The New York Herald Newspaper, June 24, 1856, Page 2

nation, and our commonatty, for the most part, ate {a the game biessed ignoreage of obtensive comments in foreiga danguages. Peace gains something by these barriers of foreign tongues. The in common with the American “Union bas served, as it ought to have done, as a mews of concord, Dutas a ground of offence in common, They see everything that is said in the English press dis- mgreeable to their self love, and we as regularly have brought under our view whatever they retort disparag- img or insulting to us. On each side irritation is kept up, ‘and national vanity is in a perpetual fret. The Americans ‘complain that the British are the only people in the world who ridicule their peculiarities, and find fault with their habits and manners, The fact is not so, but they do not see or hear bow they are bandied in foreign languages, and we, therefore, falsely appear to be their only censors or detractors. Henee a vast deal of undue resentment and spleen. We believe that nothing would tend =o mach ‘w peace between the two countries as the confusion of woncues falling wpon them for the space of two or three years. tis because we understand each other verbally well that we understand each other substantially so @. And, perhaps, if the diplomatic relations are sus. yended, and the two goveraments sulk and cease to gpenk to each other for a season, good may come of the Qerrupiion of intercourse. ‘The Deticf that nothing would provoke Engtand tog) te war cucouraged the kite Emperer Nicholas to the ag toms which termineted in the event whick Russia ha such reason to rue. We trust this example will no ve lost on the people of the Unted States. England ha immense stake © ce -Amerioa. She know ew to measure the vast culammy of war, but there ar ‘evils to which she és prepared 10 submit’ as necessities ‘Wke pestilence and famine, if there'be ne honorable meaa ‘of eeeaping them. Our government has proposed arbitra, ‘Bon upon one question, has expressed regrets and offered ‘apology Tespecting another. If tt has been in the wrong Mmadyertently m the enlistment affair, it has put itseif in ‘the right by its conciliatory conduct.’ There are bounds however, to concession, ‘especially when there appea te be no’ bounds w exactions and pretensions, The world has never yet seen ¢uch a war as wonld be ‘the war—strange, fouland unnatural—between the United States and England; fer the-world has never before seen ‘dwo nations with the same identtty of interests, having be- ‘tween them, besides the ties of kindred and free instita- tions, the fic of the very largest commercial relations. ‘The annval valve of ovr trade with America fs eqnal to the whole natonal revenue of Russia. Sore scandal -would it be to humanity if two coun- ‘wies which so serve and enri:sh other should turn their powers to injuring each other, which they would unhap- pily do in far greater proportion. How the evil spirits of the world would rejoice at such a spectacle of the falli- Dility of the free institutions! We have been told that war fea game kings would net play at, if their people were ‘wise. What, then, must be the people who permit the ehief officer of their State to play this wicked game for his wn separate and particular interest, bidding for a renewal of his power by abusing it? {From the London Economist, June 7.] The Centrai American question has begun to assume a new phase, and to force itself somewhat painfully upon the consideration of the country and the government. ‘The United States—or at least those persons who, as yulers for the time being, are entitled to act in their mame, to drag them through the dirt, and to chaiz them 4o their own seilish career—haye thrown off the mask, and taken a step which, if not wholly unexpected, must still be called surprising. Their Cabinet—or at least its ebief—has acknowledged the Ame booter, who for the moment has seized upon the government of” Nicara- gua. We begin now to getaglimpse of a second and gabsidiary motive of President Pierce in so pertinaciously endeavoring to quarrel with Great Britain on the matter of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty: he was desirous to find a text for its abrogation, because, if still extant and in ree, it would oppose a barrier to his ulterior de- signs. He therefore charged us with violating it, ‘because the course which he had resolved to pursue ‘was certain, sooner or later, to involve him in a viola- tion of it himself. It is easy enough to characterize the ‘American policy as it deserves; but it is afar more im- portant matter to consider deliberately what principle Bhall be selected to guide the policy of this country in the Mace of the step already taken the Cabinet of Washing- ton, and the subsequent steps which that first one is cer- tain ultimately to entail. Let us look at the whole ques- tion straightforwardly, without self-deception and with- out c ‘One vt the parties whose internecine feuds have long @isturbed the wretched State of Nicaragua, finding itself ‘enable of its own gstrength to overpower its adversary, Mmvited the aid of an American adventurer from California, by name Waiker, or availed itself of his offered aid. By assistance of the rifles of himself and anumber of similar mercenaries whom he enlisted, this party suc- weeded in getting possession of the government, and re- swarded their foreign ally by appointing him Commander- fm-Chief or Minister of War—or we believe both. For a ‘tame he was virtually Prime Minisier. He shortly after- wards induced anumber of other adventurers from the Sates to join him, till a considerable portion of the small Nicaraguan army now consists of American citizens. ‘With this army he made war on the neighboring republic ef Costa Rica, but appears to have been worsted, and to have been in imminent danger, not only of being totally defeated by the enemy, but of having his administration Nicaragua iteelf breught toa violent and sudden end. under these circumstances and at this critical con- ure, that President Pierce bas chosen to acknow- ge his tottering power, by a formal reception of his @mvoy. In his message to the Senate, the President ‘wstities the act by proclaiming that the principle of the Dnited States is and has always been to accept and ac- Imowledge the de facto government of any country as its true and rightful government, without the slightest Fegard to its origin—without inquiring whether it was the @biki of long descent or the offspring of recent revolution. Now we all know what this means. No one is really ‘linded by this plea. We ail know that had the native Micaraguans upset Walker, instead of the reverse, Mr. Pierce would have been in no such hurry to acknowledge thes government. We ail feel that, since the death of the first Napoleon, no more unseemly and indecent pro- @eeding has ever been ventured upon by the ruler of a great country than this hasty recognition of a govern- meat apparently in articulo mortis, aud assuredly born @ut of illegal violence and civil strife. We can all recog- mize, under the thin disguise of an alleged general prin- ‘@iple, the first step in the usual American course of en- ‘roachment and absorption. The United States treat their neighbors as the boa constrictor treats its victims— slobber them all over, and then swallow them. A num- ber of American emigrants settle in an adjoining State, ‘under the protection of its laws; they buy land, or they t on unoccupied land; they multiply and attract rs, AS seon as they are strong and numerous enough, they rebel against the authorities of their adopted eountry: they procure aid in arms, men and money from ‘@eir filibustering compatriots, at whose lawless expedition the Washington Cabinet guiltily connives. They make good their ground; the rebellion becomes a revolution; they declare their ‘independence’; the Bnited States nowledge the independence as de facto established, and by so doing aid in establishing it; aod after a short interval, independence is followed by aunex- tion. This was the history of Texas. Or in other cases the process is slightly varied; the weaker of two parties fm a distaacted State calls in the aid of American merce- aries; these entice other loose cliaracter from the States to their standard; the foreiga adventurers from merce- aries become ministers and rulers the government thus grows to be de facto American, and “claims first the sym thy, then the recognition, then the aid and alliance of So dsoeioan, government; and popular clamor enables @r compels the federal authorities to respond to the de- mand. Such is the process now going on in Nicaragua. Or sometimes a third modus operandi ia calledfinto action * A quarrel is got up with one of the many feeble States ‘which arose out of the crumbling to pieces of the Spanish fwansatlantic sway. A brief because unequal struggle is followed by a spoliating treaty; aud a large slice of de- wired territory is added to the Union ander the title of “‘mdemnity.”’ Such was the case with California. Now, ail this is a course of proceeding which is covered with even a thinner veil than is generally throwa over the deliberate encroachments of the resolute and power- fol. In this way California has been seized, Texas has been acquired, and preparation is made for the annexa- tion of Nicaragua. In this way, doubtless, in the course @f time, Mexico and the whole’ ef Central America will be successively absorbed into the capacious maw of the mighty and ambitious republic. But, though we clearly eee the future proceedings and the tual issue before us, ‘a6 in a prophetic glass, it is difficult to say how or where ‘we could interfere, whence would come our title to inter- Sere, and whether interference would be right or wise. In the first place, the principle laid down by President Pierce, though now asserted for the furtherance of an $miquitious design, is one which we are not entitled to dis. pute. We have adopted and acted upon it ourselves in more than one instance. Moreover, it is unquestionably wound, where honestly pleaded and honorably abided by, and it has become a settled axiom of our own foreign po- licy. Our alliances are with nations, not with dynasties. Whatever form of government a people choose to give te themselves, that goverument we recognize as soon as it is bona file established, even though it bad its origin in a successful revolution or a wicked usurpation. Om this ground we recoguized the South American republics when they threw eff the dominion of the Span grown. On this ground we recognized Louis Phi as King of France, when the revolution of placed him on his cousin’s throne. On this gr we fratermized with Lamartine, wlien President o} brief French republic; and om this ground we a eepted Louis Napoleon as Emperor, because he was such de facto, though numbers of his countrymen persist in re: garding bur as a mere military tyrant and usurper. If then, Walker be the reai and actuai Governor of Nica gua, we can ccarcely object, as a matte law, to his recognition by the Presi States, however indecent may have been t however sinister the motive of the act. It impossible to lay down any fixed rule as to the time anew govern:nent shail hay before it can be entitied to recognition with our eyes full probabli Proceeding; though ttle dc fect of this recognition vil nable Walker to bis power; though ent: no doubt whatever that, when once securely established, he will fll the Suite ho governs with citizens from the | dually w oust and overpower the netire inhal , and pave the way for alliance firstend annexation and though not pretending to digguise from ourselves the influence which such proceedinge must exercise upon the bi n Theref igh sequence of this to future fate of Mexico. and the adjacent States; atill we see no ground ‘opwion, which so many #eem to entertaim, that this mi of ‘Mr. Pier to urge us to some immediate diplometic action, a 2 eee many reasons wh tter of wise policy, we should abstain from such action altogether. Theva rea gons we will cndeayor to explain next week. Though no official intimation of the dismissal of our Minister at Washington has yet reached tis country, there seems donbt that thie vill, before long, be taken by the President of the Ux Like t recognition of Walker's government of Nicaragua, this insulting as it ie, is nét nex t undoubtedly is part ing policy. Of cour the dismissal of Mr. Crampton, should it actually take aot will entail the corresponding dismissal of Mr. Da jas; and, perhaps, under the circumstances, this re cal cessation of the usual diplomatic intercourse is t best thing that could happen. Mr. Pierce, having certair Projects of his own to sub: deems that a or the appearance of a quarrel, with this country will forward those projects. His Cabinet, having appa ently certain sinietor and questionable designs on Con naturally desirous t remoye a vigilan, observer, whose position would entitle him to report and remonstrate. The ft conduct of this govermmeat, nder these circumstances, is that which has been de cri’ ed as “masterly inaction.” When a gentleman finds hin self in company of a bully or an intriguer, who for his own pur- poses seeks to fasten a quarrel upon him, ani whom, therefore, he is not inclined to gratify, he si nply with- draws from all intercourse with him, and leay:; | im to his own ill temper and ill manners. When tho United States shall have once more a settled and decor us admi- nistration, whose ition and tenure of office en+’e them wact as is ust among civilized and high charactered communities, we may then be able to resume our former amicable relations. [From the London Weekly Register, come of the Exg- lish Cath olies,) June ‘There is no doubt, although it has not yet been off. cially announced, that the government of the Unrted States has ordered Mi. Crampton, the British Yunis. to leave the territories of the Union; and diptomatic custom, we imagine, requires the British governraent to reply to this step by dismissing Mr. Dallas. Much as all lovers of peace must regret Wis state of things, it is nothing more than ‘hes wome time been expected, and, we need ‘bardiy say, by no means implies war. With Spain the @ritish govern ment was very lately, for a considerable period, in a chronic state of nondmtercourse. With the Holy Father it has been so ever since the cl of religion. Our relations, Rowewer, with the Uni States are 40 much meme practical .portant those with Spain or with the temporal government of the States of the Ohurch, thit mo comparison can be drawn between the cases. AS an indica. tion of the feelings and wishes of President Pierce’s go yernmerr it is very #erious, and much to be regretted ; and ata moment when so many intricate questions have ‘actually arisen, and-éthers may at any momeat arise, the danger of hostile collision is, of course, materially in- creased by the interruption of the usual channels of diplo- matic intercourse. We are reluctant to say much on the subject ; for while, on the one band, the American go- verpment has laid itself, at least, open to the charge of Seeking a quarrel, we cannot butfeel on the other, that our own governors havedone far too much towards producing the embroilment. tt would be easy enough to abuse the American government, but there is n we more con- demn in others, or more diligently avoid, toue by which ‘newspapers on both sides fan the spari of that which weuld be Menaite 5 vet war, anda civil war about nothing at all. W are these two great Anglo-Saxon nations to quarrel about? Whether Mr. Crampton and his agents trespassed the law of the United States—whether the British government gave improper instructions about foreign enlistment. AS reasonably might we now fight with America to settle whether its independence ought not sooner to have been acknow- ledged, or with France about our refusing to recognise the empire of Napoleon I. Humanity cannot afford wars upon questions of history; and such is now the foreign enlistment. Are we going back to the times in which the ther of history traces the ploody wars of Greece and Persia, to the histo- rical wrongs of Andromeda or Europa? We can- not help thinking that if peace is to be pr served, it must be, as Lord some time ago suggested, by the common sense of the two peoples checking the absurdities and pride of their respect governments. To ‘look at home,” why not have pre- Fented the present complication by the recall of Mr. "rampton. AS to injustice to him, which the govern- ment organ, the Post, assigns as the reason of refusing the concession, Queen Victoria has ways of making com: pensation to him which would prevent head. Such a concession would, at les the people of the United States that the British go ment sincerely desired pes It is impossible not to feel that the pride of the Brit government, rather than the fear of injustice to Mr. Crampton, was the real cause of this refusal. In connection with the pre: sent state of our relations, fmust be borne in mind the recognition of General Walker by the American government, which we last week announced. The facts ‘of the case are, that the narrow lands connecting the two American continents are divided between five States, ali of which share the general weakness of the Spanish Am¢ rican uments. A party in Nicaragua called in General Walker, an American citizen, who, with the aid of some hundreds of his countrymen, overturned the government of that State, and set up another, of which the real power is in his own hands. The government of the United States forbade the citizens of the Union to join Walker, and stopped ships which were fitting out in’ his support. So far it acted loyally. At the present mo- ment, the President recognizes his government, and recommends the recognition to Congress upon principles of which we bave no right tocomplain. The United States pro fesses to acknowledge every de facto government, however itgained its power, and we ourselves acknowledge and act onthe same principle. Whether the time is comefor appl ing the principle to the case of Nicaragua, is a question to which we expect that a large body of Amerizan citi- zens will answer that it is not. The new power in Nicaragua is not only that of foreigners, but of citizens of the United States. If the principle of non-intervention and the national interest require that all established governments should ised, it is no less clearly required by the national honor that the country to which Walker belongs, and which has openly disowned his acts, should avoid even the appearance of sanctioning them; by deferring the recognition until he is fairly in possession. How far he is so we do not yet now. The four other § of the Isthmus must see clearly enough that the cess Of @ filibustering in- vasion of Nicaragua is inconsistent with their existence; and that Waiker acknowledges this, he shows by his de- vice of a rising sun over five yolcanoes. He is represent- ed as being at this moment in extreme peril, from the hos- ility of one of these States, Costa Ri If these considera- tions are not urged with great force by a large party, at jeast, in the Union, it will be only because suspicion of the designs and conduct of England, which would be avowed by most citizens of the Union, leads them to tolerate what they would otherwise gladly oppose. An additional rea- son Uuus, for looking jealously on our conduct rather than theirs. To embroil matters farther, comes the quarrel be- tween Spain and Mexico, which we announced in our second edition last week (several days in advance of any other Fnglish paper.) A war between two such governments, at the opposite sides of a great ocean, and neither of which bas either navy, army or finances, is at first sight almost amusing; but when their neighbors are powerful, and not indisposed to interfere on one side or another, it may no doubt become important. When we add toall this the existing dispute as to the interpretation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, upon which we must not enter at present, it is plain that there never was a time at which a candid, just and peaceable tone on both sides was more necessary, if we would avoid a war, which, however it might ead, must involve deep injury and ‘suffering to both nations. All censible and good men, both in Eng- land and America, ought at once to declare themselves in favor of peace, and against any punctilio on either side by which it may be endangered. (From the Birmingham Journal, June 7.] * * * * * The two peints of chief interest in connection with those interrogatories will be to know, first, the terms in which Mr. Dallas has been directed by his own government to make the notification to ours as to the mode of the dis- missal of Mr. Crampton; and secondly, whether, and in what terms, our government retaliater, if at all, in re- spect © Mr. Dallas. We say, “if at all,” Dacauze, although the hypothesis is, we admit, a very far-fetched one, it does not necessarily follow that we should re- taliate. No doubt dignity, self-respect, and the usages of precedent suggest that we must. But when it is borne in mind that it is not the American people, not the intel- ligence, patriotism or respectability of the Union in any sense, that is acting in this matter, but a notoriously disreputable ruling faction, insignificant though potent for temporary mischief, that is endeavoring, for misera- bie personal ends, to drive things to extremity, it becomes obvious that we can hardly carry forbearance too far; and the farther we carry it the more we frustrate the design of those in America who calculated on our natural precipitancy being equal to their own premeditat- ed temerity and recklessness of all consequences save their own sinister purposes. It will be remarked, no doubt, and reasonably so, that our government can take cognizance of nothing but the acts of the American Exe- cutive; and that those acts necessitate a recourse to cor- responding demonstrations, however bellicose, on our part. But, even looking at it in that light, there is still a very material difference between the two countries, as regards their status in this quarrel. On the side of Ame- rica it partakes no less of a personal than of a national complexion. She compiains not only of the insult inflicted upon her by our luckless, most useless, most uncalled for meddling in the enlistment matter—an affair that is a po- sitive satire on our Foreign Secretary's pretensions to prescience—but she also complains that our representa tive at Washington made hitnself individually and studi ously offensive in the transaction throughout. Undoubtedly America is the best judge of what she considers her own ho- nor, and is fully entitled to regard with what fayor or distia vor she pleases any one accrodited to her in a diplomatic ca pacity, as the late Emperor of Russia did in the case of the present Lord Stratford, when {t was wished to send him to St. Petersburg. If America does not like Mr. Crampton, we cannot force her to do so; though perhaps it ig too much to expect that we should actually recall him in deference to what we may deem an unwarrantabie an tipatby on ker part; but such recall, however, would not be what our government alleges, a mark of the censure of his superiors on Mr. Crampton, for it is the animus only that conveys censure in such cases, But, putting these latter subtleties aside, it iz to be recollected that we have no parallel grounds of complaint atall. Mr. Dailas has done nothing, as neither did his predecessor, Mr, Bu- chanan, to wound the amour propre of England; and to 1 the bardship Mr. Crampton may be = fered would be no gratification what. y one in this country, and we hope notte Lord on either, though it must be admitted that a very contrary belief prevails in the United States, and v probably beips to embitter the feeling of the ill dixpd against us there, (From the London Observer, June 8.) ent Pierce and are pushing on their licy with r A mou! t interest and t at whieh tile rupture seems to We in The citt citizens, and sym 8 influent to be pow f 1 noth gnificant to we |: 1 ng votes for the a passions of the mob ymptom in the recent accounts we have athe Atlantic that we confos# augments aa to the possible result. It is the very é {importance which the public opinion of America, 80 far as we can judge of it from their press, at 6 the misunderstanding between the two govern and their apparent bd@ef that we in England re. ie whole affair with similar levity, Thus they clieve, or affect to believe, that although our go- baye refused to disbwn Mr. Crampton by re- rom his post at Washington at the demand of goyernmont, the refusal is 4 mere punctilio, egree S NEW YORK HBRALD, TUESDAY, JUNE 24, 1856. and that on the dismissa’ of Mr. by the Presi- Goat becomiingeieaowp incest ities coreg ep by the English sx roment as an excellent solution of the diff eu! being thas sacrificed, way of renewed Irwendly re and everything would come right again. the Americans cannot fory, a juster appreciation of the fecling prevailing amongst us. it is true that we are averse to the notion of war ‘with America, and are determinod to avoil it, un- Jess ‘ue quarre! is 80 forced upon ua.as to leave 83 no al- ative between war and national disgrace. We donot, Yowever, look upon these freaks of ent Pierce-and his colleagues with the indifference is manifested in America. To the people of nee it ig Bomething more than a passage of diplomatic Vetween two govern- ments. If our Minister is insulted, and attempted to be browbeaten, and if humiliating ‘are pressed upon our government, after every has been offered that honorable men could for an offence professed to be taken, though never offered, we can assure our American may continue to call them so—that to us ft tsa of national con- They may think it @ mere trial of skill between “Clarendon and Maicy,”? and even chuckle as they ac- knowledge their own Miniter to be “‘cernered”” by the last admirable despatch of our ee ee, whilst they leave their Executive to play out reckless game; but if they do not come to regard the question with less levity, and if they do not come to believe that it is a much more serious matter fo onr apprehension, a catastrophe may come that will fill them with dismay and remors: reluctant as England has been, is, and ever will be, to such a fraticidal war. ‘We hope still, however, that this adverse solution will be averted Our hope, as we have said, is in the concill- atory moderate tone our government has throughout preserved, and wi as manifested in Lord Clarendon’s last despatch, has ly produced a con- siderable effect in America. Ofcourse, if it be confirmed hat the rumor of Mr. Crampton’s jon from the States, brought by the Atlantic, be correct, a Dy nm must be taken by the dismissal of Mr. Dallas, and diplo- matic relations between the two countries must cease. This suspension of diplomatic intercourse will not, how- ever, necessarily lead to worse, and the elections over, the Base motive which has led’to all these affronts and injuries removed, there may succeed to power a more stable set of statesmen, who will be glad to make an ho- norable reconciliation, This is for the best, and if it depended wholly on the sagacity, patriotism, and mo- deration of the British government, we should be quite confident in the result. persevering in the offer they previously made to the Presiden}. and government of America, to refer the points in Sar. ‘on the Central American question to arbitration, they have given another proof of the desire they have evineed throughout to bring matters to an amicable termination, Whether or not that offer be accepted, our government have put themselves in the right by making it, and the opinion of the civilized world must be with that party in a dispute which has thus proved its anxiety for a just and friendly arrange- ment. [From the London Spectator, June 9.) If history did not teach, beyond contradiction, that na- tions are as subject as individuals to the prejudices that mislead and the passions that blind the judgment, silence the conscience, and drown the pleadings of enlightened felf interest, any slight misunderstanding between two great States, in which political power was vested in the Body of the people, might be safely trusted to time and cool reflection, and all fear of an appeal to arms banished. Unfortunately, experience tells just the contrary tale. No governments haye been more ready to make war on slight pretences than those which a democracy has con- trolled; nowhere have reason and good feeling been more habitually subordinated to selfish ambition and reckless passion than im democracies. And if Presi- dent Pierce and his colleagues succeed in embroil- ing their country with Great Britain, they will only add one more example to a numerous list of such, from which the absolutist draws his favorite argument that the peace of the world and the interests of mankind are ey. safe when political power is vested in a few hands, the hereditary principle comes in to en- tail a perpetuity of responsibility for the conduct of a government. It is in vain to put forward optimist views on this object, or to deny that the maintenance of peace between Great Britain and the United States is in extreme hazard. We do not, indeed, attach vast importance to ‘the harsh indignity put upon Mr. Crampton, except as an indication of the temper and purpose of the American government. No mere insolence and arrogance ef men Taised to a pesition for which they are Palpably unfit, and ‘unacquainted with the courtesies of public life, or resolved to violate them, can tempt the English government toa declaration of war. We can endure the suspension of diplomatic intercourse with the United States with as much equanimity as we endured the same calamity in the case of Spain. We shall regret a circumstance that proclaims a hostile feeling on the part of the two governments; but having done our best to prevent it, we can do no more, and certainly shall Mot resent it by bombarding New York or Washington. Nor are we en- titled to protest against—however much we may disap- rove of—the President's recognitlon of the buccancer Valker; though of course such a proceeding leaves us at perfect liberty, morally and legally, to take the other side in the Nicaragua civil war, if civil war it can be called in whcih a band of foreign adventurers is oppoaed to a great majority of a nation. Not that any English minister in his senses would think of doing so, but that President Pierce has removed all ground of complaint that the Uni- ted States would otherwise have had against such a step. Still, two such steps asthe dismissal of a British minister for an alleged offence for which every rational reparation has been offered, and the acknowledgment of a buccaneer government of American adventurers in Central America, in direct violation of the spirit, if not the letter of the Bulwer- Clayton treaty, at the same time that a literal adherence to that treaty with an American gloss is demanded of the English government, constitute a determined attitude of offence, and indicate such a resolve to take law ie fmer pretation into their ownggands on the part of the Ameri- can government as mp the spirit of concil on our part, and make it necessary for our government to stand firmly on its rights, and refuse to yield to dictation, bullying. and menace, claims which it bas in vain offered to submit to arbitration. In short, the effect of the con- duct of President Pierce and his colleagues has becn to prevent the British government from recediig an inch from its strict treaty and natural rights. Thanks to the efficiency of our navy and army at this moment, our dignity does not require us to do more than stand per. fectly still, and allow the American government to vent its bad temper or pursue its personal policy to any result short of infringing upon those rights. We are strong enough to pass insolence and rudeness and dis- obligingness by in silent contempt ; and, beyond relying om our own strength to defend ourselves if attacked! or in: jured, and to make the aggressor rue his folly, we have ‘the good sense and good feeling of the American nation to counterpoise the malignant policy of its now expiring government. It will be time to identify the nation with its rulers when they have sanctioned the President's pohi- cy by a formal vote of the Legislature. Till then, we may hope that the policy is but an election mancuyre en a vaster scale of reckless wickedness than usual. Monn. while, it becomes our own government to remember, tu«t in spite of the wishes and efforts of all the wise and good on both sides of the Atlantic, war may resuit from the madnees of Pierce and bis partisans—and to be prepared for it. They may be sure that the English nation will no more sanction submission to —humilia- tion than they will pardon a rash — haste in appealing to arms in such a quarrel. If any means of stopping the progress of the dixpute remain untried, let them be at once applied. All other means failing, the go- vernment may rely upon being supported by the country in maintaining the honor and interest of England against any foreign power. Butthey must make it clear that the honor and interest of England are concerned. It was this conviction that nerved the aation’s arm, and made it count biood and treasure as nought in comparison, throughout the war that has just closed. The English people have not as yet the same strong conviction on the matter in dispute with the government of United States; and unless our leading statesmen feel fat they have a case which, when fully and clearly stated, will rouse this conviction, they had better let Central America alone, and leave the United States quietly to become the disunited States, as they certainly will, if the policy of buccaneering prevail at Washington, TO THE EDITOR OF THE LONDON TIMES. Si—During the Mexican war the United States opanly enlisted men for their service both in Upper and Lower ‘al they had agents both at Niagara and in the east n townships. Surely this is a sufficient precedent, an | fies the action of the English government, about h so much noise has been mad You may rely on the truth of this statement. Iam, sir, your obedient ser vant, JOHN 8. CUMMINS, Lieutenant Colonel C. M. Rowinsox, C. E., May 21, 1966. OPINIONS OF THE FRENCH PRESS. {From the Gazette de France, June 6.) England is menaced with a war with the United States, for her sphere ef extension falls in with that of the United States in Central America, as it did with that of Russia in Western Asia, Those conjunctures, occurring after a lapee of a few years upon such distant potnts, prove that the idea of European equilibrium, endeavored to be esta blished for the last few centuries, and fur the obtention of which armiee and Congresses have been put in motion, is not at all inthe situation. It is impossible to establish the equilibrium in Europe when one of the Powers thereof is invincibly pushed to extend its Empire over the entire world, Collisions in such a case become unavoidable be- tween the aggressive power and other nations, and the only question for the allies of that power in Europe is whether they will support its interests of dominion, or if they will leave it to defend against its competitors’ the positions which it has assumed. We do not want to discuss that question before it is fairly put to us (poste): but we fear that it will bp, atan early moment, submitted to public opinioy; fot, notwithstanding the really remarkable moderatian ibited by the flerce journals of London in the, diffop. ences stirred up by the govern of the United States it is not possible to conceal the fact that the warlike d pesition of the Americané is not at iil modified, and that the acknowledgment of Walker by President Pierce has, in fact, enlarged the subjects of diference while of forte were being made to reconcile them. Tt is doubtiess the hostile turn which the relations be tween England and the United States have assumed. that explains the sudden change Lord Palmerston’s Italy. In nothing would fact, towards fave’ been more imprudent for ’ England, in pr sence of these threatening contingencies than to excite a war in Europe. T 1 revolution in Italy would certainly have been the em- ployment of the armies of France and Austria in diroct Cpposition with the action of Great Britain, and to distarb alliances laboriously entered upon ata moment when a serious struggle is to be faced in another hemisphere in jon to interests essential to the very existence of England. Lord Palmerston has avoided that fault, aad we congratulate ourselves upon it, for the sake of order and progress; for there is reason to believe that the Italiun ernments will have time to accomplish improvements h would have become difficult impossible, in midst of provocations and incitements w revolution dw the Hialian population reyotn the Paris Correspondence of the Independance Belge, June 7.) great question of the moment is, or rather seems the aflair of the United States. Notwithstanding tirvultaons meetings of which we hoar by the last ‘and notwithstanding What is eaid about the part teamer | taken by the Englieh veesel Karydice in the Nicaragua | ctruggle, one does not attaah an excessive importance cre to those djffieulties. If f am well informed, the ved officially ,the }) government has net even ree news of Mr, Crampton’s dismissal. At the !rs¢ dates the Americam government expected that the a’swer which it was to reeeive from London would plac, it in the neces- sity of dismissing the British Minister, According to whutis reported of the impressions, if not the opivions expressed by our Minister, M. de Surtiges, (whose prudence and excelent attitude seem to have con- tributed at least, to prolong the indecision of the Cabiuet of Washington in the path ta which it is engaged), a sim: ple diplomatic demonstration is all that is contemplated by our government. Official remarks in relation to the sanction given to Walker's attempt would be the extreme limit of French action, if we can employ that term. In a word, the Im- perial government would but lend a moral support, and does not appear to expect to act amy other part but that of mediator, if events should necessitate its taking one. Circumstances may, however, alter this peaceable pro- gramme, and now, without attributing any importance to the fact, we believe we are correct in stating that Rear Admiral Hernoux, commander of the Mexican station, has sent a war steamer tothe waters of Costa Rica, to remain there in observation. [From the Assemblée Nationale, June 8.} For some days past we have limited ourselves to men- tioning the incidents of the diplomatic conflict which has arisen between Great Britain and the United States. The last advices do not leave the least doubt but that the in- terruption of the relations between the two countries is new an accomplished fact, It is, indeed, asserted that, in its answer to the last despatch of Lord Clarendon, the American ragyeoe will pogrnee the paraiso » regard to Mr. Crampton to be quite a personal one, and that it will express its hope that the English governinent wil soon give him a successor. It is, turthermore, said that the British Cabinet will not have recourse to retalia- tery measures, and that Mr. Dallas will not be obliged to leave London in the same manner that the British Minister was to leave Washington, These are but conjectures and worthless rumors. The English Cabinet, by refusing to recall Mr. Crampton, has placed under the shelter of its own reaponait By, the whole conduct of this agent. Tne orders which have just been issued against him to leave the territory of the United States is an injury which the whole government must necessarily resent. And even if, by a stretch of courtesy, it should leave to the American Minister to de- cide upon and to regulate the manner of his own depar- ture, itis clear that, after what has passed at Washing- ton, Mr. Dallas cannot remain any longer in London in a diplomatic character, or entertain official relations with the English government. ‘What is more important, and what we state with ee: sure, is the opinion unanimously expressed by the Eng- lish journals that this rupture, however lamentable it may be, need not immediately and necessarily bring on a war between the two countries. The government not having as yet received an efficial communication of the decision arrived at in Washington, is not in a position to offer an opinion ; but when all the newspapers are unanimous in recommending moderation and temporiza- tion, it is difficult to suppose that it will follow another policy. It will accept the treatment inflicted on Mr. €rampton, without any idea of retaliation, withdrawing, however, within the sentiments of its own rights and dig- bity. On the other hand, the press of the United States, as far as the enlistment affair is concerned, seems not to be animated by decidedly hostile intentions. As we men- tioned yesterday, one portion of its organs seemed to be very much disposed to accept the last despatch of Lord Clarendon as a satisfactory explanation, and to consider this affair erminated. “But there is another question which intensely preoccupies the Americans, and on which almost all are unanimous of not admitting any compro: mise—namely, that of Central America. By a treaty which has been often referred to of late, tho United States bound themselves to England, in 1850, not to form any establishment, not to pursue any conquest or acquisition of territery within the countries situated on the isthmus which unites the two American continents. At present it is evident that this engagement weighs heavily upon them; that they look for any means for get- ting rid of it, and the importance given to the enlistment affair was, perhaps, but a consequence of this disposition to find an’ opportunity for revising those ancient treaties. The American Cabinet has, at the same time, protested against the manner in which the convention of 1850 has been understood and executed by the British govern- ment. It demanded of the Queen of England to give up certain islands in the bay of Honduras, and to renounce the honor of extending her protection to the kingdom of the Mosquitos. But, in reality, there are yunds for believing that at this moment the policy of United States is less bent on removing the English from Central America than on finding an opportunity of forming there establishments for themselves. In 1850, when the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was conclud- ed, the spirit of aggrandizement and annexation which in no latitude abandons the Anglo-Saxon race, was, on the rt of the Americans, chiefly directed towards Mexico. The mountainous countries of Central America bad, ia their eyes, no importance. But the extension which the commerce with California has suddenly acquired has altered greatly the aspect of things. The Isthmus has become the highway of communication between the eastern coast and the port of San Francisco. It is an pecanly ely American route, and it ca be contested at the United States have a particular interest’ in securing its free) _ use. The treaty of 1850 weighs, therefore, upon them, not so much in consequence of the interpretation given it by England, but of the engagements laid by iton them. * ‘The departure of Mr. Crampton, even if followed on both sides by the resolution to leave alone the enlistment affair till it be forgotten, terminates nothing. In order to be able to form any serious conjecture, it would be ne cessary to know what is about to occur in Central America. Itis evident that the American government has its attention directed towards this point, and waits only for a fit occasion to interfere there. It ‘is, perhaps, not a merely fortuitous coincidence, w according to the remark of the London Times, places at the same date he cordial ad hearty. reception give nYOY General Walker, oud the harsh dismissal of the Minister of her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain. It is known that cn the question of Central America the English government has not adopted a definitive resolu. jon; it has declared itself ready to refer the question at gsue to the decisien of any power that might be desig- nated by the United States themselves as arbitrator. ‘There is no doubt that this would bea very acceptable proposition, if the American government had no other object in view than that of obtaining the exact definition of the obligations imposed by the treaty on England. But if their real object is, as there are some reasons to sup: pore it, that of getting rid of their own engagements, ar- bitration is not what is wanted by them. It has, there. fore, avoided giving an answer to this proposition of Lord Clarendon. And who knows? It has, perhaps, sent back Mr. Crampton, and thus provoked the rupture of the diplomatic relations between the two countries only for the purpose of delaying the explanations on this point. It is incontestable that in the United States a consi- derable party, the popular party par excellence, if not the whole nation, is roused by the spirit of extension and ag- grandizement. It is possible that at the approaching Pre. sidential election the President, having again become a candidate, his government will assimilate itself mere open- ly to this general disposition of the public mind; but if people imagine that this ambition will stop and this poli cy will change the day when the polls are closed, it ix, in our opinion, a great error. The laat elections for Presi- dents have all taken place, less or more, under the itn pression of this sentiment, and the government has never completely ignored it. To-day all these projects of aggrandizement and conquest are directed to the old Spanish possessions of Central America. Once in possession of one portion of the Isthmus, the Anglo-Saxon race would rapidly spread again towards Mexico, which, enclosed on ati sides, would ultimately be compelled to allow itself to be annexed in its turn. ‘Thus the dream ef those who, for a quarter efa century, beheld in North America a vast continent obeying in its whole extent the laws of a grea confederation, of which Washington would be the political centre, would be realized. How must those ideas of ay. grandisement and conquest be regarded in Europe, aud more expecially in England? This is too serious a quos tion to be treated incidentally. But it is impossibl deceived as to the United States engaging th more and more in this path, and henceforth we can calou- late that a temporizing policy will not suffice arrest them The English, in the interest of their supremacy on the sea, and of the colonies which t still possess in America, must, more than any other European nation, be attentive to this movement. They seem to have a presentiment that, one day or another, it will be come necessary to oppose’ them, not with diplomatic ar guments or treaties, but by war; and as they clearly un derstand that this hee a will be a terrible one, they postpone it as far as possible. We are far from blaming them; on the contrary, we give them credit for it. But we have deemed it our duty to explain a situation which for years past, has with cach event boen developing iteeii in a more precise and distinct shape. As regards the United States, we have again to repeat, that nothing but a great catastrophe will stop their pro gress. ey resemble those men, gamblers or adventn- rers, who, fortunate during their whole career, and con fiding in their success, give way before no obstacle. ahead ! is their device. They willhardily brave both Gov and man, and carry on their projects of annexation to t!.i last limite. Those who will not let themselves be annex, they will drive awi In the face of such an irruption, a of prudence and temporization is excellent, but, at me time, this policy must be vigilant, sure of itself, and prompt to act. Moreover, it is, perhaps, too late. In the year 1 at the erisis of the war of Independence, one of the most éloquent partisans of the emancipation of the colonias of North America, Burke, exclaimed, “that the establish ment of new republics on the principles of Eng lish liberty was a triumph for England. Their liberty is ours”? he said, “it is our that_ they glorify and spread throughout the The yoice f Burke was listened to ouly on the day when ¢ victories of the Americans and the intervention of Frav England to recognize their independence. in the House of Commons, some one stood up and asked the government to respect the progress of apower which is that of the Anglo-Saxon race, these counsels would, no doubt, be as little listened to as those of Burke in 1777. But is it easier to oppose to day a bar rier to those encroachments than it was then, and to sub dne again the colonies which had revolted ngainst the yoke of the mother country ? England has herself, during a century, too frequently given the example of conquest and violent annexation, to have any right to oppose, ir, the name of a principle, the march of the American apnexators. Why should’ not the United States, in Central America, do the same that Great Britain has so often done in Asia? Is the necesity of preventing the repetition of a massacre like that of Panama not as good an argument as any of tho rea- sons Which for mouths have been put forward in order to justify the suppression of the kingdom of Oude? Pecides, the statesmen of Great Britain must not forget that it is their policy, or that of their predecessors, which prepared the road for the Yankees and delivered up to them, in advance, those provinces, formerly flourishing under the Spanish domination, Thirty-five years ago, when it was evident that the day of emancipation bad arrived for the Spanish colonies of America, the great Euroy ean Powers had laid down a plan for constituting them independent monarchies, under princes of the house of Bourbon, Spain, in spite of @ resistance which is easily 10 be explained, would at last have been obliged to aoquiesce in this project. England absolutely refused it, and redered its execution impossible. What the repub has lost by the divisions and rivalriea whieh it has brought im her train, monarchy would haye spared it, by maintaining the unity of government and By re. the populations under the same banmer, ‘ous ‘Under conditions nearly the same, says M. Ch. Rey- Daud, a Wriicr-who made @ particular study of this part of cotemporary history, «m the same theatre and almoat under the same date, Eso, populataes, who love each other the less the greater the aflinities of manners and race which they possess. have tried two opposite forms of government. Perv, Chii, Bolivia and Guatemala have adopted the republican ferm of government on separating themselves from the mother country. Brazil, although declaring itself independent of Portugal, has deemed it more prudent to preserve the monarchy, and a branch of ‘the house of Braganza has been retained and grafted on American soil. Now, after more than a quarter of a century of trial, what has resuited from this double experiment? Where is the progrese?—where is the decay? re ig order?— where anarchy? Where security?—where dis- quietude for the future? the example of Brazil had been followed in tho ish emancipated colonies, the United States, when entered the road of anmexation, would have found before them, instead of those isolated republics divided against each other, and almost depopulated by misery, solidly established moaarchies, Leto i their unity, supported, in case of need, by a powe system of al- Viances, against which their vanguards of filibusters would have been unable to undertake anything. To-day, whe ‘will stop them, i¢ not He who, alone, can raise and put a stop to those overflowings of which we are daily record- ng snch lamentable examples. ‘The Gazelle de France of June 9, makes the following comments on the above article of the Assemblee Nationale: To complete the lesson, we, in our turn, recall to mind that England has also favored, in the east of », the creation of that vast empire, the extension of which threatens her Asiatic possessions. The Russian empire was, at its rise, aided and subventioned by Great Britain out of jealousy of France. The inaugural speeches of the British parliament, during several sessions, contain the historical proof of that aid, and the reasons thereof. The British policy is certainly very clever ; but clever- ness which aj jates only the present, is not worth tho wisdom wl anticipates the future. Railways in Russia. [From the London Times, May | Amongst other subjects that will, itis understood, be seriously considered by the Czar and his advisers during the imperial visit to Warsaw, is the very important ques- tion of Russian railways. As yet Russia has but two railways; one of 190 miles in length, that connects War- saw with the Prussian frontier at Szoeakowa and with Berlin, and so brings the capital of Poland almost within three ‘days’ distance of London. By means of this line Russia has the power to move masses of troops on the frontiers of both Austria and Prussia, and to place their capitals in jeopardy; for these governments have left their frontiers to a great extent exposed and unprotected, whilst Russia, on the contrary, has raised up great for- tresses for the defence of the arbitrary line which sepa- rates its share of Poland from those of the other plun- derers of that unhappy country—considerations which were not, it is obvious, without important influence on the policy of the Cabinets of Berlin and Vienna during the late war. he value of this line, which already brings Dresden and Berlin into close connection with War- ely, it seems, to be a favorite residence of the moreover be considerably augmented as soon as the ex atus between Breslau and Posen is filled up; for then there will be complete railway communication from — Warsaw Stettin, Dantzie, and Konigsberg, and Po- land will thereby have regained a facile access to the Bal tic. Or, should a line ever be run from an existing spur a Lowiez, on the Warsaw and Szczakowa line, direct to Po sen, Warsaw would then have a direct and short route to the North Sea ; and the great hope for Poland is to release it, by means of railways, from its present isolation and solitude. The other Russian railway is that which connects Petersburg with the old capital of Muscovy, Moscow, where, and in the surrounding districts, known as Old Russia, lies the real strength and force, the ambition and the spirit of the Russian empire ; and whence, if ever or anywhere, will one day arise a Russian nation. This line is about 400 miles in length, and bears on its very fuce the impress of the poculiar policy of the late Czar. His object was simply to connect the two capitals ; the intermediate country was utterly out of the ‘Czar’s thoughts in projecting the line. The consequence is, that it is almost as straight and dire as an old Roman road without the Roman reason, and has on its whole length only 19 stations. There are not, it ts true, many yery large towns between St. Petersburg and Moscow, but it passes by, and at a great distance, all that do exist, with the most perfect nonchalance and con- tempt ; it pays not the smallest attention to the wants, requirements, or capabilities of the intervening and sur- rounding districts ; and being made simply in order that troops may pass and repass to and from the termini, it spurns all considerations of traflic, Nevertheless, the St. Petersburg and Moscow line is, although running over a dead level and without a single engineering difficulty of any magnitude, one of the most expensively constructed railways in the world, and must, consequently, be one of the least remunerative. It is wholly and entirely a government affair. It was laid out by military enginoers, ‘was superintended by military engineers, was executed chiefly by military labor, and is worked by military offi- cers. No wonder, then, that in spite of worthless land, cheap labor, and the absence of all that supererogatory but heavy burden known in England as preliminary and parliamentary expenses, go frightful is the corruption of the Russian governmental system, so enormous its waste and extravagance, that this railway cost the imperial treasury no less than £35,000 ‘sterling per mile —a rate that defies all possible profit when it ig considered that the traffic only justifies, or the policy of the State only permits two trains a day. One good effect, however, the enormous expense of this line has had on the present Czar. He has the sense to see that going on to construct other lines at that rate of ex- penditure, or at any rate approaching it, would be ruinous to Russia; and as he knows how ineradicable corruption in all classes of his servants is, the Czar Alexander has, it appears, resolved that the State in Russia shall no lon- ger construct or work its railways. Henceforward the Russian policy in this respect will accord with that of other:rational countries, and the government will confide its railway enterprises to the care of public companies. The lines will of course be prescribed by the govern- ment; a privilege for a certain number of years to make them will be granted to particular individuals; a fixed rate of interest will be guaranteed ona certain mileage amount of cost; a small sinking fund will be provided; the rate of profit beyond the guarantee will be subject to di- vision between the company and the State; and all the ne- cessary powers to take land, to import machinery and stock, will ofceurse be given. Such, we hear, is the eneral scheme which Count Orloff made known in Paris to the railway projectors of England and France who approached him, and the extent to which Russia will seek foreign capital for the gradual construc- tion of its railways will be for some 2,000 miles. But be- sides the St. Petersburg and Moscow Railway, another line from St. Petersburg towards Warsaw has been com- menced. At the breaking out of the war the works in this direction had spread over twenty miles, and the problem of their early resumption will no doubt receive an immediate solution during the imperial visit to War- saw. The distance this line will have to run can hardly be lees, and will probably be more, than 700 miles; but if ever completed it will greatly strenghten the hold of the Czar over Poland, by connecting Moscow with Warsaw, and so bringing the weight of old Russia to bear on Po- land. In connection with the projected railway line, a scheme of a smaller railway from Riga to Dunaburg, a point about midway between St. Petersburg and Warsaw, whic be intersected by the greater line, has already been launched on the English market. When these two ts are finished there will be a communi- from the main line through Courland to the Gulf of Riga—an object of great material interest to the commerce of Northern Russia and Po- land. But the really important political polisy of Rns- sia, so far as railways are concerned, lies rather in other directions; it is rather towards the south and the east thon towards the north and the west that the Czar will way outlcts for Russia. We have no pretensions the secrets of the Russian Cabinet; but from all we can learn the Car appears to aim at three things, First, to connect Moscow, and of course St. Petersburg, through Moscow, with the Volga at the important point of Saratow, dling thither through the far-famed scene 's corn law escapade, Tamboff. In_ this way an immense and fertile territory, now lying almost waste and singularly devoid of natural means of trans- port, would be placed_ in communication with a great na- vigable river. ‘The Volga, it is true, ultimately pours itself into the Caspian; but before doing so it runs in almost a direct line for a great distance towards the hoad of the Sea of Azoff, and Russia had at one time a wooden tramway from the nearest point of departure on the Volga towards the river Don. By this means Moscow would be put into railway and river communication with the Sea of Azoff and the Euxine on the sonth- cast. A second scheme is a railway that shall uli- mately find its way from Warsaw through the various southern provinces, which are all more or less Polish, to Odessa, which was once an outlet for Polish trade in the Black Sea, and where a Polish element still prevails in society. ‘And, lastly, there is on foot what may be called a central project. It takes its departure from Pultawa, where the fortunes of Charles XII. waned, and proceeding towards the Dnieper there bifurcates om either side of that river, one branch terminating on the shores of the Black Sea, the other in some good port in the Sea of Azoff. This, without speaking authoritatively, is the railway policy which we are given to understand Will be considered at Warsaw. On an ordinary map the scheme looks comprehensive, Statesmanlike, let us ald, somewhat dangerous. But, even if adopted, it will re: quire half a century and at least a hundred thousand mil- ions #terling for ite completion. We can therefore well afford to regard it with equanimity, so far as political Comeequences are concerned; for the Russia of y 3 hence will he vers diferent’ from the Russia of to-day. There are elenwnis at work in Russian society which will astonish the world before the half of fifty years have paseed aw But there is, it must be confessed, a argeness of conception in the scheme worthy of an em- pire which only needs a succession of wise, prudent and emperate princes 1o become a blessing instead of @ curse o mankind, ‘The Financial Condition of France. (From the London News, June 11. The report of the Committee on the French Budget of 1867 has been published fa the AMonitewr, and notwith- standing the guarded character of ita remarks, an evident anxiety is visible as to the ultimate results of the extrava- gant expenditure and the general management of the na- tional finances, to which we have on more than one ooca- sion directed attention, Iteannot be denied that a large amount of capital—lying unproductive, from the tendency. to hoard specie #0 long practised by the peasantry of Franee—has been called into active and profitable cireu- lation by the impulse given to enterprise of every descrip. tion during the reign of Napoleon III., nor can it be denied that the sources of wealth ‘and commercial prosperity in France are far from being developed. Never. theless, it is a dangerous proceeding to discount, as the French government has done, those elements of’ na Uonal progress, and to adopt a financial eystem the sue. coss of Which is dependent on an uninterrupted conditioa of internal and external peaee, and on an exernption from national calamities, such as ‘deficiont harvests, or the terrible visitation Which hae so recently carried ruin inte some of the richest provinces of the empire, Year after year we have sen the financial statemonta wound up with the exhibition of a nominal surplus, which is a8 regularly converted into a real defiyicncy, swelling the amount of the floating debt of the countr whieh has now reached 80,457,001. The increase since Jan 1 is 4,333,0007, aad the amount of treasury bills afloat ‘April 1 exceeded 10,853,000. This item oresents matte] for serious consideration, when we reflect that an cuot mous present and prospective absorption of floating cap tal in new companies has until recently been suffered t go on, not only unchecked, but to a great extent couraged by the government and the credit establish ments under its influenc Bakers’ Bank, the Credit Foncier, associations, are constantly bringing amount of bonds into competition with those of the State) and offering terms which afford a temptation to capitalist detrimental to the power of issuing treasury securities a| a moderate rate of interest. Were these various bonds| and those of the different municipalities, more difficult o| negotiation, the evil would be to some extent diminished but by encouraging the Bank of France and similar insti tutions to make loans on those securities, a wide: field is opened for their circulation than could otherwi be commanded, and the treasury bonds must necessaril; encounter a more severe competition, ‘The result of the war is partially demonstrated in thi increase of the charges for the public debt, the additiona| burden arising from the late loans amounting to £2,868,374 r anPum, irrespective of the increased charge for th debt. On April 1 there still remained rH to receive on the two loans of 1855, and the a sumes that this sum will suffice to meet the-balance the war charges, an anticipation which is thought many quarters to be very questionable. The D ofthe budget as regards the future are mainly. founded upon the supposition that the naval and military expendi. ture will at once be reduced to its former limits, and a long period of peace is certain. It is st ‘unsafe - aesume this latter circumstance asa basis calculations. Italy is is a slumbering volcane, wh may st any moment burst forth, and the relations off ‘Austria with the rest of Europe are by no-means of haracter to render such political complications imapossib 4.8 may render it necessary for France to be in a posit act. That the Emperor does not propose to place self in a position where his menaces may. be Jooked upo ‘as empty words we deduce from the general chasaeter off his political conduct; and while throwing. out the insolent threat to Belgium, he betrayed an intention of keepit France in a condition to feared and listened to b; other States. ‘The committee appear to have been strongly impre with the necessity of relieving real property from the ex. tra burden imposed upon it by the war tax, which expire in 1868, The sum raised by this new impost is £2,280, 000, and yarious projects were brought forward to c/el a substitute for it. That most favorably received was tax of 1 per 1,000 on all purchases and sales on the Bourse; but no estimate of the amount which such @ mea-| sure would produce is before us, and the dats are pro-| bably wanting, except from the transactions passing} through the books of the regular de claange. Another resource to which the necessities of the State! compelled it to have recourse, and which is very proper- Kf avimadverted on by the committee, is the alienation of ¢ forests,of the crown, a species of property which haa} always been looked upon as not to be'diminished, except| in extreme cases, and which entails upon the State the! necessity of increasing its purchases of timber, already very large. With another recommendation contained ia the report we fully coincide, The propriety of complet- ing the restoration of ‘ting historical monuments be- fore undertaking any new ones may be a suggestion directed against the courtiers who have recently mooted the erection of a column to Napoleon Ill. and the army of the East, in rivalry of| that on the Place Vendome, o: it may be @ hint to the Emperor to confine his attention to the completion of tne Louvre before commencing works ofa similar, though less costly character, in other parts of France, an intention popularly attributed tohim. The hungry and costly crowd of hangers-on of the court, fill ing places of every kind, with duties often nominal, bit. with galaries excessively real, aro not spared; it is re commended to have fewer employés, to make who are retained do their work, and to remunerate them suff~ ciently, according merits. It is to the old parlia- mentary system that France in a great measure, in- debted for the swarm of ill paid employés, with equally ill defined duiies. They were animated voting ma- chines, worl the minister for the time being, and the system has doubtless been retained until the pre- gent day in tolerable working order. Now, however, that: Parliamentary majoritics are less important, or ruther less likely to be adverse to the ruling powers, and, while universal suffrage is at least nominally the rule, the: utility and necessity of this staf!'are diminished, so it is poesible that a merit may be made of sacrificing a mass. of the smaller fry, leaving the more exalted do-nothings in possession of their great court offices and greatsalarics. The budget, as usual, exhibits a surplus of £438,000, from which, judging by precedent, we are inclined to argue that the government must do one of two tl ind a. portion of the floating debt, or issue a fresh ‘The probable diminution of receipts consequent on the, recend: inundations, and the duty and necessity of a prompt and large aid to the suffering districts, rendar one of those courses extremely probable, and the recent panic on the- Paris Bourse may, in some degree, be attributed to the: anticipation that the announcement of some financial operation will not be long delayed. ‘The Bakers and Bread Trade (From the London News, June 5.) The attempt to maintain the price of bread, in Paris: and its environs, at a low and invariable rate has proved, as we anticipated, a failure. They who have studied po. Itical economy, even superficially, must be well aware: hat no legislative enactments have ever succeeded in roviding a substitute for the natural effects of the law of! upply and demand, or im maintaining an artiGcial abun- nce in the face of a real scarcity. In no country, per- ps, has the failure of those attempts been more glaring’ han in France during the present century. Tae combi- vation which has been for twe years and oa half under trial, which it is now necessary to modify, and which we- ure convineed must eventually be abandoned, is inge- nious, but being based upon a principle radically unsound must also prove a failure. The price of bread in Paris has for years past been fixed every Wednesday for the ensuing week, on the basis- of the corn averages of the preceding fortnight; but in. December, 1853, the deficiency of the harvest threatened: to raise the price of provisions excessively, and an Im- perial decree established the Caisse de la Boulangerie, or ‘Bakers’ Bank.”? The bakers being ordered w sell their bread of the first quality at 40c. the kilogramme, or some- what less than 4d. for the two pound loaf, it was neces- sary, as this was in reality selling at a loss, to provide- them with a compensation, The baker purchased his- floua from the miller at the ordinary market price, for- warding to the ‘Caisse’? a certificate of the transaction; and the Caisse undertook to pay on the baker lodging: what may be termed the “flour warrant.’’ Bat as the baker was campellen to sell this flour when manufac- tured into bread at somet lower tham the prime cost, the Caisse only required him te repay so: much o& the sum advanced as represented the cost of the flour when bread could be sold under ordinary circumstances at 40c. the kilogramme. The balance, being the sum ad- vanced by the Caisse beyond that amoont, was carried to: the baker’s debit, and was not liable to be repaid by him: in cash, but was to be extinguished by a conteary opera- tion. The bakers and millers were compelled to settle all. their dealings through the Caisse; therefore, when the price of flour fell, and the baker would beable, were it: not for the law, to sell the loaf for less than, 400. the kilo- gramme, the Caisse still reqnires him.to pay to:it the same- price for the flour as before, crediting him with the differ- ence between that price and the amount which it paid tothe miller. In short, the Caisse practically buys the flour at the market price, re-selling it to the baker aty one fixed and invariable rate, on the assumption that if the ker paid less than its yalue in a time of scarcity he would compensate for the difference by * paying’ more than its yalue in periods of abundance: The- result is, that, after an existence of two years and a half, the Caisse is im debt more than two millions sterling. It: has, therefore, not only been necessary to raise the ? price of bread first to 46c., then to 50c. the kilogramme, ‘but also to ask the government to furnish: a capital of twenty millions of francs gratis, and the department of the Scine to raise another twenty millions by way of Joan, as there is avowedly no possibility of covering the deficiency, even should there be abundant harvests du- ring the hext five years. The pretext for continuing the Caisse is, that by ‘opening credits for bakers on the de- posit of flour warrants or other security, it enables them: to maintain their stocks of flour at a higher level than the law requires them to do; but the main object was, to keep the 2 Ib. lonf at the invariable price of 40c. in the department of the Seine. he defects of the plan are obvious. In the first place, the antagonistic interests of the buyer and seller aro abolished; for the baker has no longer a motive for ob- taining his flour at the lowest fair price. may be the nominal rate at which he purchases it from the miller, he in reality pay only the arbitary price fixed by the Caisse to enable him to sell the loaf at a certain sum, fixed in relation to that artificial price of flonr instead of the real one. The miller also has no check upon his natural efforts to obtain the highest possible price for his merchandise, beyond that arising from competition with his fellow traders, who have the same object in view aa himself—namely, to make the public, through the Caisse, pay the highest attainable price for Hour. Secondly, tho public, in adition to the necesity of eventually paying she difference between the natural and artificial price of bread, has also to pay a heavy amount of interest on that difference. The sums necessary for the operations of the Caisse were raised by obligations redeemable at short dates, and. bearing such a rate of interest as might tempt those with spare capital to hold them. This debt and. interest, largely increased, of course, by the expenses ef. manage- ment, have amounted in thirty months to 62,000,000f., or £2,080,000, After acknowledging that the opera-* tions were based upon erroneous calculations, and thas a series of years of abundance would fail to extin- guish the debt in the mode originally proposed, the administrators take credit for having pr the, peace of Paris by this clumsy operation, Th then, is the bare truth of all the flourishing «a counts of the prosperity and pacific disposition of tho working classes of Paris, The outlay of millions on pub- lic works, the wonderfully elaborate system of police and the presence of a large army, are acknowledged to be in- sufficient to enable the poorer classes of Paris to pass through a time of dearth without peril to the State, anc fs patiently and heroically as those of our own country have done. Bread riots may, or may not, have beer. prevented by the artificially low price thns established, but the Caisse de In Boulangerie is undoubtedly a failure It would have been more economical in the first instance to have aided dircetly those whose means did not enable them to pay the increased price of food, instead of estab lishing a system which relieved the rich as well as. the poor, and which now taxes all classes alike to make good the loss which has been incurred, Charge of Murder on Board American . _ [From the Liverpool Poet, June 6. Cases of viole on board ships sailing und of the United States are of frequent occurre deed, one cannot, from tacir numbers, but our counsins on the ot side the Atlant ciate the abstine the people of thes stances of greater if the evidene r the flag: , and, in- conclude tha’ not appre- om highly a Alderman Turner and’ Mr, Maxwell. ‘The eircumstancos were as under:—Theodore Stevens, a man of determined nepest, and who is second mate of the United States ship