The New York Herald Newspaper, June 7, 1856, Page 2

2 May—coid winds, rain, ball, and even thunder ©, 4 light ming. To-day ix warmer, witha bright ean. The Arabie hae arrived. Vaimer’s trial +!ill continues to Incresse in tntere:t. Je remind one of the trial of Madame Laffsrge. tovd Adolphus Vitzelarence is dead, He was the von ef Kirg William IV. and the celedratea Mrs. Jordan, THE NEW MARITIME LAW. Ampertant Debate tn the British Parliament on the New Maritime Policy of Earope. In the House f Lords, May Lora Coxcussrun moved a series of resolutions respse! img the commerce of neatrals in time of war, setting forth thet the right of espturing enemies’ goods in neu- ‘trai veere'’# bad been sosepted by the most eminent yarista of ail ages, 20 @ principle ot international law and ‘ap inherent right of every belligerent power; that the abandooment of this right was @ serious injary. es; aily to @ power whose main reiiance was in its navi piety: that Great Britain, though occasionally wai the mgbt by specido’ treaty, had never sur- reocerel it, dot, om the contrary, hai oonstan'ly re- fared to concede the principle which sucsessive govern- ments bed conceived to be identified with toe na- tinal greatness; and, finally, that the House deeply yegret to find @ principle #0 strenuously maivtained bed been suddenly abandoned at the late conferences a Paria, without the previous xnowledge or sanction of ‘iament by plenipotentiaries, assembled +> discuss the 2 of peace with Ruveia. In supporting these resolu. tions, the noble Lord entered at some leogth into a detail et the conditions under which the maritime law of na- ‘Done bad been exercised in previous times of war, and argued that the prineipie involving the right to search for apd confiscate the goods of an enemy aithough shel- tered by # neutral tisg, was sanctioned both by the theory of international Jaw, and that its eurrender mpromised the naval supremacy of the United Kingdom. Besides being objectionable in fact, ‘tbe ebange lately effected was, he w yet more ques. tionatie in the mor of its accomplishment, having deca enthorized by & meeting of diplomatists in silence and almost in secresy, tehiod the back of parliament, and without the sanction o; aay of the conetitutional sutho- riuee of tne country. ‘Bne Har} ot CLaKevDON #aid—The nobdle lord heving ene me tbe honor to meke particular allusion to me in the commenc+ment of his speecn, I beg to tender him my Dest acknowlekgments for the kind feeling tha: pervaded ie &)/uefons, a8 well es for the tone o: good temper in which he has brongbt this question unter your lord- abipe’ conmceration. Never was a vote of censure pro- posed in a more urbane spirit, or with more polished eourtesy. (Hear, hear.) I shall enceavor to imitate the exauple ot tre nonle lord, by carefully avoiding the fetroduction of irritaticg topica, which {t wonld ill be- come me © import into this debate, and whicn cen no- where be more ont ot place than in discassing a question national importance. I trust, able to convinee your lordships’ that th ‘ions of the nobie lord contain statements not quite con- wren? with the fact, and that you would not be consult. ing t{her the honor or the interest of Eogiané in pledg- hug yourselves to the principles he advocates. Tne mobile lord lay# it down as @ priacip! the right Yo s#ize enemies 6 under a neutral flag is 60 closely sp rerwoven wi Europe, and so necessary to our sa‘aly a8 maritime power, that it would not eoudace vither to tu ot kngland Wo enzrencer it. Ba 2, you must 0 limitation either aa to place or time—you must it everywhere and forover. d this 1 eannot but onld be a most nnwise and unjudicious proceed- ‘eg where mutation is the visible lew of society, and | where everything is chavging around us. More particu- Yerly woulo it d¢ auwise and ipjudicivus to take sach a course with re-pect to a matter which the noble lord brmeeli admits har deen revea'edly altered to meet the exigencies of the times, sud against which all tue greav woritime powers of the world have constantly and con- sietently provested. {tii , a8 the nodie lord ob- werves, (har the orst declaration announcing that the gecde of sn epemy under a nentral fisg were lawfal prizs cf war is io be found in the Consolato del Mare, trea- tise written in the Provencal toogue in the 13ch century. J think that we should always bear in mind that jurists are apt to state the law «imply as itis, wi yeierence to the law as it ougat to bs; od, copseguent- dy, we aball tnd jarists of the time of Grotius defending vhe rigtt ct belligerents to put women to death and to ih prisoners after surrender. (Hear, hear.) We can, Bowever, no mere rely on jurists in defeace cf such prac- ‘tuces than on the opinions of eminent lawyers in thia eountiy who ‘ormerly supportea by argument and autho- rity come of the worst par's of our penal code. (Hear, hear.) The nobie lord has quoted the judgments of em!- ment men in this country, more particularly on intecna- tioval law; but I thihx that we have no mure right to presume that their ovinions would now be the same on anverpational iaw, which !s founded on reason, justice snd the common ‘content of civilized nations, than we have to suppose that the judges who formerly supported rome of the worst parte of our penal code would now waintain tuch opinions. Upon this subject the eminent wen of former days would now, It they lived at this day, take into consideration the great changes of policy, i msy fay of morailtty, whieh sre constantly taking piace, and which vecessarily carry with them great changes in the intercourse of civilized nations. Nor can I altoge- ther admit the principle laid qaonicd the noble lord op- porite, that we are justitied in resorting to extreme mes- rures in order to hasten « period of peace; for I consider all such generalities dangerous. and that by rule of Yat kind we might be justified im resorting to some of ‘the most berbarous useges. (Hear, hear) Neither can I sdmit that in war we are to ve geverned by other prin- eiples than those which are adopted in the ordinary transactions of life. War may be mitigated by humanity, anda heavy responsibility weighs on taoge who have the power to mitigate it, and yet refuse todo so. The noble Jord, in his resolutions, says thet all modern jurists hove been favorable to the pramciple he lays down; bur, since the resolutions Deen laid on the table, I have looked into the woftings of eminent men of thority—such as Hubner, Kayneval, Martens, Chit- ty, Parcessus and Wieaton—and all those writers con tended thet thw principle laid down by the nobie Jora was a relic of barcarous times, and ought to be re- by the principle of ‘‘free ships, free goods.” | deen, and still is, the odjest of civilization to mit: the miseries of war, and to define and extend the sof neutrals. By land we should think it disgrace- ful to seize the property of neutral and peaceful persons, but that ie not the case by sea; and we even give licences to bucaniers to seize property. There is no assignabie reason for this difference, except that the acts committed by sea are Jess under observation than those committed by land; and the force of opiniom is less brought to bear onthe former. The present state of maritime law is indeed Jittle different {rom its state in barbaroes ages. The eariy ages copiad it from the Romam Jaw, which was net the iaw of nations, but the municiple Iaw of Rome, which they were justified in apolyicg to their own eub- jects. Those, however, who oopied t! w, and wish t> ‘apply it to neutrals. appear to do that which they have no right to do. Pell g to dlockade the ports cf an enemy, and to prevent the enemy being supplied with munitions of war, and the neutrals who break the blockade, or supply the enemy with mounitions o! war, msy lawfully be intered with, because by #0 doing they abandon the cheracter of neutrality and impartiality. {f, however, they falfil the obligatios of neutrality, we have no ciaim to interfere with taem. By the present law cf Europe, however, we cannot deny that neutrals have a right to go to the ports of tae ene- , Which are not strictly bloskaded, or of the blockade of which # public and sufficient notice has not been given; and we cannot deny that they have a right to trade there, exeept with contraband of war. It ia true we havs hicu- erto claimed # more extensive right and delegated it to Bueaniers, whore only object was plunder; the only dif. ference between them and pirates consisting in the fast that they carried a royal license. tion of the neutral fisg that neutrals constantly pro- tested, and would, if necessary, always resist, baving reason aud justice on their side. The noble lord in h‘s resolutions says that the right to seize enemy’s goods im neutral vessels has been occasionally waived, and he quotes three treaties in which the right had been waive’. English treaty on record which contains the prin- ciple “free ships, free goods” ii i 1664, between John IV. of Portugal and Oliver Cromwell. In the $34 article of that treaty it wax declared—That all the goods and merchandise of the said repablic or found on board the ships of either or their people or jects sball remain untouchsd.’’ This treaty was con- by the treaty of Whitehall of 1¢61~it was recon- 1703, and remained in force until 1810, when it annulled by the treaty of Rio Janeiro, For 156 then, the invariable rule of our intercourse with “free ships free goods.” With France, in 1677, we concluded the treaty of St. Germai: ye, the 8th article o! which treaty declared that, “ handise of the enemies of the most Christian King shall de taken or confiscated {f th found on board the ining to the subjects of Great Britain, waid merchandise make up the best partou the g of the said ships, but still with an exception contraband of war,” anc similarly with regard to the ise of the enemies of Oreat Britain on board the ships of the most Christian King. These stipulations were ‘the rule of our amicable relations with France, as establish- ed by treaty for the next 116 years: from 1677 lo 1793 we concluded with France five treaties of peace and three and in every cne of they (exsept mekes no mention of the watter, and only lasted bE pes ) there isan article which either expressly contains the provision that the flags o/ England and Franee should protect the goods of their re spective enemies, or which renews the treaty of Utrecht which lays down that provision in the fullest wet ‘That treaty ts to this day the basis of our comm Jations between Engiand and Spain and France ai ‘With Spain our first treaty which recognised the rule 0 “free ships free goods” waa in 1645. From that time to 1796 we concluded thirteen treaties with Spain, in every one of which there is an article to that effect, or one re newing » treaty which contains it; therefore, for the 121 years ending with 1796, the rule of our intercourse with Epain, ae established by treaty, was ‘free ships, free goods.” The treaty of 1814 ratified and confirmed al treaties af commerse which subsisted between England and Spain in 1796. It is declared by the 17th article of the ecmmercial treaty of Utrecht between Ragland and France, thi It sball be lawful for all the eubjecte of the Queen of Gramt Britain, and of the most Christian King, to eal! with weir shiva ahipe with all manner of liberty and security, no distinction being made who are the proprieiors of the merchandise laden , from the plaers, ports and havens of those who are ‘of both, or of eliher party, without any opposition or disturbance whitacever, not only ‘directly from the places of the enemy aforementioned to neutral places, ut also from one piaee belonging ‘0 an enemy so another place belonging io an enemy; whether they be undar the jurisdiction of ihe eral, And it is now stipulated, conceraiag Bg é f 4 en > 2 : it 9 part there: ‘Majesties, coniraband goods being siways ing, oF an er of t cepted. ‘The 17th article of the treaty of commerce of Ttrech was repented verbatim in the 20th articieof the Treaty of Commerce of Versailles, of 1786. This treaty terminated with the war of 1793, therefore, from 1677 to 1793, the all but invariable rule of our frien ly intercourse with Franee—the rule for at least 75 years out of 80 years of | that aay such treaty would ever have been sign peace—was that free rhips ehould give traedom to goods. Jt ie worthy of remark that by the commercial treaty of | lordships are called on to do after th nts bave an unquestionable right | It is against the viole- | Utrecht of 1716, whieb tinced iv fores, except during the periods of war, for udreqnent 80 years, the sud jects of one party were entitied by treaty to earry on the colonial trade of the enemies of che other coasting | party. With Holland, we concluded various treaties, Seginning with the treaty of Buia in 1687, all of whieh contained the rule, and were contiauel down to 780. In theiuterval between 1654 and 1793, we were fix times at war with France, seven time vith Spain aod three times with the Untted Provinces of | Bollasd, and we terminated those ware by six Spain, and three with treater with France, seven with Ecl'and, all of which recognized the rule. During the rame time we concluasd with thove Powers and with Portugal exghteen treaties of commerce—in all thirty-four imteruationat engagements—in all of which, with the ex- ception of the treaty with France in 1607, and the treaty with Holland ia 1784, the principle was Tes-gnized what the ships of cme party being neuiral should make the goods carried by them neutral also. I therefore do not thimk thet there can be anythirg inconsistent with tne honor and interests of this country iu recognizing at the ocd of this wara rule which we have so trequently re- cognized during the lest 125 years in conjunction with all the great mari ime Powers. It iv perfecly true that these engegemente were frequently viviated, and by none more flagrantly than by ourselves. In 1093. in copjaae- tion with the Dutch, we declared ail the French porte dieckaded, and we rever sext @ single ehip to enforce the blocksde, We ceclared, by our decrees, that there should be ne trade between France and her colonies, and we entered into league with Russia, Prussia and the Emperor of Germany to prevent apy fuch trade deing earrielon, [he novle lord himself said most truly that the Fiench and English gcvernmeate—after the Freach Revolution, which in reality leg to all those infractions of erpationa)l engegements, and wihout which all the treaties to which [ bave reierred would still be in force —combined together and vied with each other, by orders ‘n council sad by the Berlin ard Milan deerves, in yiolat. Jost a] the rights of jaetice and tise of in- tree ‘That was prac ice waich the no- die Jord has cimselt eondemned. Lord COLCHESTER—1 conéemued paper blockades, ex- cept aa a retaliatory meas ‘The Far! of OraRevpos—The different meseures taken by the Northern Powers at various periods show thet: anxiety (o resent these violationa, ae tney were consider- ed, of international law. They concluded between them- selves forty treaties, in thirty-one of which the principle “free sbipe free goods” was res .goized. The Unived States immediately after the Declaratien of Incesendence concluded @ treaty wi Swecen, which stillexists, and they also coneinded s treaty with France, In both ot which the principle wae recogrised. The United States have siso concluded treaties with tbe diffe t States of South Ameries, as they declared their inc allot which principle was recognized, servation, that it should de adopted by poth bdeliigerents. of the last two certuries one hundred and tional engagerente have been made between 1 powers of the wer'd, all of which, except Ti, the rule ‘free ships free gocds’’ is contained. What! deduce from that is, that {a time of war, in the beat aad snimority of wrr, men tay aside this prinoiple, but when under the influence of reaeoa and jndgmeat they never hesitate to desiare that that should be tne ruie of civilized pations. \cd yet the firat thing which your comelusion of this war, iste pronounce a judgment which ehall condemn this cnivereally acknowiecged principle, aud revarse the 3 odeerved im concinding treaties. ‘was the state of things when the war commenced ? lispenssdle that our co-operation witn France shouid be as complete by sea se by land, but the pricci- ples of the marithne law of the two countries were metrically opposed toeach other. Yne French respec’ enemies’ goods on board neutral vessels, but ther ¢ ficcate central goods on boartl ensmies’ vessel) hile coutircate enemies’ goods cn board neutral vesrels, and reepect neutral goods in ensmnies’ vessels. It is need- less for me to ciate op tbe corfusion which would have existed if each Power had continued to hold to tts own pzizeiple, There must have been the great- est oissensions be'ween the two flests; all co oderation would have been impossible, and the neutrals would have had ibe greetast right to compiain of the different treat- ment which they rece!ved from the French and English cruisers. Between the two there weuld have been no loophole ot escape for them. The only rational course war, tbat each should abandon its own system, and that the maritime code of the two Powers shou'd be avsimi- lated. (Hear. hear.) And now, my lords, let me ask, bavicg ores waived these rights, waa lt possible for us to return to them’ This is nota question of law—not even of interpational lae—bui of policy, Every othe: ma- ritime Power im the world bas protested against our practice, and at the commencement of the war England was the only Power which upbeld thr right cf seizure. If your lordships could he aware, as I wae, of the avxiety of the neutral Powers at the commencement of the war to know waetver we meant to maiptain our old rule, you would understand the importance of the subject. Almost daily inquiries were addressed to we by the representatives of the neutral Powers, and though I certainly cannot say that the maintenance of our firmer rule would have Jed to another armed neutrality, it was quite plain that we ‘ood alone in the world—we should have bad every other maritime Power in the world agains: us, and most properly sc—becaure we abould have been maintaining a Jaw which was contrary to the public opi- nion of the world, which was hostile to commerce, and as unfavorable as porsible to a mit'gation of the evils of war. Weehoult oct only have stocd alone in the world —but It was quite clear that we should have besn at war not enly witn Russia, but with every otner maritime Power in the world. nensver there has been # war be- tween maritime Po land has been @ principal. The United States, which fe almost always been neu- tral, and are naturally looked up to as the protestors of neutral rights, and your Jordships will recollect the difficuities in which our main ensacs of ths right invorved us with the United States im 1811. The tornege of the United States was then somewhere atout 1,000,000 tons, but last year it was no less han £,300,000 tons. Would the Americans have quietiy submitted to the imposition of our law snd practice? Should we, co your Jordships think, have allowei any ration on eartn to inflict serious injary upon us io carrying out a law which we do not recognize? | wil read to yur lordenips the note of Mr. Mar ledging the receipt of the order in council, issued at the commencement of this war:— Derantxest oF State, WASHINGTON, April 23, 1854. The undersigned, tary of State, nas had the honor to receive the note of Mr. Crampton, Her #ritisanic M) jes v's Kovoy bxtracrdinary sed Minister Plevipotentiary, of we id inst, acoompanied by the declaration of Her yaty the Queen of the United Kingcom of Great Britvin and ireland 10 regard \o the rule which will for the present be observed to ‘wards those Powers with whom she is at peace in the existing war with Russia. ‘The undersigned has submitted those eommunicatimns to the President, aua received hie direction to express to Her ty’s government hs satisfactira that the prineipie that thips make tree goods,” which the United Staies have s) long and eo strenucuay contended for as & neutral right, aod ia whica some of \be leading Powers of Kurop+ have concurred, istohave @ qualified sanction by the practical observance of {tim the preeent war by both Great Britain and France -two of the moss powerful rations of Btrove. Notwithstanaing the sincere ication which Her Majea- ty’s declaration has given to the President, it woud have been enbanced if the rue alluded to haa beep annouac: €d as ove which would be observed not only {a th pre rent. but in evere future war in which Great Britsia ehall ‘Tbe uncondiliona: eanction of this rule by the British and French governmenis, r with the practical cbservance of it in the present war, would cause it io be hexceforth recogn'zed throughout the civilized worid a general principle of internatioral Isw This government from its very commenceme: t, has lavered for its recognition as A neutral right. It has incorported it in meny of iw treaties with foreign Powers, Francs. Russia, Prusela, and other na- tions have, in various ways, fully concurred with tbe United States in regarcing it 88 8 sound and salutary principle, in ail respects proper to be incorpo: aed inp the Jaw of nations. ‘The same consideration which uced ber Britannic Ma- desire ‘to pre serve the commerce of neutrals from all unnecessary obttruc: will, it 12 presumed, have equal weight nis in any future War, and ratisfy ther thet tht principal maiitime Powers. while neutra! to have it reg: nized as ® ru'e of intertational law are weil founded, and should be no longer contested, To setile the principle that “free shios make free goods,” except articies contraband of war, and 'o prevent it from being caled again In question from any quarter, or under acy cir- cumstances, the United States are devirous to unile with other Powers in & declaration that it shali be ooserved by eaci bere- as a rule of international law. ‘exemption of the property of neutrals, not contraband, from se'zure an4 cenfi cation when laien on board an enemy's vereel, ia a right now generally recognized by the law of na- tions.” The ent. is Dl to perceive, from the deslara tion of her Britannic Majesty, that the course to be pursued by ber crujsers will not bring {t into question the present war. The und la Cirected by the ‘President to rate to her jeety’s Minister to this government thai the United Staies, while claiming the full enjoyment of their rights asa neutra Power, wi)! of re the yt neutrality towards each and All the belligerenta, ‘The laws of tnle country impose severe Festrictione?not cnly upon jie own citizens. but upon all per sone who may be nts within any of the the United states, against equipping privateers, recelving com- missions, or enlisting men therein, for the p of taking apart in'any foreign war. It is not appreh that there shouid the just inted, he will not fail in ted 10 en- to them. Consi of interest and the laty mike give assurance that the clizens ot the ‘willfn no Way compromise the neutrality of ° by participating inthe contest 'a which the prin- ctpal Powers of wurope are now ut 1y engaged undersigned, &., “y zee) W. L. MARCY, I must say that { think that tbat isa very moaerate and a very dignified note. But if that were the state of things in 1864, J would ask your Lordships wnether we bave any reason to suppose that there will be any change D bat civilized nations have retrograded—that hu- manity has disappeared, or that anything has occurred to render lem # ringent or less obiigatory the motives which impored upom us the necessity of passing the order in Counct! of 1854” Those who know the mode in which that order im Council was received by most of th tral Powers, must at once admit how important it is, and bow dangerous it would be to do anything to cheek the friendly feeling whieh was then created, But we have never Jet experienced what the spplication of our own doctrines to ourselves would be. Suppose thet France and the United States were engaged to a war in which wo took no part, and that a French cruiser stop a Liverpool ship in the Channel with » great qua: Uty of merchandive im ber, and the cruiser be- nz too small to take the ‘merchandise on board, took the vessel into port to aniead her, what shoull wa think of a law which sanctioned such & state of things ’ (Hear, hear.) Believing, then, that it would be quite impos+ible to revert to our former policy, we thought t it would be wise, and politic, and expedient, when we we: uncer no eompulrion, and our motives could not be mi understood, to make that declaration in the hope that we should thereby mitigate the evils of war, and should con- ciliate a friendly feeling among the neutral Powers: and think it must be admitted that the law o! nations, which (# founded upon the jus naturc, and the communis conceseus genitum, prescribed and justified the dec aration which we rade, (Hoar, hear.) Your lordehips are called upon by this resolution to express yor regret that the i’leui poten- Uartes assembled at the Congress of Paria should have annonneed the abandonment of thia practice without the knowledge and consent ef the Parliament; but it tuere be any principle of our constitution which is more generaliy known and more universally admitted than another, it i the right of the Crown to concinde Wea with other coun- tries without the knowledge or consent of J’arllament; and for this, amoug other good reasons, that if you had to secure the sanctoin of Parliament before you mae a treaty, vou never could mame a treaty at all. Do you think if the articles of this treaty, or even the basis upon which it i# founded, had been submitted to Parliament ri can tell your lorésnips that It wae not a very ewy ma to eesomplish, even with a dozep negotiators: but If a NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JUNE 7, 1856. thousand bad been called tn, with the addition o! the dstiy newspapers, it would have been quite impyesible. (Bear.) Ihave read to your lordships » list o’ the va- ious treaiies which have been into by this eoun- try, recouncing that very inci’; and with regard to mo one of them wae the sanction of Parliament ever asked, or the preregative of the crown ever called in ques'icn. As to our right to conclude such oaty, I will read to your lorde what lam sure you méer a very bigh authority. Lord Stowell ssys:— Parliament bee really rothiag to do wih the mater. crown, whieh declares general host): ration, AB1 again, it is ndubitable that P eaves, give an evemy liberty 'oimport— Togative of declaring pesce and war p sce Iano in a atate of aeity. or, a fortior:. he may dividual trom # state of war. (Acton’s Report, 3; Moreover, when the order in Council was ps: renee of Parhament was takea by an honor: Jearned gentleman, a member of Dretors’-commons (Dr. Philimore), who asked the other Honse of Parliament to resolve that to surrender or renounce this right would be inconsistent with the honor aud security of this coun- try. Aftera short debate the House of Commons was upon that occasion counted out, whieh shows how little the Honge though: thai the sanstion of Parhament was required. Your lordsbips are further called upon %o ex- press your regret that A prinetole #0 long and 8 In the recent conferences st ooned, without t ‘enucudy maintaived should, ra, bave been suddenly ao0a: action or know idge of Pariis- ment,’ by plenipotentisrica assembled for the purpose of dia- cussing tee termecn woich peare with Aussie migh: becon- cluded, and the atfairs of the baat eatistactorily ac)asted. Now, cf course, I am ‘he last person to complain of the ernsure being mode as geveral a2 possidle, or tha: al! the pienipotentiariee are iacluded in a resolution which, ! presume, wan intended to impute blame to Lord Cowley {; but I think that your Lordehijs will have rome cificulty in p'acing upon record your regret thet all the plenipotentiaries should have renounced principle to which their governments objected, without the sanction of the Parlisment of Great Briain, (*Hear,” and a laugh.) In pursuing the courss woich we bi done in Paris we have adopted precisely the ich was taken in Vienna—to which the noble the plenipotentiaries sgreed to that memorable declaration by which they afiirmed that the slave trade wae @ scourge which had too long desolated Africa, degraded Europe, and affiicted humani- ey, ard thet measures should be taken for its repression. YH we had confined ourselves within the strict limits of our attributions we should bave left unsettied many im- portent matters. which, although they did not relate to our guerre! with Russia, it was most bie should be arranged. If we bad acted upon that rule not a word woula have been said about Italy—not a syilable have been uttered upon the principle of mesial yet I pelieve that by the discussion of tha snbject we have opposed a rew and not insigaiicant onject co war. (Hear, hear.) Bot Lord Cowley ard myself aii hesi'ate—of course with the consent of her Majesty's gcvernment—to aflix our signatures to s declaration which charged a re that we believed it would de imporsible, as wellas sgainet the inwreste of Rag Jand, to main‘atn—tahing care, at the same time, that France renounced % principle to which we hed siways ed, ‘hua placing our maritime law exactly on the object same foctirg, ana giving an adcitional security for the malntenance ot our alliance, coupling it, moreover, with that provision with respect to priateericg waich will decf the utmost benefit to a commeccia: nation like Erglang, for { entreat your locdships to bear in mind that the provisions contained ia the declaratien mast be taken in their entirety, both by the contracting parties and by ibe Powers which may be invited to acovde to them; and I sey that the abolition of privateecing is more than ap equivalent for the abandonment of a cleim which I kuow it to be ‘mpossinle to sustaia. (Cheers.) 1 beg you to remember that the abolition of privateering—which is littie less than licensed piracy or bucaniering—the fruitful source of miquity and misery in their worst form—is of far greater importance now than at any former period. When the merchantman and tke privateer both depended upon the wind for their power of motion they were comparatively upon » fooring of equality, and if the former were the faster sailor she could escape trom her enemy. Bat the greater part of our commerce being still carried on io tajlirg vessels would be absolutely at the mercy of a pri- vateer moved by steam, however smal/; and 1 think, therefore, that the abolition of privateering wili be of tae utmost acvantege to a commercial community like that o’Ergland. (Cheers.) Moreover, when we have given up ali our protective duties and are rapidly increasing our foreign imports—when we have abandoned our mo- nopoly ot the colonial trade—in short, when we have re- nourced ali those pretended rights and clains—each of which has beeo in turn a British palladium aad bulwark —(a latgh)—I think we may reconcile ourrelyes to baving given up a privilege which we could not maintain, thereby doing much to mitigate the miseries of war and bring abou: a cordial fee)- irg among nations. (Ckeers.) Without troubling your lordanips with any turther observations, I can only say in conclusion that, it 1 have shown that the most eminent jurists have not been in favor of the prin- ciple contenced for by the noble lord opposite; that that principle may safely be renounced because it c maintaived without serious injury to Eng g us in hestili:ies with other nations; “ land bas not only osoasionally waved, but even tormally unequivocally, and without the sanction of Parliament, abandoned it; snd that there was ncthing new or irregu- lar in the proceediogs of the British Pienipotentiaries at Paris; then! trast your lordships will concur with in rejecting the xescluiion of the noble lord opposite. (Cheers. The eayl of Carnarvon supported the resolutions, and gly condemned the pe! 3y of comcession on whist the govarnment had acted in asandoning a rigat which ought to be maintained as » protection agaiasi faudulent neutrals. The Earl of Hannowsy contended that Eogiend had guffered more injury trom the practice ot privateering le toan it had been able to inflict by ti de‘ended the course of the govermment. ‘The Earl cf HARDWICKE thought the effect of the of the convention might prove very disastrous here: as ap Englishman he yegretted that conditions so dero- gatory to the honor of Fng'and shou'd have been accepted at Paris under French influence. ‘The Ear] of ALREMARLE could eee no distinction be:ween an exemy’s property on reutral territory, which cou'1 not be seized, and in a neutral ship, which made it lic ble to seizare. Tbe law, he believed, was what Grotius and Vattel stated it; but it was not jastice; and woen they wrote there was not an Anglo-Saxon people on the western shores cf the Atlantic, numbering almost as many miilions as that onthe eastern. I¢ hei not been proved that any injury would pe sustained by th» abaii- tion of the right of search. On the contrary, former at- tempts to exforce it had greatly injared the commercs ot this country, and France had had to pay s wiliino sterling to America as an in¢eranity for losses caus”) by the French exerclee of the right ef search. Hy tacurhe the convention an advance in civilizatiod. He shout vote against the resolutions. The DUKE oF ARGYLL said the policy of the government was fully approved by the commercial interests of the country, on which its naval +upremacy was founded. ‘The more he considered the subyect, the more firmiy he was convinced they lost nothing, ana gained much by the present convention. The principle of the right of search had been con’ested by many eminent jurista, and no jurist had asserted that the right was just and equita- bie. The law of nations was made by the practice of nations, and that did not allow the seizure of an ene- my’s property on a neutral territory. The right of establishing » blockade was sufficient sgainst all tue na. ticns with which war was possible, England gave up « right it never could fully exercise, and retained every power required to carry on war effectually. The Farl of Derby protested against the course of the government, beth for what it had done, and tne mode of doing it. The convention, they were told, =.7° 4c 41- useuy, Dat it bad the force of a treaty; it was asserted that the ministry, taking advantege of the forbsaraace Gisplayed towarda it, had gone to Paris for ene avowed purpose, anc, without notice, without the knowledge of the public, had done something far beyond it. ‘The con- vention of Vienns, condemuing the slave trade, was in accordance with a strong feeling in England.’ Could tnat be said of this convention? It was an aban- donment of the naval supremacy of the country, anc, bad its terms been known, would have been generally denounced and rejected. A rignt that had slways been considered the wis of English power bad been abandoned, and Eagland had not even taken the lead in what was called the work of hu- manity; the declaration was pro by the French Plenipotentiary, England had followed in the wake of Franoe, and the nation was completely surprised by the sudden announcement of the concession. The right so abandoned had been strenuously maintained by Lord North, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Grenville and Mr. Canning. These were not ancient authorities, though they lived in Gays when England was not afraid of alone. He denied that the old jurists merely state: what was the law of nations on this point, and had not defended it; they showed why the rigat ought to be asserted. By giving it up England lost the power it possessed, snd would not gain the friend- ship of those it attempted to conciliate. He contented that without this right the mere power of establishing a blockade would be insufficient it a powerful enemy; he should rejoice to see the prnetice of privat abolished by the consent of all nations, but he would re- ject the abolition as a concession from the nations of surope to England, which had the least to dread from this usage; the consent of America they had aot obtain- ed. It he stood alone he woald support the resolutions, and give every Veer the opportunity of recording his opinion of the policy of this convention, against which he solemnly protested, as derogatory to the honor of the country, inconsistent with its interests, rod fraught with danger to ite future greatness, power and safety: « convention which he could only as the humili- ating Clarendon capitulation of } 4 Alter a few worcs in explanation from the Farl of Clarendon, Farl Grey pode dl the best way of testing th the right of search was to ask how it had worked. had been found almost impossible to assertain what waa the property of an enemy in neutral ships. fhe diffi- culty felt ia the war of the French Revolution was ex- treme; but with the present development of commerce the system would Jn practice be intolerable, The right ays no evaded that it was worthless as @ means jjuring the enemy; and to make it efficient they would actually be compelled to make war with the whole world. They should look at the question unin- fluenced by_ feelings of mational pride. and as sober statermen. Thia he thought the Karl of Derby had not done In the eloquent and effective commonplaces of his speech. The attempt to enforce the policy of which this right was a part had caused the greatest disasters both to England and France; the war Napoleon declared on commerce by hie Berlin decrees, emnroiled him with Rus- sin, roused the hatred of Germany against him, and was the ultimate cause of hia rufn, He approved the conven- tion, as based on a better and more bumane policy. Far] Granvitee read @ letter from lord Campbell, re- peating his former opinion that the mode in which the corvention had beem agreed to was perfectly constitu- tional. Lord Covcnester replied, and the house divided; there *ppeared, for the resolutions— Con‘en Proxies game means. . 56 Not conti Proxies, Mojority against the rerolutions,,,,,,,, The House them acjourned, Central American Policy ef Bngland—Wil the Question be settied b; tration, [from the London Post, (officiel,) May 10.) The situation of affaire in Oentral America, to which we have fel: it 10 be our du'y of iste to esl! pub ic attenti =. ergetis #up pO: cre band, che supreme government hi pudiated wl! connection, direct or indireci, with that personage, there are no wanting Secatore at Wathington wno pubicly express their admiration ot his conduct. and ‘de: themselves with toe povel and hazerdous enterp: im wrich he is eogsged. While President Pierce affects to regaid him as % tree booter who bae set the laws o! hiscountry #: defiacce, Dis ad: represent him ag ® men he mod" @a- lighte: and comprehsasive views, who destined to conquer and to ity all Cectral America, and eventually to snvex it to the great transat antic repuoic. That the latter is the ultimate objec: which Waiker has in view i more than probsbie; aad the uninterrupted success which he met with in Nicaragua was precisely of a ne- ture to encourage such higa expectations. Lardiog oa the shores of that State wita® mere hendfal of ‘ollow- ers, be in a remarkably short time made himself ive master. The principal route which bow connects the Atlantic with the Pacifio was in his hands, and his sac- cess, of course, brought followers from all quarter to his standera.’ But war is an uncertain game at sll times, ard more esvecialiy euch = war as thet which his reckless abition has kindied in Central Amne- rica, He cam only hope to hod bis grouad by maintaining the prectige which de won last year ia Nicaragua. Bat that he bas aready lost, Ii is diffi salt, trom the conflicting statements thai have reached us, to ascertain the true positicn of affairs, but that his attack upen Costa Rica bas not hicherto proved aucceesful is abuadantly clear. Since he commenced hostilities with that State we have details of three different engagements. Av tothe isaus of the first, there is no quesuon. On that occasion Ooi. Schlessinger was completely defeated, wilh the lose of sbout one-half of hia followers. In the two subsequent encounters both sides appear to have élaimed the victo- ry; but ia the lact Walker, who commanded ia person, lett one hundred and fifty men on the field, and he was compeiitd to retreat immediately after the battle. We wuet veer in mind, toy, that this astion was fought Bpoe ie territory of Nicaragua, and not upon thet of hie enemiee. That the Jatter should have thue succersfully attacked him od his own ground is @ sigcificant fact which saye IMttle either for his generaisbip or for his chances 0’ ultimate eucecss, Ja the meantime, me learn thet troops are advancing to the scete of action from the three States that he to the north of Nicaragua, It ix said that Honduras, Guate- mala and San Saivador are all resolved to make common cause with Costa Rica sgainst Walker and his filibuster- ere, We trust that this in elligence may prove true; for such a cosHticn would, at the presemt juncture, have every chance of succes. Walker’s tollowers are both dispitited by ¢efeat, and disgusted with their cnie’, because Le fan failed to fulfil the promizee uader which they were iuduced to join him. He engaged, it ap pears, that each of his eountrymen should have two hundred end filty actee of land ss soon as they set foot in Nicaragua. Inetead of avy such provision they ficd themselves hemned in cn every sida by resolute enemies, who regard them as pirates and ont- aod treats them as such whenever the fortune of gives them an opportunity ofso doing. We need not be surprized that, under these circumstances, @ series of atrocires unknown in civilized warfere have been con mitted upon both sides. Priso: have been pu’ dea) in cold blood; and it is said that women, and even children, have been bratally massacred. We cannot ex- pect, from the nature of the straggle thus commenced, ‘that these horrors will diminish aa it progresses; and we therefore earneslly trust tha! the joint efforts of the Central American States to expel their lawless imvadera may be crowned with speedy success. Should they fail, we can only look: for new and still more dangerous complications in that quarter. Me while, 2 serious duty devolves on the government ofthe United States, It has expressly and emphatically disavowed the proceedings of Walker. It did prevent the sailing ot bis first expecition from San Francisco. Let it now give an additicnat proof of its sineerity, and of Its Cesire to restore peace to Central America, by taking prompt and effestus! means to prevent the furtherempar- ation of recruits for Nicaragua. these hava arrived at Greytown in ship loads during the the present year, is an undoubted fact. That they should have sailei trom American ports with the knowledge of the authorities, is but too probable. We are aware of the laxity of the’American law with regard to such matters, but we Delieve that ifthe government is sincere in ics desire to put down filibasterism, it has the means of doing so in itsewn hands. It is impossible that weesels freighte! with armed men can leave the outports unknowa to the authorities. The government at Washington tok very care to prevent recruiting in any shape for the B i- ish army during the late war within the limits of the States. Let it show the same amountof vigilance io preventing American citizens from joining General Walk- er, and we shall quickly see peace restored to those coun- tries, which. through the wild ambition of that msn, bave been filled with bloodehed for the present and are threatened with anarchy for the future, {From the London, Post (oficial) May 23.) The statement of Lord Clarendon on Monday night, re lative to the alleged interference of tze British govern- ment in the affairs of Corta Rica, was eotirely satis tory. He saia that since Waiker had made himseif ms: ter ot Nicaragua, the adjvinirg Stater of Central Ameri: had made many urgent representations to the Mivistry of which he ™member for assistance and protection. These States naturally apprehended that the success o! that adventurer would Jead, sooner or later, to an attack upon their independence, an saticipation which hex been already verified, and they were anxlous that Bxitet should interfere to prevent avy such attempt. Lord rendcn stated that to all these representations @ deaf ear was turned, on the ground * that the British governmeat had nothirg to do with the affairs of Central America, altheugh they were sorry for the attacks made on Nicaragua. Tney also said thet they had the more to deplore thoee attacks because the property cf British subjects had been. not only en red, bur tacrificed, by Walker, and therefore they should be very glad that his buccaneering enterprise should not be car. ried farther; but wita any ioterference with the affairs of Central America they were determined to have nothing whatever to do, and that ail their action would be limi:- ed to sending just such a naval force to the coast of South america as would be snfficieat to protect British interests and British property.” He further stated that it war not true, as bad been alleged ie the American pee that arms had been supplied to the government of Costa Ries, although some correspondence had taken placs on the subject, and that goversment had s claim upom the corsideration of the British nation on account of the fidelity with which it had always observed its en gagements. ‘e learn, moreover, from Lord Clarendon’s sperch that the government of the United States has expressed its entire disapproval of Walker’s proceedings, and its rest desire to see bim and his followers summarily ¢j ed from Nicaragua. Ina recent interview with the British Minister at Washington, it appears that Mr. Marcy spol: to this effect; and he added, what is but too true, that the progress of Gifburteriem in Central America had cast an imputation upcn the good faith of the Cabinet at Wash- ington which he was anxious to remove, So far, nothing could be more satistactory than the sentiments of the American Secretary as qian to the British Minister, and forwarded by him to his supsriors. But, unfortunately, these sentiments differ no essen- tially from the statements which we find put forward in American jourzals, that we are induced to doubt whether. in this interview, Mr. Marcy expressed the true views his government, although we do not douot that he ex- pressed his own. Indeed, it has been broadly stated that there is a difference of opinion between him and the Pre- sident upon this very point. The latter, it is said, being willing and anxious to recognise the government ot Walker, and the former being opposed, at least for the present, to so hazardous an act. We must also bear in mind. with reference to the declaration of Mr. Marcy, that if his government were as ancious ( restore tras ity to Central America as he professes to be, they have the means in their own hands. It they raally desire to put an end to Walker’s misebievous career, let them stop the recruits who are every day leaving the United States to take part ia the struggle that has now commenced. If the law will not allow them to do this, the sooner they alter it the better. 1t in impossible that, while {t remains as it fa, they can re- main on terms of amity with their neighbors. The at tude, or rather the variety of atiitudes, assumed by the United States towards Central America at the present time bas exposed them, as Mr. cy has tral: . to suspicions of the most unpleasant kind. We have off to refer to arbitration the disputed interpretation of the ae treaty, and ® most unrea- sonable delay has taken place In replying to thig simple proposition. We wish to see Walker and his compenions expelled from Nicaragua, and Mr. Marcy informs us that this is a consummation no less earnestly desired by him. i{n contradiction of this view of the case, we have ominous rumors of the intention of the cabinet at Washington to ise that adventurer as soon as it may appear expedient to do #0, Then we learn that while on the one hand recruits are leaviay the ports of the United States by hundreds for the scene of action, American versels of war were, by the latest accounts, employed, along with thowe of France and England, in blockading; Greytown. Conduct so un- dignifi and so inconsistent may be the result of very profound policy. but it is certainly not calculated to inspire confidence in the American go- verpment. Itis now time, however, that its sincerit with reference to Walker should be tested. It is time that the anarchy and bloodshed, for which he and Dis followers are responstble, should be put an end to. If Mr. Marcy cesires to put a stop to this disgraceful state of things, let him co-operate with the British co vernment for this purpose. We have already xugges this course as the most satisfactory that could be adopted, and wo are glad to perceive that this view haa also been expremed by Lord Clarendon, Nor 1s it at all probable that apy armed intervention would pe necessary. The expressed determination of the two governments to put down ali buccaneering attempts upon the independence of the Central American States would at onee convince Walker of the hopelessness of his enterprise. But will President Pieree commit himself to this wise, straightforward course? The antecedeuts of hia adminis tration lead us to entertain grave ‘doubts upon the rub: ject, He must not offend the Southerh democrats on the eve of an election; ne must therefore and await the pro- gress of events. Meanwhile Walker appears to be en trenching himself at Grana‘ia, on the [ake of Nicaray while his enemies are closing i» upon him trom the North ag well as from the South. he timely intervention of the two governments, therefore, would save much unnesessary bloodshed; but for the reasons we have stated, we do not an- ticipate so peaceful a Mai of the presont struggle. [From the London Times, May 23.) The contest of Costa Rica witl jcaragua and General Walker's Glibusters is of iteelfs forcible comment on the present state of the Central American question. Thrown n their own weakness and confasion by the jenlousy of the two great lowers, the smail States of Central America have ceased to afford due pro- tection to life and property, and the subjects of the two eat Powers themselves suffer in the general disorder. Fue, stern and rolld fects are compelling that very alli- ‘ance of the two Powers which diplomacy is delaying and impeding; and, while men are arguing and dispating the de jure quertion, the de jacto Powers of the two great Northern Amerisan governments reem likely to be summoned to the fcene of dietughance an w cane of simple resessity, Lord Clarendon concluding his eprech the other evening with the remek, th: under tae cir cumsteaces, there could be 20 be plan than ‘or the government of the United States and the'British gov- ernment to combine together tor the protection of the property of the citizens of both couatriew. Never dia facts administer a sharper rebuke to diplo- macy then they do in the prasent icstance. For six years bew the government of the United States beer ar- g the queeion of British right to the least fragmeat of influence on Centra! American ground, aud the mere vicinity of » Britieh settlement to the Central Americaa ccast hae been protested egsinet wich a Well, we have humored our neighbors’ We have scrupulously abstained from al authority in Central Ameri 1 officers enforced on a refrastory authorized br by all other when ove of our nat American vessel the harbor dues the Mosquito government, and ls, we did him. We said we had nothing to do with g>vernment in Central America, and that the Mosquito government must collect its own dues, So Centrai America has been to itself aad has now been quite indepencent, as regards the two great governments, for some years. And now what is the re- tult with respect ts the prospect of any real independenca to those States? While governments have been hanging back, in¢ividual enterprise has been forward and auda- cious. A citizen of the United States has possessed him- self of the government of one of these States. General Walker overawes by an army cf fillibusters tho native authorities of Nicaragua, and invades Coa:a Rica with tl Nicaraguan flag. Thus, two Central American States are at present thieatened with an Ameri:an domination, not owned In¢eed or recognized by the United Statan gvern- ment, but still, in fact, American. General Walker is put forward by his own press as the future regenerator of Central America. ‘The star of destiny isin the ascendant, and It sends ‘erth a bright and glorious train. polnting out ® briltiant fu'ure for Centra] America, Costa iica will be the first ty joia the pro- cession, keeping step to ® new and lively m: ‘Thongatiens. ly bas she entered the ring, and her conquest will be as sure as thecoming day. Am. mentary success has heated the ima- pation of her so'diers and led her anticipation into un- wonted propertions. The of destiny” isat the hevd of the Nicaragua troops, and ers the Costa Bicans are aware he will be uvon them with the avenging sword and the deddly rifle, to wipe out all cisa:ters and sweep away every {ve There is no such word as fail with Genera' Wa ker, the brave troops under his command are 4!] confident of the vieto- ry. From this time forward thers w1'l be no balting. no ho'd- ing up, no rest for the enemy, until bis country is overan avd bis casiial bows to the ling of Nicaragua Costa Rice has taken the sword, and the sword shall be her portion. Dees not such » state of things as this call for a speedy settlement of the Central American question and the dis- ute between the two governments? What real difficulty there in the way ofsuch a settlement? We have ex- pressed ourselves ready to give up the Mosquito Pretes- torate as soon a8 ever & sufficient guarantes can be given for the sa‘ety of that Indien tribe to wiftch our honor is committed. One point of disagreement, then, mny be considered as already disposed of. With respact to our occupation and colonization of the Bay Islands, we are willing to submit that to the arbitration of a» third Pow- er. Aperfectly unotjectionable way, then, of settling the other peint of dispute is provided, afcer which the quarrel is over. Did Mr. Buchanan object last year to arbitration on the grourd “that it would be difficult to find an :mpar- tial umpire, as we had gone to war with their arbitra- tor, the Emperar of Russi Wall, that objection, at any rate, iano longer of force. We are not at war now wih the Emperor of Russia, and therefore he is at Mverty for the purpose of arbitration, Toe United States cannot suppose that he will be partial to our side of ibe question; and therefore, if we are ready to recept his arbitration, they can have objection, A power eo recently our satagonist in & severe and sapgainary struggle, and now smart- ing with the sense of a humilia:iog peace, will not, at ary rate, be too much disposed to favor our iaterests; rgid justice, as {t is all that, under any circumstances, we ought to expect from any umpire, is all that we can posribly expect from such an umpire. A war under such ciroumstances ia imporsible; so long, at any rate, as the American government retains any respect for European boobed opinion, and does not abandon itself to the vio- ence and prejudices of an interlor party in the United States, with whom jealozsy of England triumphs over every consideration of policy and justice. Or will Mr. Buchanan ray again “that there is nothing to arbilrate,’’ and that “he does not consider it a ques- tion for arbitration?’ But such a position as this is plainly untenable. In « dispute between two powerful and inteliigent governm: , {t mever can be allow for one side to say that {ts own case is so clear and evident that it will not submit to arbitration, but will have its own view simply yielded to. This is to assume the whole question. Of couse, the United States govern- ment thinks itself in the sight, otherwise it would not dis- pute these points with us. Bu’ that is ita own opinisn, and nomore. Opinion must bow to the offer of a fair judgment upon the question, otherwise all justice between nation avd nation and between men and manis a: anend. In civil justice each party thinks itselt in the right, but the two submit to a third party, who is the judge and in international justice the principle is the same, for when the two parties or governments cannot of themselves arrive at an agreement they must go to a Judge or arbi- trator, unless they settle the dispute by arme, which is to settle it, not by justice, but by force. Does Mr. Buchanan think the ianuage of tos Clayton-Bulwer treaty ‘‘so plain and explisit” as not to need arbitra- tion’ That isthe very reason why he ought to wish for anasrbitrator. 1f the case is so clear on hia side the arbi- trator will of course see it, and decide accordingiy. The Sound Daes. The following is the protosol of the Danish proposition for the redemption of the Sound dues, to which the gov- ern ents of Russia, of Sweden and of the Grand Dachy of Oldenburg have given their adbesio: The goveroment of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias and of bi jesty the King of Sweden and Nor- way having ad ‘w the propositions made by the government of his Majesty the King of Denmark relative to the redemption, by purchase, of the Sound and Balt dues, the delegates of their said Mojesties, as also the delegate of Denmark, in the negotiation on the dues have agreed to mske a present deslara‘ion, by the present ahaa of the different points arrived at that by that ne; ion. or the government of his Royal Highness the Grand ¢ of Oldenburg has also adhered to the said propositions, the delegates of his Royal Highness in the negotiation on the dues could not take part in this act, being abeent from Copenhagen. The de ‘tes of his Oanish Majesty, in recapitulatiog the propositions which he made in the conferences of the 4th of January and the 24 of February of the present year, states them as follows: — Depmark renounces the Sound and Belt dues in con- sideration for a compensation of 35,000,000 of rix dollars (rignmpat) on the following conditions: — a. The purchase shat] iociude all the Powers interested in the commeree and navigation of the Sound and of the Belts. That the abolition of the dues may become obli- pio, the purchase must be agreed to by all the owers represeated in the present negotiation, Denmark reserving to itself to treat separately with Powers not represented. . The said sum of 36,000,000 rix dollars shall be con- sidered as com pensation for dues on shipping ‘as well as on cargoes. Tne dues on shipping to be regulated ac- cording to flag; the dues on cargoes to be divided by one- half on imported and the other half on exported mer- chandise by the Sound or the Bel The payment of the quota which, according to table N. B., presented in the cooference ot the 2d of I'ebru- ary, will fall to the lot of each Power represented, will bs arsured to Denmark in such manuer as will seem toit satiefactory. In the conference held on the 4th of January last were resent the celegates of Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, the Netherlancs, Prussia, Russia, and ef Sweden and Norway. At the conference of the 24 of February, in addition to the abovenamed ¢: tes, the delegate of his royal rand Ddke of Oldeuburg was present. of his Danish Majesty repeats the desiara- tion already made by him in the Conference of February 2, that, according to the precise orders of his govern- ment, the sum indicated above is the minimum of the indemnity which Denmark thinks she has a right to ask for the abolition of the dues. Conformably to the principles Balers for the dlvi- vision of the eventual indemnit, quote for which the different Powers represented in the present negotia- tion shall contribute to the said sum of 35,000,000 rix dollars are:— Riz-dollars. For Denmark « 1,122,078 3.21 per cent of 85,000,000 For Austria, 29,434 0.08 ue For Belgtum. 301,455 0.86 = a For Spain, 1,020,016 2.91 « “ . For ++ ++ 1,219,008 3.48 +f aa Vor Great Britain.10,126,856 28.95 ‘ ‘ed For Norway. 667,225 1.01 “ For Oldenburg. 28,127 0.08 “ For the Netheri’nds 1,408,060 4.02 « “ For Prussia. ++ 4,440,027 12-69 ‘* ba For Russia. 9,739,903 27.83 “ For Sweden, «+ 1,690,508 4.55 “ “ Totale.......00++31,692,776 ‘The remaining sum of 3,307,224 rix-dollars falls to the charge of the Powers not represented in the present ne- tion, inasmuch as it was able to specify those owers in table N. B. The delegate of Denmark deciares, as expressly under- stood, that the governments adhering to the propositions which he has made shall only be eventually responsible tor the quotum falling to the charge of each of them, as in the division indicated above. The delegave of his Mejesty the Emperor of all the Russias renews the adhesion of the Imperial Cabinet already expressed by him in the Conference of the 24 of February, as well as regards the principle of the redew. »- tion as the mode of division proposed by the Danish gv- ernment. ‘The delegate of the Emperor at the same time declares that the Imperial cabinet consents to contrivute to the redemption of the Sound dues for the quotum falling to the charge of Russia accordiog to the above indicated division, provided always ‘that all the loweas repre- sented in the present negotiation consent also on their rt to the same conditions for the redemption of the Sound dues,”’ T delegate of Denmark accepts this reserve, declaring ft to be conformable to the views of his own governmen:, The delegate of bis Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway declares that his government accepts the propo- sitions of the Duteh governm 8 well aa regards the inciple of redemption as the amount of indemnity claimed by Denmark. The delegates of Russia and of Sweden and Norway point out to observation that the mode of payment of the different quota must be the subject of a one negotia- tion between Denmark cn the one hand and each of the contracting Powers on the other, reserving it therefore for # private agreement to fix the method and term of ayment of the uote falling respectively to the charge of Risto and of Bweden and Norway. The delegate of Denmark adheres to this observation. Finally, the same delegate having pointed out tha! the prevent negotiation is temporarily stopped in consequence of a difference of opinion which has arisen between the Danish government and that of Her Britannic Majesty, that, consejuently, the labors of the Conference on the dues might remain a long time in suspense, the length of which it {s impossible to fix, the delegate of Russia de- clares, “That the adhesion of the Imperial government to the Danish proporitionay as defined above, shall remain in full foros until such time as the Copenhagen Cabinet iteolf shall declare the negotiation broken off, and shall withdraw the propog'tions it hae mace,’ " Tho de'egate of Denmark heving #04 the satin: faction with which he takes note of this declara'iyn, and the ce.egate of Sweden and Norway having declared th: he was convinced he wou.4 be antnorized vo mak lar declaration ag scon a8 he thould hey structions whicb, the case not baving been foreseen, could not bave been given to him before, tne present delegates agree to leave the protocol open for the eventua? adbesion ot the other governments treating with Den- mark fora {inal settlement of the Sound and Belt question. Done st Copenhagen, May 9, 1856. BLUBME, TENGOBORSgI, LAGE AHEM. A letter from Berlin, apcarently of s semi-official characier, in the Hamburg Correspondent, atates that the Prussian government is exertiog itself to Dring the negotiations on the ques'10n of the Sound dues to a satisfactory issue before the expiration of the time fixed by tne Uniced States for the cessation of their treaty with Denmark. which, having already been prolonged for two monthe, will finaily Japse on the 14th of June next, At the present moment situation ot affairs Is—as the writer aflicms—that, with the single exception cf Evgland, all the mari: time States interested in the questien hi tne proposals of Denmark for the cap the Sound dues, It is insorrect to euppo: England has declined acceding to the terms offsred, byt it is true that the British gove: at have not yet com- mittea selves at allon the subjec:, althougn more than haifs year has elapsed, duriog whi have had full time to take the matter into their serious consi- eration, and to sound the intentions of other govern- mente, Prussia bas at length taken up the question with energy, and at this present moment negotiations with Denmark are beicg ly carried on, Jt isnot expected that the United 3' wil conseot to soy fur- ther prcerastinaticn. but that the question wil! really ome to an issue on the 14th of nex; month. The Secret Buropean Treaty of the 15th of April. The Nord, the Russian orga at Brussels, contatus the rticle on the gubject of the treaty of ch Moniteur has confirmed the accovat giver several days 2go by our private letters, that Baron de Beunow would remain provisionally at Paris charged with a specta!l mission. This nomination, sod the delay which takes Lore in Rassie sending a definitive repre- sentative to Paris, appear to excite the attention of the litital world. The delay in the arrival of the Russian izister who will reside definitivety at Paris is by some connected with the treaty of April 18, We consider there political deductions as altogether quertionzcle. We ad- mit thatthe treaty was not expected as a necessary event and that its publication hag caused some astonishment; convinced that the French W i raed bas 3 to the bearing and meaning of that cocument, ‘planations as will not permit any one of tha allies ot the J0th of March to retain the slightest fear concern- ing it, or to entertain a feeling of offended suecaptibility. The treaty is in our eyes only a kind of mu‘ual guarenteo, exchanged between the Powers which signed it. Wecon- dered it from the first mush Jess a8 an act directed ist Russia than asa kind cf concession made to Aus- ja; and we should not be at all astomshed at ite being confirmed that Austria had demanded it from hi len of the West, as she is now demanding one of the same kind from Prussia. Forusthere is only one important treaty, that of the 30th of March. Austria fs quite at liberty to congratulate herself on the treaty of the 15th of Apr, whieh maintains ber in a state ot alliance with England and France; and as to Russia, she nas no need ofa special treaty to keep her engagements of th» 30th of March, and in case of need 10 entorce the respecting of those woich each of the Powers has contracted in the treaty of Paris. SUDDEN RETURN OF THE BRITISH AMBASSADOR TO PARIS. [From the Londo» Britaonia, May 17 | Considerable exsitement was created in political circles on Wednesday, 10 consequence of the suddep and hurried return of Jord Cowley to his post in the French capital. Inteliigence of an important and urgent oature was un- derstood to have reached the Earl of Clarendon on fues- day night, the effect of which was that the British am- bacsador started as early as four o’clock on the follow+ ing morning, en route for Paris. Al:hough most of the Yeading political men were absent from town on their week’s holiday, meetings were forthwith convened both at the Cailton and at the Reform Club, at which the communication recolved trom the French go- vernment was canvassed. As soon as parliament reas- sembles, questions will bably be asked in both houses: on the surject, and facts of a startling nature elleited. In the meantime we may state, from information om which we have reason to place every re'iance, that the communication in question had reference to the treaty entered into between England, France and Austris, contemporaneously with the public treaty to which the other belligerent powers, together with Prussia, are! ties. The Russian plentpotentiaries, it is understood, ve expresred themsetves in terms of higa dissatisfac- tiow, and have specifically remonstrated against certair clauses of the secret treaty, which they conseiva to be inconsistent with the spirit, if not the letter, of the treaty to which the ratification of their own government has just been affixed. To say more at ot on & tonto: of so critical a nature, would obviously be prema- ure. The English Budget. DEBTS OF THE WAR AND TARIFF REFORM—STATE OF ITALY. In the House of Commons on May 19. t ing resolved itself into a Committee of W: vhe Chancellor of the Exchequer his ane statement. He reminded the committce*hst in s state- ment made in February he bac said that there was a dif- Jerence mn his estimates of the revenve and expen- Citure last year and their actual amount; it was not ne- cessary, therefore, to repeat that statement, and he should content himself, he said, with stating that the re- ceipts were somewhat less, and the expenditure was somewhat greater, than he had anticipated, and that the result was e deficiency of £3,560,000. To eaver that de- ficiency he bad submitted s resolution for @ loan of £5,000,000 in consols, and also @ proposition for funding £3,000,000 of Exchequer bills, which had taken et- fect, and hed been successful for its object. Since then the balance sheet for the financial year 1866-56 had beew laid before Parliament, and the House had seen the result, which be thought it unneces- sary to repeat. The expenditure in the pest year, 1855 66, bad been £88,428.000, the revenue £65,706 000. show- ing an exceas of. Ce over revenue of £22.723,000, or, with the addition of certain other items, the Sardi- nian Ican and the redemption of hereditary pensions, a total excess of £22,936,000. To cover this excess there bad been raised by loan, exshequer bonds and sale £26,478,000, exceecing the eficiency by £2,542,000, it was his duty to account for this sum, and to show how the exchequer had been benefitted thereby. The ba- lances in the exchequer on the 3ist ot March, 1856, ex- ceeded their amount on the Slst of March, 1858, by £2,651, 000, showing a balance in favor of the exchequer of more than £100.000, The expenditure of tne year which had eispsed had been mainly characterized by its connestion with the war, the civil expenditure having been but slightly augmented, The total expendl- ture in the two yeare of war, 1854-55 and 1855-56, was £165,120,000; the {otal amount in two years of peace, 1852-58 and 1853-54, had been £102 032,000, ing @ difference of £53,(88.000. The revenue in the two years of war was £125,200,000, and in the two years of peace £108,018,000, an increase of revenue from taxa- tion in the two years of war of £17,182,000. Theamount ised by an addition to the funded and uni led debt was £33,604,000; so that the total receipts in the twe years of war amounted to £50,786,000, as compared with two y; ot peace. Adding the surplus income in two years of peace, the amount applicable to war expenditure ‘over and above the sum applied to peace expenditure was £56,772,000, and adding for the war expenditure of 1856-7 £24 500,000, the total excess was £77,588,000, Having stated these particulars, he observed that, although peace had been concluded, yet, for practical purposes, the present is must be considered as @ year of war. Preparations had been making for operations by sea and land during the winter and the early part of this year; large contracts had been entered into, which Were payable this year, as well as the cost of the re-transport of the Sardinian troops from the Crimea. Nevertheless, hc rejoiced to say that the government had been able to make considerable red tions in the estimates fcr the army and Ne rie nal estimates having amounted to £54,874,000, and revised estimates being £37,315,000—a difference of £17,559,000, Besides the expenditure immediately con- nected with the war, there was a charge rising from the convestion with Sardinia; and he stated the am stances under which he proposed to the House to autho- rize the government to advance a second million for pay- eres expenses of the Sardinian army. The estimated expenditure for the current year, 1856-7, including the loan to Sardinia, was £75,525, which would cover the entire srvioes for the year; but, as it was difficult to make accurate estimates as to various items of eet he propored, by way of prudent fe, precaution, ‘a8 a margin, a vote of credit for £2,000,000, which Would make a’ total of £77,625,000. Alter entering into cetailed explanations respecting the income tax amd the customs duties upon suger, coffee, spirits and malt, he stated the total amount of the revenue, as estimated, at £67,152,0003. deducting this sum from the amount of estimated expen- diture, there appeared an estimated deficiency of £10,- 373,000, which the remainder of the produee of the loam of last ‘year, £1,500,000, wouid reduce to £8,873,000, Looking to the condition of the country and to \he diffi. culty, or improbability, of immediate! pet) ditional taxation, the government’ feel justified, he said, in proposing any additional taxes, nor did they recommend any reduction. They pro) to make no change in the existing basis of the taxation, but to 1esort to borrowing, and they had, im the first in- stance, invited tenders for @ loan of £5,000,000, and their terms,’ which had been aocepted by the contractors, he should submit in the form of a resolution to the com- miitee, He had th of Baron Rothschild tor stating that the di y amounted to £4,000, in Bank of , Which, at the rate of ten per cent. revresented a capital, ‘ready to be advanced, of £40,000,000. He trusted’ that the committee would be of opinion that this loan had been effected upon terms fair to both the parties and the government. The loan would not, however, cover the entire estimated defici by £1,873,008, to provide for period of the session, to asic wer to borrow, in Exchequer bonds, it it should be advisable, to the extent of $2,000,000, The present state of the Exchequer market did not render it advisable to increase the amount of the unfunded debt, At the same time, he believed the fallin the value of those ne- curities had been occasioned by temporary cireumetances. The quantity of outstanding Exohequer bills in the mar- ket amount to £20,124,000, of which sum the Commis« sioners for the reduction of the national debt held £5,- 000,000; to that the amount really in the market was no more than £15,124,000. Comparing the amount of debt at the end of the last war and at the present time, he showed that the funded Cebt had decreased £49,000,000, and the untunded debt £17,000,000, the total diminu' ion being £66,000 000, while the charge for the debt had diminished £4,500,000, Having read # statement of ac- eruirg liabilities on the one hand, and on the other aw account of the annuities and pensions that would cease or fall in the course of afew years, he justified the bor- rowing in consols. instead of termimable anouities: maintaining that perpetua: annnities were a form of borrowing most convenient for both borrower and lender, An impression existed, he observed, in some quarters, that the moment of @ transition from war to peace was ty -