-Bulwer treaty as 9,009 out of 10,00 do in thie country. They think they have a natural right to Central America, if they can get it, and all that stands in their way they set down as tnconshine A word, however, with or gigantic progeny—theee prondsons and second cotsins Whe are so insufferably in olenf and 60 y dtsagroeable, chiefly because they like ourselves. There is an old proverb, “ Moet et epecd.'’ If the matter is such plain sailing it e—if their own destiny is so paramount— Fettled matters 80 agreeably and certuiuly thelr empire, and 0 forth, they nce uty, apd, above all, have no occa. won to beard the they have the honor or th dishonor to be born, "We beg to assure them that notgdy in Fngland takes @ natural a nterest ¥h Central America, of the steadieet old officials or M. I businesslike qualities, have read, or ean be read, the Ulue books on the subje upon ux by the progress of the controv a strange and unreal to us as those Nights’ Entertainments” or a book of The peeple of England, as th Cineinnati may see from the declaration of be in no partiew Chamber of Commerce, and many other e the popular feeling, have oe sh to deny the United “tates a “preponderance” in ‘the adjastinent of Central Americar questions, to far as they are questions of inte t and convenience, and do not compromme honor, duty and right. For our part, we can look with greal resignation, and even pleasure, to the future day when be United Btates may en @ the Whole continent be tween Britieh America and the Isthmus of Paoama. We even go further; but it is not necessary, nor do wo 6 any likethood of more, We are willing to admit that € I States havea fair right to expect an “ascem the Guif of Me ng a there dancy e Certain rtain Britiet a als, Who gail with ce rdors. whereof we know but There pr rath fleets and armies will be four thousand miles home, and will return blow for blew. Our Ministers ego liate for peace as tardity ax they have nogouated for a settlement of our present differences. The war will ri on, simply becanse there is po stopping 1; against interests, against the fee ings, sgainst the fervent pray- ers of both countries. most irreparable will be done to both, far more than cap be measured by any amount of property and any number of hives. And when impartial history comes to ask who were tho au- thors of the widespread calamity, it will inquire into existing rights and into the meaning of treaties rather mere closely, we suspect, than the ardent citizens of Cincinnati. ‘Turning to our own government, we cannot help urgi; them to devote a Mttle more time and take more dir, and conclusive means to settle these questions for good and forever. It will be a great thing to finish them off during the existing Presidency, and withdraw them as s00n as possible out of the excitement of the wre contest. Avy sacrifice in reason is better a col- lision, which would put the matt@r out of the reach of statermen, of wisdom, of humanity, of the two couatries themselves, were they ever so destrous of For our part, we can salely say we have always been ready, for any amount of reasonable concession, We have ever regarded all differences between us and the States mueh as we have habitually regarded the difference be- tween our government and its.own people at home. While we have steadfastly maintained the supremacy of aw aginst actual resistance, we have ever been for timely con- cession, These American questions are but a territorial variety of our domestic dissensions. A Jarge part of our people, naturally the more ambitious, the more self willed, the more impracticable, and less reverential of vs, have betaken themselves to a new country; set up for themselves, resented interference, and demanded to be left alone in that part of the world which nature seems to leave opep to their progress. Classes of ourselves at bome have made extensive demands without mach picety of expression, and even without much consideration of existing right, when it seemed inconsistent with nature end justice in its more general significance. Mutatis mu- andis, What have Brmingham and Manchester been in their time but a domestic United States’ and what have the United States been but a transatlantic Lancashire or Warwickshire? We have met actual resistance with arms; we have maintained law against our own les and blood. We have ‘massacred’? our citizens 'n our streets: when they assumed the shape of physical force; bub at the first “breathing time we have usually considered their demands, and given all that they reasonably asked. Within a generation the government has three or four times capitulated to the people. For our part, we haye uniformly urged the surrender, Why may we not assume that the people of the the United States are still part of ourselves, in interes im sentiment, in fellow feeling, as much ‘as in race! Many of its moving spirits are born Englishmen. They are only carrying out the gpirit they acquired in our own sehcols or our places of discussion. We can yield to them, if anything is to be yielded—we can even bear with their otherwise unbearable language, better than from nations of another race and tongue. If they rush into outrage, their blood be on their own heads. We cannot help it. A man will resist his own son, if that son does not respect the hoar head. But while {t is possible, and while humanity and and kindred have a right to be beard, let us deal wth the Americans as we should had they never lef our shores and been merely presecuting some domestic claim. Tet us give up whatever we can without compromise of plain duty and honor. [From the same paper, same date.) A thoughtful reader of history will observe one great fallacy underlying many of the Ware of past times. It was t hat small questions were great ones, because they happened to arise between great Powers. That forward and delusive faculty, the imawination, transferred the idea of greatness from the dixputants to the dispute, and a molebill of questions made a mountain the instant a@ great Power touched it. Even now it is difficult to keep people to reason, As Soon as ever @ question arises between rs, the whole world pricks up its ears, and that what everybody is thinking about mething very importait. Huteverybody must the slightest reflection, that great Powers may: have small matters of dispute, and the intelligent part of the world is beginning to draw the distinefion in the pro- and to see that nations need not Aight simply questions. Of the two questions which compose the Central Ameri- can dispute=the Mosquito question and the question rela- ting to the Bay Islands—the former is already virtually settled. Great Britain has expressed herself all along as not wiehing to retain spy excl € protectorate over the Mosquito territory, including Greytown. She is willing shat the latter should be a sort of Hanseatic town, under the joint protectorate of herself and the United States, or to make any other similar arrangement. ‘The question of the Bay Islands still remains, and this ie a question which an hour's conference between two in- telligent persons would easily settle, and we should not care much which way it was settled. Central America and the seas and islands adjacent formed, Uhl within oompara- tively recent times, part of the great Spanish empire, As purt of this empire they came, in the year 1783, under the operation of @ treaty between Spain and this country. The country between the rivers Wallis, or Belize, and Rio Honda was rich in logwood or wood for dyeing, and we obtained by this treaty trom the Spanish crown the right for our seulers to cut kogwood in this district. The boundaries of this dis- trict were accurately marked, however, and there was en express stipulation that this right “ was not to be con- sidered as derogating in any Wise from his (the Spa- nish monarch’s) rights of sovereignty.” The treaty of 1763 was confirmed by enother in 1786, which made particular mention of * the islands adjacent’ to the Con- tral American coast, which we were required to evacuate, . then, appear to show is, that islands adjacent bad been, and of the Spanish American gives us that which a sover the “useful domain,’ as pub- of a certain portion of it, and in giving it express! ryes its sovereignty even over that portion, The Spanish sovereignty is implied and upposed over the mainland and the adjacent islands, and jorws the substratum of the whole treaty; and, what is jarticularly to the purpose, the continuance of this sove- ieignty, even over the district of the English settlement ot Belize, was recognized by act of Parliament 11 the year 1817, passed “ for the more effectual punishment of mur- cers apd manslaughters committed in places net within bis Majesty's dominons.’’ The first section of this act recites that— Whereas, grievous mut hters have heen ders and manslaug! commited at the settlement in the Bay of Honduras, in South America, the same bei t for certain * But this act could not be carried into effect, because it was found that there was ‘wo island there in the de- minion of bis Majesty to whieh the King's commission could be directed;"’ and consequently an amendatory act was passed in 1819, substituting a special tribunal at Be lize for trial of such offences, ‘‘becanse of the great de- ay and difficulty in removing offenders in Honduras for trial in England.’’ These statutes, then, must certainly te admitted to prove that so late as 1819 the Englie Porliament recognized the sovercignty of the Spanish crown over the mainland of Central America; and the ont islands apy ee with the mainiand, and to be considered as under the same sovereignty, as they are evidently one im the two treaties of 1763 and 1786. Up to this point, then, the Spanixh crown is in posses. jon of the sovereignty over Central America and ad. acent islands. Bat between the years 1821 and 1824 the whole of Central America threw off the Spanish dominion, and five provinces which had constituted the old Kingdom or viceroyalty of Guatemala became five repub lies, with a federal constitution, and established them. elves as the United States of Central America, a anion whieh was afterwards dissolved. then claimed in tts new and independent condition all the territory which had attached to it in its former state of tependeney; and, among the rest, the republic of Hon. duras lays claim to the Bay Islands as islands which attached to the old province of Honduras, and were, along with that provinee, under the a of the Spanish crown. These islands are about thirty miles a nt from the coast of Honduras. ‘The question, then, which an arbiter would have to settle would whether Honduras, on its separation from the Spanish crown, succeeded mately to all the rights and territories attaching to it while a dependency of the Spanieh crown. The Committee of the Senate of the United States, appointed in the beginning of 1853, to examine the case of the British prociama‘ion for the co- lonization of the Ray Islands, and draw up a report, lays ‘an undoubted principle, ‘that, when one poii- tieal cot ity separates itself from another by success ful revolt, assumes the forin and declares itself to the world as a separate and independent power or State, and so maintaine itelf, such power or State thereby becomes a sovereign within ite lawful or prescribed limite; and, by the established usage of nations, such pro-existent sovereignty is to be recognized by other nations ase common duty, whenever the new power shall have ex hibited satis that it is, in fact, iudepeadent, and js capable of so sustaining itself.”” ‘We apprehend that there could be no difficulty in ret tling such ® question as this. There are, of course known rules and precedents which would apply wo it, and a moderate acquaintance with international law would supply the proper data for the decision. It would be, of course, for an arbiter to my whether our war with Spain, subsequent to the treaties of 1783 and 1786, at all affected the conclusion to be drawn from those treatie”, or whe ther the appeal to treaties in the present case is simply hietorical, for the purpose of ascertaining how the facts of the cave stood, and is, therefore, not aflected by any sub eequent war with Spain. It would also be for an arbiter to say Whether any temporary Brith occupations of the Bay Islands interfere with the Spanteh and Honduras title. sith questions as these would be very easily decided one way of another, and, whichever way they were decided neither side w have any disgrace to suffer, It is merely a matter of law, and ina civilized state of things there ie no discredit in bowing to law: only let the ques tion be settled soon, and not continue to disturb any long er the peaceful relations of the two countries The Slavery Contest In the United States. (From the London Post, Ju | fy slow degrees, yet with unchecked progress, the great quarrel in the Coited States is aeeuming the pro pertions we long einee assigned to it. The advices by the Baltic, which arrived on Wednesday evening, record further violence on the part of the proslavery part further indignation on the vide of the free soilers learn that recently @ hundred armed men left Mobile to scour the Territory of Kansas, for the avowed purpose of making it (oo hot for the free sotlers.”” It does not ap atter oflered any resistance: indeed, hither pear that th t nll € , ina they bave behaved with the most com mendable bearance bot these armed r inte an unofte nd in » on for ever without cir natural resulte—deep discontent, re er that terrible sliding scale of rd that at last passes into civil war, and this is etween | ring States adjacent Dg on 4, wor does it in resem which hae yet oc wet the South Carolina nullification Then, inde pon the refueal of that mm to ecision of Congress, the Pr dered foree he 1 muster to @ tite of in op the part of the malcontents. Other Mato gislateres certainly sympathized with therm financially dirapproving of the tarilf, but none did pobtica ty in supporting bulhiication; and South Carolina yielded, not because of the innate gooduess or badness of her cause, but because she good alone, A State with barely six hundred thousand inhabitants resisted a pation numbering twelve millions, and there eoull be but cue result between such odds. Ju the pre- gent case. the President, with about seven or exght mil- lions of inhabitants of the slave states in hiv favor, is opposed to the population of the free states, amounting to fourteen or filteen millions, on a subject which is recognized by thinking men of all parties as involving a principle for and against which the South and the North ure irrevocably committed, and which must cither be brovght to a setdemert, of which no man can at present see the possibility, or lead to the dissolution of the Union. Nor is this violence confined to a remote settlement, where order has bardly had time to estabiish itself; 1¢ breaks out in blows in the very heart of the Senate: and the ferocious attack upon Senator Sumner by Mr. Brooks is cousidered almost universally throughout the Union as port and parcel of the slave war, which indeed it is, though it does not come within the category of legitimate hostilities, as commonly received on Our side of the At- iantic, ce “indignation meetings” on the subject of the out- ve becn held throughout the freeStates by men Id not be likely to trouble their ‘much ator being “badly whipped,” as they quaintly xpress it; hence the efligics of President Pierce and Mr. vrooke—sssociated unfavorably in the minds of the peo- on this subject—have been hung before the State House ‘oncord, fhe capital o; New Hampehire; hence the fer- ment in Massachusetts, "and indeed generally over the North; hence, more significant still, the selection of Mr. uchanan for President, by the National Democratic Con- \ention at Cincinnati, ‘and the approval of that nomina- ‘on at New York. Nor is this anti-slavery feeling of re- ent growth. Slavery has been long denounced as the +‘ lague spot of America by the best and wisest of her sons, who probably saw in it that ultimate cause of the dissolu- ion of the Union, which, in sober truth, seems now impending. It is said that there are statesmen in Ame- rica who see in a foreign war the only mode of once more uniting for a common object those jarring elements which secm on the point of fallmg asunder ; and certainly the demands upon Denmark of the abolition of the Sound duces, of which America pays a hardly appreciable share; the quarrel, to say the least of it, unnecessarily forced upon us about that unfortunate reciurting ; and the ragua buccaneering, which threatens still graver compl cutions—all give color to the theory put forth by many who are supposed to be weil acquainted with the subject, that for some months back a race has been going on in the United States between civil and foreign war, whilst passing events seem to indicate that the former is likely to be the winner in that race. Whatever, however, for weal or woe, may come out of these troubled times, we would impress upon our readers that, let Presi. dent Pierce and Mr. Marcy be as offensive and as bellicoxe as they please, we have friends as well as enemies in the United Btates. The Northern States, though in some respect our natural rivals, are our natural allies. Should war unbappily break out,’ the tirst effect would be a strict blockade, and the capture of nearly all their sea going ships, which would annihilate their carry- ing trade—their principal staple of industry. They would, therefore, feel its effects the first, and the most severely. The South, however, would continue to export its pro- duce—burdened, indeed, with the expense of transport to a Mexican port—on the strength of recently adopted Jovtrine that neutral bottoms make neutral goods; and it would speedily appear that the United States were carry- ing om a war adyorated mainly oy oye owners, and sup- pored tobe undertaken in the interests of slavery, in which the Southern States suffered little, while the Aorthern—the opponents of slavery—bore the whole brunt. How long after such a discovery as that would the war last or the Union either? For’ this reason bet us look upon the Northern as men likely soon two be- come our firm ales. Let us hear no more of burning New York and ravaging the seaboard. That the officers and sailors on both sides will pour forth their blood like water, we know well; but blood shed professionally does not eave the rankling sting behind that it does when the population of an unarmed city has been subjected to the operations of regular forces.. Whatever the early vicis- situaee of the war in be—and they may be many, and sore to bear—let us always bear in mind that the hour must arrive when the Northern States will no longer suf- ter their commerce to be destroyed for the sake of the Southern; and let us so eonduct that war that when the inevitable hour of reconciliation is at hand there may be the least possible on both sides to forgive and forget. When a ple blockade will necessarily bring about all that we desire, there would be neither wisdom nor hu, mamty in entering on an inveterate blood feud with a ‘who ought to be our nearest and most cherished allies, Feel in Paris on the Crampton Dismissal. Correspondence of the London Times. } Panis, Wepyespay, June 18—6 P. M. The general opinion bere is, that the American question will lead to no if difference of any serious kind be- tween the United States and Eng! |, it it ht not rather to be considered as nearly settled, unl the use President Vierce is said to and ad- minister a still ruder lesson. “humiliation” ma: bee nd too strong, accom as the dirmiseal of our Minister is by assurances of good will towards the British people and respeet to ths sove- reign; but it is impossible to affirm that the expulsion of the person who was the representative of that sovereign is a thing to be over-proud of, in what terms soever it be dixguised. It is true that the proceeding of the American government towards Mr. Crampton ix not of the out- regeous kind practised towards Sir Henry Bulwer by the Spanish government in 1848. It is exactly eight Years since this last * affront’ was offered to the Queen of Fngland, in the persor of her representative; and two such experiments on a nation, before balf the second justrum is completed, are quite suflicient to test its pa tience or tts prudence. Let us bope that the third trial will come from the hands ef the King ef the Two Sicilies, wnd that be may be tempted, in @ fit of liveliness, to int his betters, and some fine morning send Sir W. mple his passports, at we might then make some one explate the sins of General Naryaez and Mr. Marcy, to- gether with his own. You will easily suppose that this affair bar furnished a topic of much interest among the various circles in Paris. The arguments pro and con, are discussed with as much fairness at one could expect on such an occasion. The complaints of the Americans themselves (and this Is not the first time they are heard) seem, by persons who are by no means unfavorable to us, to be not entirely Without foundation. The Americans complain that while they take care to send the dest men they can get to reprevent the great republic at London and i“, England and France almost invariably select men of infe- rior capacity and official standing, whom they would hardly venture to aceredit to any court in Europe which pretends toarank among first rate States. They main- tain that America besa right to claim that , and, though utrerly indifferent to silly questions of etiquette, which not rarely occur in the diplomacy of the old courts, they expect that men of serious character, and possessing due Weight in public life, should be sentto them. They complain that proper care is not always taken by either Fngland or France in thie respect; they say they cannot be expreted to have much repect mere trifler, and they think they should not be obliged to receive persons who, from one cause or the other, would be objected to by the more important ccurts of Europe, Such com. plaint- were heard before the unfortunate occurrence in which Mr. Crampton is concerned, ‘Then, ayain, we are tolé how much better it would be bad the Britieh erbment spared iteelf this unpleagavt incident by recalli a rs had been carried to a on bas up to almost the last moment ntleman what Lord Palmerston did in 1848 for Bulwer; that he defended him throughout, must have been aware of the whole of the cir- cum not except those which are now con- sidered strong enough to mit J will pot say justity —the harsh measure of expu . The Americans say that even supposing they deserve the charges about their aggressive spirit and their leregara ‘of the rights of others which are brought a , Yet they coneti tute nevertheless a powerful nation, and are quite ae much entitled to respect from other ernments in these mat- ters as, for instance, Rusela, who is not characterived b; disinterestedness or moderation in her relations wi her weaker ne ghbors, but towards whom there is shown po such indifference in the selection of diplomatic agents. Gow far there complaints are well founded you can bet- ter judge than ] can; but it is well that they should not be passed over in’ silence, They baye probably been Drought to the knowledge of our government before this, and may baye a proper ellect in the svlection of a suc. cesvor to Mr. Cra! ' In the cave of sturitz, who eorauen Spain in England at the period of Sir Henry Bulwer’s compulsory departore from Madrid, that gentleman was, I believe, merely informed by Lord Palmerston that he might leave England as soon a& he thought proper, but I doubt whe- ther his passports were sent to him unasked. The Spanish government condescended to send Count Mira sol, at the same time that Sir H. Bulwer left Madrid, with documents purporting to establish the charges brought against him, and, of course, to justify the very summary proceeding practised towards Palmerston positively refused to look at the documents or to receive the bearer, and the Spat government per- sisted in refusing to receive back the agent they had ex. pelled, and contented themselves with giving assurances of good will, respect, &c., just as the Cabinet of Washing. ton now does With aii this it is the opinion, even of our friends, that it would be well, if England mean to retain the position she bas long oceupied in the estimation of foreign nations, that such things should not too often occur. They believe that even England can hardly afford to bave her repre: sentatives frequently dismissed by toreign governments after euch a fashion, whether that disinissal bé softened down by a courteous mode of procedure, as in the pre sent instance, or whether it be aggravated by insult in manner and in language, as in the other case. The Ko- monwe svm was not alone for the benefit of Don Pacifico. It records a noble privilege, and, when used by a British minister, the analogy it suggests ought to remiad British subjects rather of the Romans of old than of their dege nerate descendants. The follow ing are the remarks of our old fusionist friend the Avsemléée Nationale on the dismissal of Mr. Cramp vn Beare u ih he mptan set foot on British soil than by those to whom he hae intrnst ed the defence of hie public character and of hiv b or tarnished in a cause which was that of h ntry. He ig accused of levity, he is declared to be incapable of the functiens intrusted to bis manegement, and he has re. turned to London in order to be present at the triamph of Mr. Pallas, These accusations are not only strange in exiting cireumstnces; they appear to us (we may permitted to say en passant) supremely unjust. In mixing himself up with this miserable question of recruits Mr. Crompton only followed the instructions of his govern ment, as the whole world knows. It was not only in Americr that England directed her agents and consuls to procure for her men who were willing to exchange their blood for ber guineas. The same instructions were en to her agente in Maly and Germany, and we have witnessed their results, Mr. Crampton only ollnwed the general instructions given. This was declared solemnly by the Englich government ax long as there existed hope of his remaining in Waehington Te Mr. Crompton is only @ compromised b Hest le to get tid of ‘He an) Vite bas Mr. C he itLope isavow reepect to the affront offered him, after all been written and sid in bis defence by toe a ters of Her Majesty, the insult does not, it is teue, alfoor Dim one; it reboands on the governm st and the coun try which he represented. But then it was offered witiy so Inany forms, aud was ace mpanied with advantageous otters. Everything can therefore be ar the best. Manches'er will not be short 0° cotton, aod here exists, beyond mistake, the whole secret, Engh’ i+ unoer the dependency of the United States, and “Rule B itannia’? # forgotten why tt is necessary to procure the article indispensable for the life of tts popu ation, = It ix far from our intention to blame the prudence, the cir. eumspection, and even the hemiltity of the government and states men of England, which are commanded ja the name of such great interests. But nevertheless we will permit ourselves to remark that the spectacle offered by the Brith administration oy no means corresponds with the idea we had formed ofa great government. This me- deration, this patience, pushed to the limits of abnega- tion, in the presenes a cool and pre medimted insult this'desertion of un agent who was deelarad up to the: last moment worthy 0° responsibility; this facility on turning and of viewing matte s in their best light, asx tonishes us above Hut, after all, the honor a& stake: iz pot our own, aud itis not for us to take it under our protection, ‘The Palmerston Coen ie Balllic’s Mo»- Me In the House of Commons, on June 18, Major Rxxp—I wish to usk the honorable member for- Inverness-shire whether, pending negotiations between. this country and the United States, he stil intends to» bring forward the motion which stauds in his baie for to morrow? Mr. Bansux—T am anxious to state, for the eenverience of the House, the course which J intend to pursue in refe- rence to the motion of which I have given noticefor tw- morrow. Having heard from various quarters ‘that 1% might be inernvenient to the public gervice to entor at the present moment upon any discussion of American af. firs, 1 intend to er ‘up that motion, (Cheess.), At the same tie I wis! cicdinctly §0 state, that I have in no» way cbar ged the opinions which I originally forexed'upor: the subject. They have, on the contrary, only been con- firmed by the papers Which have been laid on we tablo- by her Majesty's command, and, it I withdrav: ray me- tion, I only do’ #0 because T would not wish to pursue co course which might be thoughtto be injurious ve se pub- lic pterest. (Hear, bear ) Mr. G. H. Moont—I regret exceedingly to hear that the- honorable member for Inverness-shire has abandoned: the task which he had undertaken, and whieh he was s very competent to discharge; and I regret still more to» find that honorable members around him appear to ac- uiesce in that decision, But though this side of the: jouse may abdicate the functions of an oppexition, that: isno reason why this House should abdicate the func- tions of Parliament, and I, for one, will certainly not abdicate the privilege of an independent member, of calling upon the House to give its opinion on an: on which it may think it expédient for the pr service that its opinion should be expressed. I thindk #8 {a righot that the sense of the House should be taken on the ques- tis I the give notice that I shall take the sense"of the House upon it on the first day on which I ean obtain »portunity, and in whatever form I may think mosi convenient. In the House of Commons, on the 19th of Jone, Mr. Gladetone said:—I beg to give notice that to-merrow, on the moti¢n for the adjournment ¢fthe House, I shall ask. the noble Viscount at the head of the goverment, at what time it is probable that the despatch containing the borieie neyo Ly Mr. Maroy’s letver, with re- tion to the dismissal of Mr. Cram ‘will be laid uy tke table of this Houser os _ ‘The Regency Question in France—A Pica for the Em The Paris Constitutionnel of June 18 contains the fol- lowing article, signed by M. Ameriee de Cesena — ON THE REGENCY OF WOMEN. It is an ofd maxim of our country that the throne must never be allowed to degenerate, to use an expression oi our ancestors, de lance en (from a lance to & distei). But at no period of our history did this fande- mental principle of the monarchical institutions of France form any reason, either in the mind of the sover: the people, or the legislative bodies, why the or wives of our kings should not govern the nation durin, the absence or minority ef the monarch, with the len: tude of power and the title of t. ‘The most remote sovrenirs ot our country are, on the contrary, associated by brilliant exam ‘and glorious names, with the regepcies of women, and, although tn- the archives of the past there may be no general invaria- Die law establishing regent goon with the character of @ permapent institution an absolute right, custom bas sanctioned them so frequently that they may be said to have all the legitimacy of @ national tradition, going back to the very cradle of monarchy r Thus, in the race of Clovis itself are to be found female regents who, during the minority the State — that vigilant and mother, which in al, as in private families, it is . impossible for any other ailection to replace. This \sthe race from which dates the ancient custom that excludes women from the throne of France. But ,it nevertheless placed under the safeguard of tenderness crown of those children of kings who, by right of birth, were called to the throne before they were of an age to wield the sword of a soldier, and to hold the sceptre of a monarch. Thus, in 655, Queen Matilda occupied the ney, and uided the State with a firm and dreaded "oa caring he minority of the three sons which she had given to er royal Husband, Before her, in 678 and 590, two ther mothers of sovereigns in their cradle had also been uardians of the crown for the legitimate heirs of Clovis: nd, moreover, these princesses lived in an age of vio- ence and barbarism, when it might have been supposed hat the head of a statesman and the arm of @ warrior were becessary protections against revolt and assaesina- jon, and the many perils by which an infant's throne Was surrounded. But both policy and nature were found greed to prefer the heart of a mother to the bravery of | general or the ability of a minister. ‘No guilty thought o mind of a female regent, because the law of the land ex- juded women from the thi a thix fundamental principle Of the French monarch; ony og , the kings of the third race, pany Bgl the first, sought out the rule of Fee matters: of regency. The inore women were held to be incapable of ling in their own name, the more did it appear to these kings that they were naturally calied upon t ee eae cael aoe A we. cr ambitious they might be, they conk! never hope to usurp. These princes justly saw im this traditionad and legal incapacity, an additional guarantee for the se- curity of the ki , Which regents, apt and capable of reigning themselves, are too often temyted to plunge inte | Civil troubles in order to dispossess their wards. There was no fixed and positive rule on the subject; the will of the sovereign coutinued to be the law of the pang on 8 But the custom became established almost polities and the duties of ——- by their mothers, During the minority of wg ba ‘tus, Alice pkg it of France by virtue of the isband, Louls VIL. And she a second time on that exalted post on the nomination of her he, the ancestor of #t. Louis, went to and inaugurated the era of chivalry The,name of Alice de Chany is but little known; our annals contain but comvenirs of the mother of rate regency of Blanche of Castille, shed a France. Some centuries later the no geney of the widow of Louis XIII. occupied a large Bah our history. reign of St. . the other the nd thus the glory was reserved to two French es, both of Spanish origin, of training tho two greatest ibe ond preparing the two most splendid reigns of pird race. con the guardianship of erpment of the i. to most invariable law of all Such was successively the will of Philtj V. and Charles VI.—a will ‘nanifested by authentio, wets. Louis XL. went even a step further in the same direction. He preferred to confide the diane hip ef bis <uceesssor and the government of the to his France, rather than to a prince of the blood. when Louis XII. died. But the event of e been provided for; Lowia XII. had by bis vo Arne of Brittany. Francis 1. followed this example. During his absence ‘was of A there Was not confided to a woman; that bas been but one regency in France. That regency regency did not either upon the heart of a mother or the affection of a wite; it was Gnevelens Uy 0 at prince of the blood—it was the regency of the ¢ of Orleans during the mi nority of Louis ‘The traces left in hi by ,. gency ure well known, Assuredly it ls not nor such a sewrentr that can lead us to prefer of a man to that ofa woman. Doubtless the regencies rome women bave been full of perils and ii they have often been tried by sufferings and cont But may it not have been that their faithful guardianship of the legitimacy of the throne and the authority of the| — provoked hatreds and raised up obstacles in their] path? Phetever opinion may be entertained of Cuherine Medicis, does any one suppore that person son would have Teen in freater [nape in the hands the luke de Guise, or that the house of Lorraine would have defended the throne of the Valois better than widow of Henry IY From the obscure Alice de Cham-| pagne down to the filustrious Anne of Austria, all emale regents of France, mothers of infant kings, hav met with adversaries, elther in the great men of 1 kingdom, or the princes of the blood. Is not this hostillt; ™ joquent argument that ean be used in favor o! he reacney of women? When we see that in the ey: of the great men of the realm, and of princes of the blood, power has such attractions that they will resort td rebellion in order to get in poweession of it, who shall sa if, during the minority of their sovereign, they iy held the reins of state, they would net have t an irrisistible ambition to keep them im thet own bande, in contempt of all thetr duties as guardian, and in derogation of all the rights oftheir ward? Per manent facts are but the outward and visible manifesta tions of just opinions. It is in mature herself that th first k”ings of France found the reasons which prom: them to confide the guardianship of the ssered interes of their ebildren to the sagacity and love of the mother] Who better than ehe, acting under the inapiration of devotedness proof against every trial, will be vigilant thore interests which she regards as her own? Who bet ter than ehe, enlightened by her heart, and guided bi her tenderness, can labor to avert every danger the throne of ber ehild, studying at the same time to serve for him the integrity of his power and affection bis people? Custom alon’, indeed, ectablished the prin} ciple in the ancient monarchy. that during the minority of th gn the grverr nee to the mothe Bt tempte