The New York Herald Newspaper, June 9, 1856, Page 4

4 NEW YCRK HERALD, MONDAY, JUNE 9, 1856. Set NEW YORK HERALD. FAMKSE GOKDON LOINVBPP, PROPRIETOR a¥D EDIT Orrice B. ¥ AMOSEMRAKS THIs EVENING, BROADWs CHEATAR, Broadway—Scuo0: rox Scawpat | —My P-ianpon’s Wr WISLO'%® GARDEN. Srosdway—Youra Searcuae om vax Tiger Bore—Lus W mus—Pona: BOWERY THRATRE, Sowers Cawnie—Lenp we Prve Buccs. WALLACK’S YHRAT* Sroadway-Rowance anp Re aurry—Away Wits MgLancnouy. LACBA KESNH’S VARIETIR@, Srosdway—Tas Lar or Lyons- Lovreay Tioxsr. BROAOWAY VARIRIIES, 472 Sroadwar—Poor Prticop DY—f00DLES—BY THE WOOD & Mansa JUVENILE COMMDLANS, WOO WR MINSTRELS, 444 Brostway--Brorum Mom. s™merisy—Tam Mischirvoue MONKurY, KELLER'S EMPIRE BA MisoRLLANZOUSs Tanunacx— BOOKLEY’S MALL, 539 Brcadway —Dion ama or THE BaT- Tue oF BUNKEX Mit, CONTLAGRATION OF CHARLESTOWN, Ac. DUSSELDORY GALLERY, 491 Bronaway—Varcsnue PaInrings axD 8t47UARY—MaRrvapom oF Huss, a, ‘ew York, Monday, June 9, 1856. 506 Broadwey~ Bracicat aND L & INSTRUMENTAL MUSIO, The News, ‘Our correspondent at Matamoros, Mexico, writing en 19th ult., says that the appointment by President Comonfort of the political chief, F. Satillo, to the post of Governor of the State of Cobuila, had caused wide-spread popular discontent. The people of fif- teen settlements of the district had resolved to re. sist it to the last,.and the measure was approved of by the citizens of two towns only. Gov. Vidaurri had, in consequence, suspended the execution of the erder of his installation, and referred the matter to the general Congress for reconsideration. If per” severed ina civil wac wae dreaded, and Leon was already receiving.a supply of arms from New York. Vidaurri wis highly esteemed. Governor Garza had left for the city of Mexico, hoping to indace the ge- ernment to take eifectual measures for the f the frontier of Tamaulipas. It was said ‘ge portion of the standing army would be lish to-day a letter addressed by Mr. Hugh R. O'Neil, dated at Caballo-Cocha, in Peru,to Mr Jobn Boyle, chief engineer of the Amazon river ex- ploring steamers, relative to the late murder and robbery of six American travellers at Tabatinga. This statement is clear and circumstantial. The Americans, journeying from Tingo-Maria, were met in the river Lelow Tabatinga by a party of Bra- zitian soldiers and Indians, and shot and stabbed in acruel manner. Their effects were afterwards car- ried away by the troops. Mr. Boyle has arrived in New York, ani confirms the story of Mr. O'Neil. The officer and men who were engaged in the mas- #acre were, when he left, in prison at Bara de Rio Nigro, awaiting a removal to Rio Janeiro for trial, if demanded by our government. The Cabinet at Washington should attend to this case, as our citi- zens are accused of having committed a robbery at Tingo- Maria, which is alleged as an excuse for their punishment. An impartial trial can alone fix the guilt on the proper parties. An exceedingly interesting letter from our special correspondent at West Point, describing the annual examination of the cadets of the Military Academy, is published on the first page of to-day’s paper. The St. Louis Democrat, of the 5th inst., an. wounces, “with satisfaction and joy,” that Colonel Benton accepts the nomination for Governor of Mis- souri. Colonel Benton has determined to take the stump and canvass the State. Considerable apprehension of epidemic has re cently been experienced by the residents of Wash- ington and Georgetown, in consequence of a man having died of black vomit on board a vessel just arrived at the latter place trom the West Indies. 1%ffectual measures were immediately taken to pre- <¥ ent the spread of the disease. At a public meeting in Worcester, Mass., on Sat urday night, four thousand five hundred dollars wer ? Subscribed t» aid the free State settlers of Kam ws. Itissaida large number of men in that city b ave volunteered to emigrate to Kansas. They are to be well armed, and commanded by persons of experie tee in military tactics. The \ Vestern rivers are falling fast. The St. Louis Antellige: wer, of the 5th inst., says: Low water is now all ti le cry among the steamboats that arrived last from all the upper rivers, and when all the boats that come in report the water falline there is no doubt bi it the report is correct. The Iilinois has kept up pre tty well so far this season, but the new St. Paul, thait came in last evening, reported it fall: ing fast. The last boats from the Upper Mississippi foand bet four feet on the Rapids, and falling. The Missouri is getting low very fast, there being not me re than four and a half feet in the channel from St. Joseph down. The Cumberland is also low an¢! falling, with but three and a half feet water on Harpeth Shoals. The Fashion, from Louisville yest ‘rday, found but eight feet on the bars of the Lowe 'T Ohio.” Tin: value of foreign goods imported at the port of Bos ton during the week ending 6th inst. amount- ed te. 696,833. ‘Thea otton market was quite steady on Satur- day, with sales of about 1,900 bales, based upon gnod priddling New Orleans at 11}c., and strict nviddjing do., on the spot, at Ilic., and low d\>.,-in-4ransitu, with freight at 5-16d., at 10jc. The ptivate advices by the Niagara regarding breayistufiz were more favorable than those for- warded by telegraph. They also brought orders for purcleeses. The result was that flour was freely sold fer expert at an advance of 10 cents per bbl, and. im some cases as high as 15c. per bbl. was cla met. Wheat advanced about %. a Sc. per bush el, arith free sales. Corn was in fair demand, and gel sound qualities advanced fully lc. per bushe:'. Pork opened dull, but rallied, and closed at $18 25 perDbl. for mess. Sugars were in good de- mand, with sales of about 1,000 bhds. and 600 boxes, ci'o#ing at an advance of fully jc. for the day, and about jc. in the last three days. Coffee was more active, with sales of abont 4,000 a 5,000 bags, chiefly Rio, at a full jc. advance, Freights were quite steady. About 30,000 a 40,000 bushels of grain were engaged for Liverpool, in- cluding 10,000 lnshels corn, in bulk, at 64d., and the remainder (wheat) at 7d. in begs. Flour—5,000 a 6,000 biis., at 28 3d. ahead, and 2s. 6d. for imme diate shipment, and 1,700 bales, compressed and uncompressed cotton at 3-i8d. a 7-32d. Govyrnez Reperr at THE Taprmwacte.— Mr. Pierce’s rst Governor for Kansas, Gover- por Reeder, is to lecture to-night, in behalf of “free Kansas’ and the sufferings of the free Btate equatters in that distracted territory Like Koseath, he comes for “ finaacial and ma- terial aid,’ money, men and muskets, and for “intervention to enforce non-intervention.” Governor Reeder’s bill isa modest one. All he asks is two millions of dollars and ten thou- sand men, to set Kansas squarely upon the free soil platform. Splendid opening this, cither to subscribe or to emigrate, for all such enthu- siastic pioneers of liberty as Greeley, Beecher, and the poete of the Pos. Gov. Reeder has @ romantic experience to relate. As Louis Phillippe escaped from France, so did the Governor eacape from the “border ruf- fone,” in the pea jacket of the deck hand of » ew camboat, Let the brethren go up to the Tavernagle with their money ang their volua- They are beginning to sb salleta tn | ; and th are CTOs | uri in aweras Remember Kosen and let not “free Kansas” plead | horder raffivoy’ ‘The Presidential Caapalgn—Troables of the Opposition, The reunion ot the New York democratic | hard shells and aoft shelle at Cincianati, wader the magical influence of the spoils, affords @ | most instructive lesson of practical wisdom to all the various political elements opposed to the Pierce administration, and the farther con- tinuance of his imbecile, filibustering and daa- zerous policy at home and abroad. For three years past, down tothe meeting of thie Cincinnati Sanhedrim, compared with the ferocious animosities that have sabsisted be- tween our democratic hards and softs, the re- lations between the Know Nothings and the Jesuits have been affectionate, pleasing aad foll of Christian charity. Our two democratic factions meet at Ciacinnati in the same belli- gerent frame of mind as that of the meeting, tace to face, of two tom cats, held up by their tails, Bat the instant the Conventioa speaks, the two cats begin to lick each other’s wounds; and all over the country all the wranglings and caterwaulings in the camp are quieted; and rank and file, shoulder to shoulder, the reunited democracy rally, as with the spirit of one man, upon the solid plat. form of the public plunder and a new division of the spoils, In this peculiar trait of the “unterritied de- mocracy”’ we say there is embodied a lesson of the bighest practical wisdom to the opposition forces, Looking back through the history of the old whig party we at once discover that its repeated defeatea were leas in consequense of the strength of the democracy than on ac connt of divisions in the whigcanp. They had two many captains and too many abstrac- tione—too many irons in the fire, and tco many partizan punetilios to look after to do much towards winning the grest foar year battles for the spoils. Between C ry and Webster, free soil and slavery, a high tariif and a low tariff, ke, Nort2 and South, the whig party never could achieve anything bat a disastrous defeat against the Macedoniso phalanx of the solid democracy, with whon, in the hour of battle, all men, all old sores, all family feuds, ell disappointments, all ia- dividual wrongs, all principles were surren. dered to the “cohesive power of public plua- der.” In 1840, when the whigs dropped their straight laced notions, dropped their old rickety family carriage, its liveried drivers and its coat-of-arms—dropped their family quarrels, dropped Clay and Webster, and took the field upon the simple platform of the ne. cessities of a new administration, they sweot the country like a tornado. Again in 1848, pursning the same policy, with a no-party candidate, a “whig, but not an ultra whig”— a democrat, but not a Polk and Dallas demo- crat, and without the vestage of a platform ex- cept the constitution of the United States, the opposition to the democratic dynasty in power hurled out the democratic dynasty with 8 tremendous popular revolutionary reaction On the other hand, in 1844, and again io 1852, the old hide-bound whig party feeling strong enough to do the whole work of the opposition, tried it, and ineach case they were ingloriously beaten by a mere second or third rate captain as the democratic leader. These triumphs of the combined opposition forces under General Harrison and Creneral Taylor, and the otherwise inglorious weakness of the old whig party in a single handed fight against the solid democracy, suggest the true policy of the opposition forces in the present campaign. Mr. Fillmore accepts, on broad na- tional grounds, the Philadelphia Know Nothing nomination. He is a popular man in the South, and with anything like an ordinary effort on the part of his friends, he ought, at leas‘, to carry the States of Delaware, Maryland, Ken- tucky, Tennessee and North Carolina. If he can do this, or anything near it, the opposition in the North can afford the loss of Pennsylva- nia and two or three other smaller Staces, and still be able to leave Mr. Buchanan in a mi- nority of the electoral and popular vote cf the country. In this event the election would, of course, go up to the House of Representatives at Washington, where the opposition, being in aheavy majority, would undoubtedly be able to control the election. But, in order to carry the North against Mr Buchanan, it will not doto ran in these lati- tudes a Fillmore and Donelson silver gray whig and Know Nothing ticket, a George Law anti-slavery Know Nothing ticket, and a nigger worshipper’s ticket. Comprehending, as these factions do, together with the floating materials of the North, a decided majority of the people in every Northern State, the fact is still unde- niable that unless there is a junction of these forces, there will be no fight. As Napoleon served the Austrians at Rivoli, by chopping them up in detail with the whole weight of his army, so will the democracy, should the opposi- tion have three or even two tickets in the North, cut them to pieces. The matvrials ot hand for ® Northern opposition are eo cor in numbers to that of the democracy; ‘ut ualess the opposition combine, many of the fioat- ing materials, who have no idea of fighting on the weak side, will go over to the democracy, as adfording the only living chance for a prow pective sop in the spoils. Let the opposition camps, then, drop all euch secondary issues as Know Nothingism, niggeriem, border rufflan, free Kane.>. dy and leaving every man to make his own plat- form on the various abstractions of the day, unite on some popular Northern candidate, with no other platform than that which has brought our hards and softs together again in Tammany Hall, to wit, Marcy’s solid old plat- form of the “spoils,” and they may astonish the world. The “spoils” and the cry of anew administration, in opposition to the nigger driving debaucheries, the squandering extra- vagances, corruptions, and filibuaterism of the Pierce democratic dynasty, will be platform enough. More than this will be too much. Look at the late democratic meeting at Washington, where Cass, Douglas and Pierce each made a speech so expressive of their in- tense delight at the Cincinnati nomination that it is a wonder that either of them con- sented to run at all. But thisis the way with the democracy. They sink everything in their union for the spoils, This, too, is the only course for the opposition. They must unite for the spoils. They will have time enough to quarrel upon principles and abstractions after the election, We await the results of these Jone conventions, ; Empercr of R Russia after the War. 1t is understood on all sides that the new tussia, like his father, begias his reigao with projects of vigorous and radical The situation which he inherited having come to an . be is now at liverty to devote the whole of his energies to the internal concerns of the empire, and ia t! be will find ample occupation for even mo: activity than he has hitherto evinced. The evils under which the Russian empire labors are two fold; both growiag out of the semi-feudal institutions which were planted in the country many centuries ago. One is bureaucratic influence and corruption; the other, the distrioution of society into classes Testing on the tenure of land. The old Russian law obliged every youth of noble family to serve the State ia a military rank for a period of four or five yeara; and ia olden time, the custom was for these offic*s after their term of service was over, to su the demands of the government for functionaries. This custom, which soon %?- came a mere nominal usage, in consequence © the growing unwillingness of the young torelinguish the sword for the pea, still lasiva long enough to lead to the creation of = a- mense number of subordinate civil officers, ca¢a entrusted with a fractional portion of the civil administration. At the close of last century there were in Russia even more small offices under government than there were proportion- ately in France under the old régime, when every second burgess was a public functionary. With the Napoleonic wars, the Russian arny was so largely increased that the government did not need to dispense with the services of the young nobles at the close of their con- scriptive term; those who chose to continue in the service were promoted; and for a period of years the civil service derived no accession of strength from tais source. It consequently happened that the vacancies which occurred in the administration were filled from the pie beian ranks; and from the moment this bz- came a settled practice, a line was drawn for the first time between civil and military rank, which forever excluded soldiers from the for- mer. Military men began to look down upon civil officers, who, finding it hopeless to relieve themselves from the sense of inferiority they gradually acquired, consoled themselves by practising corruption and acquiring fortunes far beyond the reach of mere soldiers, Taia was the state of things which Nicholas dis- covered on his accession. The civil service (including the administration of justice) was in the hands of a very lowclass of corrupt meu, who sold themselves to every bidder; the army was openly at war with them; and its officers readily following the example of their chief, Araktchief, treated them with the utmost contempt. Nicholas endeavored to cure the evil by redistributing military men in the civil service, and by punishing corrupt officials with severity; but after an attempt which lasted se- veral years, but which was embarassed by a cotemporaneous endeavour to codify the Rus- sian laws by a war with Turkey, and by the Southern insurrection and its ramifications, he abandoned it in disguet. The task now devolves upon Alexander, who, it is un- derstood, has resumed it with uncommon di- ligence. Of the probable success of his efforts it is hardly possible to speak, with the limited in formation we possess. The bureaucracy of France needed a revolution to overthrow it; that ot Ruesia is more extensive, more corrupt, and more powerful, inasmuch as it comprises the judicial body, which the French bureaucracy did not. The other evil against which the new Empe- ror is understood to be struggling is the feudal institution of serfdom and the imperfect ten- ures of land. There are in Russia twenty-four millions of men whose condition differs but slightly from that of the slaves of the South, though they are of the same race as the Boy- ards, and in respect of the law and the Empe- ror, upon an equal footing. They own no land, though they are bound to occupy, cultivate and pay rent; their children, from genera- tion to generation for ever, fill the same sta- tion in life as their fathers; they never can acquire @ real interest in the concerns or pro- gress of the empire, and, like the Romish priests in Catholic countries, are strangers and aliens in the land of their residence. The au- thority of their eeignior or feudal lord over them is bounded only by laws which are vague and uncertain, and whose execution by a serf against a noble is almost out of the question. Hence it occasionally, though not frequently, happens that a noble will ill treat his serfs. The late Nicholas, who from first to last was animated by as truly humane a spirit as his lees vigorous brother Alex ander, provided for this mischief by ena- bling serfs when ill used to obtain their tranefer from the estate of their lord t» those of the crown. Their condition was no altered; but they gota new master, who wus rarely oppressive. Within the last quarter of a century, however, new ideas with regard to national progrese have made way in Russia as elsewhere; and one of these is, that national spirit is inseparable from aright of property in real estate. For several years it has been the opinion that the empire would be stronger and the rural districts more productive if the spur of interest were cumulated with stimulus of duty, and the twenty-four millions of Russian serfs were enabled to hold land. That opinion is shared by the present Emperor Alexander, who has already tried the experiment, with some success, it is said, on some of the largest of his estates on the Baltic; and he has pro- posed to the leading Boyards to follow his ex- ample. It is understood that they are loath to do so. Many of the Russian nobles live wholly in the country, and do not share in the intel- lectual movement of the age. Others, with a juster appreciation of the truth of the im jerial argument, calculate that they would be losers by the conversion of their present feudal leases into deeds of sale. Many, like the French no- bility before the revolution, are wedded to the institutions under which they grew up, and cannot dissever the idea of innovation from that of a reign of terror. We shall see, in the course of a few months, how the new Emperor meets this opposition, and what sort of a man he may be. To judge from the promptness with which he brought the war to a close, in spite of the foolish pride of the old Russian party, and from the vigorous efforts he is making to reorganize the Russian fleet, improve the army, and open up his em- pire with telegraphs, railroads and steamers, one might reasonably infer that he was a man hardly much inferior to his father. Bat this cannot be positively affirmed until he has fair- reform. ly joined iseue with the Boyards on the serf | queatioa, It is quite in the order of things, and agree- able to the spirit of the day, that the greatest revolutionaries should be Emperors. “Children and Fools Should Not Play with Kdged fools’ ~The Consequences, While our confideace contianes that in the end our relations with England will not be much damaged, and that common sense and mutual interest will be the real arbitrators upon a)] points in dispute, we cannot help the expression of our disgust at the manner in which President Pierce has conducted our foreign diplomacy; nor can we shut our eyes to some of the possible consequences. We will presently look at some of these; bat we cannot do so without first expressing our most unmiti- gated diegust at the contemptible uses the Pre- sident has made of his elevated position, nor atthe grievous wrong he has done that gene- rous people, who, overlooking his obscurity of cbaracter and position, confided their weltare to his supposed honesty, and believed that his fresbness from their ranks would be @ guaran- ce of his vietue. But unhappily, to obtain a renomination to the Presidency has been his sule object from first to last. This has been the key to all his conduct. This explains the whole policy of his administration. For this the game has been played of seeking the sup- port of the South by endeavoring to extend the area of bondage; of tho North, by sanction- ing the rowdyism of that potential class who control elections with the club, and are wil- ling to attack any country or any party in the expectation of plunder. For the purpose of catching in his net all kinds of ani- mals that float with the tide, till they are washed ashore and putrify in their owa slime, he has thrown out all kinds of bait~— a difficulty with Spain, a loud talk at Cuba, a cannonade at Greytown, a little low Dutch with Holland, a capture of a steamer in the port of New York by Admiral McKeon, a flur- ry with French, and a confession to the Padre Vij'l; @ telegraphic muster of the new steam- ers to proceed to San Juan after the Eurydice had ceased her song of wailing over filibus- terism in Nicaragua, and departed; the dis- miseal of a Minister and three Consuls, after bearing with their misconduct for months of Sundays; the wonderful management of the Kaneas affairs, and the picturesque and beauti- ful dissolving views taken of the Union, in con- seqence, by the various operators; the great skill shown in attempting to sit on two stools at once—a hard and asoft one—and coming to the ground after the manner of such attempts, are memorable and never to be forgotten evidences of the superlative skill and foresight of that “great and godlike administration,” eulogized by the great and notorious Captain Paul George. But the Convention has met. The Bourbons are not restored, though the agony is over. Pierce has gained nothing. He is not even decently laid out. On the bare ground ex; he lies, With not a trend to clove hs eyes! But, joking apart, let us see what we have gained by these splendid operations of the President. He has completely ruined him- sdif, and perhaps jeopardized the country. It is believed that Mr. Dallas will be sent home, as indispensable to the wounded honor of England. This will leave the parties so far even in the dispute. But in the meantime— and we are almost ready to stake our saga- city on the result—we shall see a military and naval movement which will show how basely indifferent our government is to our own inte- rests at the moment when it is readiest to “cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war.” It is well understood in Canada that fifty thousand men will be sent there from England on the first opportunity, and the leading Canadians have pledged themselves to raise 100,000 mili- tia, and arm them with the Minie rifle. This is what some of the most respectable men in the provinces have said in this city within two weeks. And what is also worthy of note, is that these very persons have been at the same time eelling out their American securities. We know of other instances where foreign capital- ists have been suddenly doing the same thing. And, let us ask, what is to prevent the arri- val of a hundred gun boats in the St. Law- rence, or their ascent to, and occupation of, Lakes Superior, Erie and Ontario; and with the new and powerful guns which have been used so fearfully in the Baltic, commanding those lakes in spite of our remonstrances or exertions, while at the naval station of Pere- tanguishire they will find every provision for repairs and maintenance? Would it be possible, aftera sudden movement of this kind, for us to construct a single vessel of war, or @ single fortification, within reach of this Baltic fleet in petto, lying off Sackett’s harbor, or Oswego, or Buffalo, or any otuer port on Lake Erie? It would at least be diffi- cult; and whatever the final result of the con- test might be, we should come to it only after the destruction of some of our noblest and most Prosperous cities of the West, either by the ravages of war or the decline of commerce. All these things are possible; and what is worse, we must admit that they are contingencies no longer under our own control. It does nut now depend upon us whether our difficulties are to be serious or light, but on the manner in which the English people receive the arrow we have sped them. The Nicaraguan difficul- ties have almost settled themselves by the establishment of the government of Rivas, and England will gain by this settlement almost as much as we. But the Crampton affair isa point of honor, and no one cam tell how sharp it may become. But let us look again. Suppose while the people of England are meditating over the in- terruption of our friendly relations, this large army from the Crimea is landed in Canada, and these hundred gunboats cast anchor in the Lake. No war is declared; but there they are. Would not the American people express some dissatisfaction at such a manifestation? Would not the presence of such a force, threatening our Northern frontier—this army and navy of occupation and observation—-be cause for our declaring war? Would it not inevitably lead t? co here we are in the midst of difficulties such as the wisest cannot see the means of ad. justing at this moment, and such as may put back the country fifty years—all, all because a weak minded President of the United States was determined to remain in office four years longer, and his small potato advisers around him ministered to his folly, in hopes of finally gaining something by it themselves. To think that two great nations should be thus embroiled to feed the petty ambition of a conceited New Hampsbire attorney, is enough to make one curse such a destiny as ours. The fate of this age, the fate of the whole world, is perhaps trembling this moment in the scalee, in consequence of the private views and sycophantic support of them up to the last moment of credulity, by office holders, enter- tained and insisted on by that miserable speci- men of an executive—Franklin Pierce, The Cincinnati Convention have at least performed one good action. They have dis- missed from public life one of the greatest caricatures of a statesman. They have learned, not too late we hope, that great men cannot be made in a hurry, nor the incubation of a tur- bulent Convention hatch out an eagle from an addled egg. Even the demagogues who have been so long picking at the barn door of the Treasury, were obliged to desert their compa- nion and leave him to his fate. Ingratitude of Southern Politicians. No political lesson is taught in a more strik- ing manner by the proceedings of the late Cincinnati Convention than the futility of ex- pecting gratitude or even fidelity from the mass of the politicians of the South. Mr. Pre- sident Pierce and Mr. Senator Douglas went before that body laden with claims upon the South. For it they had sacrificed their all— the one his standing, the other his repute in the larger portion of the North, Strictly cor- rect and constitutional as was the Nebraska bill, it was morally certain to involve a stu- pendous danger for its author. A considera- ble portion of the North, embittered by the efforts of demagogues against Southern insti- tutions, were sure to oppose it with virulence. When the bill was introduced, the storm of opposition it encountered. was even more fu- rious and more general than-anticipation had foreshadowed. There were no epithets, there ‘was no invention of calumny which the North- ern opponents of the measure shrunk from ap- plying to its author and abettors. They were loudly stigmatized as traitors; and that not by stump politicians, but by leading merchants, by neutral journals, by respectable divines. The extent of unpopularity the bill drew upon its framer was perhaps unexampled in our Political history. Yet it is due to Stephen A. Douglas to say that in the teeth of vituperation, calumny and menaces, he stead- ily pursued his purpose to the end, without once allowing himself to be checked, diverted, or frightened. The bill was right, undoubtedly. Its principle cannot be controverted. Its lead- ing opponents of two years since now acknow- ledge as much. But in the then excited state of the public mind, it needed no small courage to persevere in enforcing that principle, at the enormous cost of obloquy it was certain to in- volve. On the other hand, constitutional as was the bill, it was none the less a gain to the South. It was their due; but like many a debt in mer- cantile life, they had by their own folly thirty years before almost debarred themselves from recovering it. Southern statesmen, in their rage for office, had profligately bargained never to exact it; and though the maintenance of this bargain would in the end have been hurtful to the North as well as the South— though it was clearly a violation of the spirit of our institutions, it was none the less a bar- gain to which the South had been a party, and from which it was a gigantic service to relieve her. That service was rendered to the South by Stephen A. Douglas and Franklin Pierce. How have Southern politicians requited them? When the crisis came, they deserted them both. On the first ballot for President, Sena- tor Douglas did not get a Southern vote. With the exception of Kentucky and Missouri, he did not get a vote from a slaveholding State; and on the third and fourth ballots tne Ken- tuckians deserted him. He gained a few Southern votes from time to time, as the dele- gations shifted and chopped round; but no- thing is more plainly indicated by the detailed report of the ballotings than the resolution of the South not to nominate him, and to resist to the last the efforts of the West with that view. Mark the fortunes of Mr. Pierce, who, poor man, having no particular mind of his own, had been the docile follower of Douglas, and, as President, the potent ally of the South. If there was a man who deserved the gratitude of the South it was Franklin Pierce. Douglas has character and talents to sustain him, and reconquer popularity; Pierce has nothing to rely on but the services he chanced to be able to render to the South. Yet when the Convention met, what is the unanimous report of news col- lectors? They say—* Pierce is a standing joke;” “ When people want to be facetious they say they are for Pierce;” “ The office- holders mean to give Pierce a complimentary vote, but it is doubtful whether it can be managed,’ and so on. On the first ballot, 122 votes are scraped together from the Custom Houses and Post Offices; and these go falling away, falling away—the Southern delegates eetting the example of desertion—until shame compels Mr. Pierce to withdraw, at the head of three votes and a half. Was there ever so impressive alesson? What was the “enormity of Austrian ingratitude” in comparison with this? New, for whom has the South deserted her champions? Assuredly, one might suppose, for some chivalrous son of her own, in whose temper and courage she can rely at this great crisis; for some man with a heart of steel and a tongue of fire, who will do battle in her cause with more steady faithfal- nees than Pierce, and more valiant ardor than Douglas. Pehaw! the man the South has chosen is an old gentleman, who was in the prime of life when the Missouri Compromise was passed, thirty-six years ago; who helped to pass it then, and agrees to its repeal now; « calculating, prudent old gentleman, who never offends anybody, nor commits errors of tactics; who has gone through life with a cool eye to the main chance, having no particular opin- jone, and no particular principles, and no par- ticular prejudices that could stand in the way of his advancement, and who, on all occasions and at all crises, has been so cold, so canny and 80 cunning that now at the close of his long life he has not an enemy and he has not a friend. This is the man the chivalrous South has chosen in preference to men who had sacrificed all for her. Ab! what a world of instruction there is in the report of that Cincinnati Con- vention! The moral vice which prompts South- ern editors to vent their scurrility not only on their political foes, but on their political friends, has infected the whole body to which they belong; from henceforth let no man ex- pect of the South aught save treachery, in- gratitude and desertion. Pusxic Insecuriry—THE LvrLUENCE or THK Cixrcy—A Timery Hivt.—The attemptg made in our own day to regulate the actiong of men, whether by the force of legislation of the more potent influence of religion, do nog seem to produce the desired results. Society continues to be disturbed to its very centre, Everything occasionally gets out of joint, eviJ triumphs over good ; virtue retires from thg hopeless contest with vice. Crime, only @ fractional part of which is detected, flaunta along in its gayest colors. Misery besets us af every turn. Poverty expires in its unvisited hovel, debt breaks the spirit of the nobles men, licentiousness laughs at the admonitiong of the good, and if we take one point of vieg™ every thing appears to be getting worse. In this social imbroglio, we look around ig vain for protection. Here, in the city of New York, we have all the common safeguards of life and property, but are they worth anys thing? Wehave a government, we have @ police, we have station houses, we have hospid tals, we have prisons, we have human sucig} ties, we have all the appliances of civilization and all the monitions of religion, and q host of clergymen whose epeciality it is to ays peal to the hearts and consciences of the pea ple, and who profess to be the ministers of God, But we see but little improvement. The goog time is always coming, but does it come? We attribute much of our social disaster t@ the mistakes of our spiritual pastors ang masters. We believe that too many of theni mistake their vocation, and that by mingling so largely as they do in secular matters they are producing a vast injury to the cons'ry] We have now almost a daily spectacle of theigy attempts to make private sina out of political necessities, It is no longer the Bible we musi look to, to know what is sinful, but what som@ fanatic preacher decides to be auch. A vote ig convention now determines whether the Creqy tor of the Universe is right or wrong, whether, his diepensations of color, or climate, or social differences are to be submitted to or to b@ done away with. Itis for Brother Beecher} and Brother Garrison, and Theodore Parxor, to determine what has been his will, and whag is his will, why we live in a temperate zone, and others in the torrid. The inspired wricerg inculeated obedience to existing authoritiesg even our Saviour, who was Lord of all, recon mended the payment of tribute toan inidell prince; he declared his kingdom was no! of this world, but our modern reformers are d@j termined that it shall be otherwise. Fauat8} cism, with its broad phylacteries, which it nog only wears, but makes up to suit itself, makea iteelf wieer and holier than God, and its dey luded votaries fly to Minie balls and rifleg to “vindicate his ways to man.” What is the influence of the clergy worthy under the extreme measures which its nos prominent characters now advocate. The maq ral stake and faggot are quite bad enouglal The disorders of opinion are as dangerous a8 those of the animal frame. Indeed they ar@ the fruitful source of insubordination, disisterg intolerance, crime and death. We see the American clergy very zealous iff their remote charities. They have an intena@ interest in the welfare of people at a distance. They can chaunt their hymns to Greenland’a cy mountains and Afric’s burn‘ag sands, bat many of them are practically disorganizers, sceptics and insurrectionists, entirely indiffer- ent to the peace and tranquility of their owm country—the revilers of the constitution, and the slanderers of Washington. We know that all are not s0; but, unfortunately, the pablig¢ nly see and hear of those who are thus promi4 nent in their mischief. What is to become of religion, if the iaflaence of the clergy is to be thus misdirected? How shall we stop this flood of irregular and un¢ clerical opinion? Are there not some good men left who will put forth their energies, i& their Master’s name, to control and regulate it? Divisions among the Presbyterians, the Methos dists and the Baptists are now but too fa-sily, begun, arising out of purely political and sag nomical questions, Practical infidelity grows rampant anidst these dissensions. The country is on the orinkg of disunion from these unneceseary and irreli¢ gious political controversies. Let the clergy, or such of them as are within the scope of out remarks, take heed to their ways. Those of God’s ministers who do not put up the sword may yet die by the sword. Take off the capa of your rifles, gentlemen; unfix your bayonets; violence is no part of a Christian’s creed. THE LATHST NUWS. BY MAGNETIC AND PRINTINGTELEGRAPHS, From Washington. YELLOW FEVER AT GHORGRTOWN—DESPERATE FIGH® IN OREGON—EXPLOITS OF THE BROOKS FAMILY, TC. aa Wasnincton, June 8, 1856, Apprehensions are felt for the health of Washiogtog and Georgetown. One of the line of Georgetown sloops just from the West Indies, and lying in the river below the town, lost » man a few days since with the blacks vomit. Our Health Commissioner ordered the vessel ta leave yesterday, but she is still at anchor. Steps ar@ being taken to-day to force her departure. ‘The report of Col. Manypenny, im the case of Thomp< fon’s claim against the Minominee Indians, together with Mr. Thompson’s reply, will be distributed in @. few days. How did Mr. Thompson manage to reply toam. official report before the report itaelf was printed ‘o: thé inspection of the Senate? Very curious. The docsus ments are personal and spicy. The repert recetved by last mail from the Superin- tendent of Indian Affairs in Oregon, is highly importants ‘The steamer Mary was lying at the Cascades when the Indians made the first attack, and escaped down the river to give notice of the outbreak. The attack lasted) . Four hundred Indians were engaged, of ma were killed, twelve wounded, and the , with fifteen warriors, captured. The friendJy Indians are being collected on the reservation and furnished with provisions, The paragraph relative to Gol, Brooks, goiog the rounds of the Northern press, ie not only erroneous, but does injustice to the dead. The article alluded to says “that the father of Col. Preston S, Brooks was chal- lenged by Lewis T. Wigtall, now of Texas, and refuse’ ta fight—that thus the affair ended.’’ It is true that old Mr. Brooks refused the challenge of Wigfall, but threatened. a caning, which he designed inflicting on the madcap, ae hoatyled him, when Wigfall “‘posted”’ the gent'eman at the Court Houre door. Mr. Bird, # young relative of Mr. Brooks, then sent Wigfall word that he should tear dowa the paper, when the latter responded “if he did vo h@ would shoot him ”’ Bird, as good as his word, pulled the pa- per down with one hand, acd returned Wigfall’s fire wit the other, but fell mortally wounded. About this time the son—Col, Preston 8, Brooke—returned home, and im ues diately challenged Wigfall, with whom he exchanged twa shots, each hitting the other, but inflicting, no seriou wound, This termirated the unfortunate feud. It is a singular fact that the Committee on Public Lande in the House in reporting the Mammoth railrosd lind bills, reported only the bilis themselves and accompanied them with not one word of comment, explanation or apology. This wasa sale course to pursue, 90 far as the committee was concerned, as it leaves no record b*biag to tell tales, In the Senate the same billa were reporio® back from the Committee on Publis Lands without amendment, and consequently without any formal ree