The New York Herald Newspaper, February 3, 1856, Page 2

tion, where three of the greatest nations of the world are engaged in the deadliest conflict recorded in the long annalaay bug ware, from dhe first battle described in ry. when four kings went out against the five kings in the vale of im, down to our dey, How this mighty struggle is to end. or when, or with what consequences, to | the ecmbatarts themeelves or to the old hemisphere, | would be presumptuous even to endeavor to predict. | A ingle commentary npon the litde danger of war, “ while ae keep their arab aoe | an expression 0 Intelligenrer—i shed by . aa pe that recently occurred im England. War indeed did not resulc from it, but it is obvious thas im the public opmion a critical state of things exists, which requires but a slight incident to pro- | duce hostilities. And the cirenmstance to which I alinde is anything but honorable to the boasted in- telligence of this middle of the nineteenth centary. | ereta NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1856. laws to pase unvoti circums‘anoes, has read ber from 7 7 f the Eng! hea “hal an in the A ey ew ; ing Herald, of December 20, 1855, which is net cnwerthy of notice in this con- nection. This article says that, notwithstanding the “biveter” here, po doubt but the foreign enliat- ment afftir was a “plot ’ got up by the “American | press,” atthe oe,” it would weem at all events “with the kuowledge of the Americun Se- | of State.” The Herckl asserta it roe, | prope: ed to the government, through Mr. Crampton, and net obiected to, It also states that, at the trial m Phiadelphia, an attempt was made to implicate Mr. Crampton, “too gross even fora Yankee court or * The Attorney General is charged with. “grorsress,” “vulgarity,” “daring assertion,” “iu- conclusiveness.” And certain members of the government are It in but a few days wince the ng! 7 with wonderful teanintt , believed that see the United States was ent—not imminent merely, but that it had actually broken out. They heard, as they mupponed, the guns. of the hosti parties, while’ in fact it was the of their owa Thanderer,”’ now facetiously called “ Blunderer” when it discusses Americen afiairs, that broke a0 flashes of Wight order 5 to wrest Ireland trom English domination; and the: other, that this display of a nation’s power was for the pur of avenging the ingult cast upon the realm of Queen Victoria ny gan, Attorney General in a communication to the District Attorney of New York, in which that high functionary had, to the en offence of English delicacy, stated a plain case true terms. And this national burst of indigna Sion is another Ulustration af tha tenth oF hs oom: exciamatjon;— : What great effects from little causes spring | T leave to the future historian to pass jadgment upon the disputed point. _ It is difficult, sir, to believe that any extent of na- tional credulity could suffice to enable a people to swallew such near igen a as this. It deserves uo bet- ter name. And yet the humiliating fact is true, be youd the reach of doubt. The whole English press ‘confirms it. I bave myself seen aletter from a most dis- tinguished English gentleman, who says frankly that he was one of the “ dupes’ —this is the word he ages upon that occasion— the dupe of an arrogant, un- mereclped journal, which has required and exercises @a influence over the English public mind equally strange and humiliating. Unfortunate it is for any where the journals of the day guide, instead of nileating, the national opinion, and especially where one of them reigns supreme, and constitutes itself a new estate of the realin. The President, in his message, refers to another incident which has come to complicate our difficul- ties with England, and that is the effort to procure recrvits in the United States for the British army, ‘and the developements which have attended it. As the Freeident well remarks, our traditional policy Bas been to avoid all connection with European wars, and to prevent either party trom receiving aid from this country. For this ped i laws have been pass- ed which form a permanent portion of our system of Bational intercommunication. These laws have been violated by persons acting in the name of the British government The existence of the offence has been establirhed, and the offenders ascertained by the ver- dict of a jury and the sentence of a court. No man bas, therefore, the right to gainsay either the one or the other. and least of all has the British govern- ment the right to say your laws are to be construed so-andro, and we have not interfered with then. Our own jodicial tribunals constitute the department ah to interpret our own laws. the act of engaging men within the United Btates to leave our territory, with a view to enlist in the British arny, when within the British dominions, is not denied, but we learn from the Pre- sident’s Message, tha’ it vas been urged in defeuce of the act that “ stringent instructions” were given +0 to conduct the affair as not to violate our laws. Well may the President express his surprise at such ap excure as this. Well may he ask, “how could the British government, with our law before them, which trey had or ought to have had—how could they look to the accomplishment ot their objec:, with- out going in the face of a statute as comprehensive as curs?” I will udét characterize this pretension. It characterizes itseif, That high officers of the English government, both in the United States aud upon their borders, were we in superintending and directing this busi- news is not denied, either by themselves or by their jovernment. It was an unfortunate moment tomake jis experiment upon our forbearanve. A grea war was go gen, and the nations of the earth were watehing with anxiety every incident connected with it. We could not submit to the violation of our pentrality laws without the most serious impatations upon our honor and good faith. When this inter ference with them became known, and known, too, by jadicial investigation, there then were ‘two courses for the government to pursue in vindi- cation of the honor of the country. One was to dismiss the British Minister.a principal agent in those obnoxious affairs, and the other to lay the case before the British gdvernment, and to demand his recall. For Bho have been instantly adopted. 1 think the nature and publicity of the transactions, and especially look- ing to the time and the condition of the'world, and eating the thousand and one charges made against as by the English — and people and cabinet, of Ailibustering. and of permissive if not of authorized armaments in the United States in violation of our solemn duties--I think this act of vigorous policy was demanded by the highest considerations, and | think it would have redounded to our credit through the world. At the same time, sir, I do not conceal from myself that there wete very grave considerati in favor of adopting the second course—that is, giving to the British government the opportunity of doing at to the oveasion and to us by its 0’ t. 1 a demand has been made, and that it will be listened to—anq if not listened to that we shall do for ourselves what, in that event, wilt be most un- graciously refused and onght to have been done for us eleewhere. The British government, had it been actuated by a ar, oe spirit of friendly intercourse, would have recailed its Minister as soon as it ascertained the awkward position in which he had placed hinwelf. It owed a prompt disavowal, not less to itself than to us. Of Mr. Crampton I shall only speak in terms of high personal respect. He is a distinguished gen- tleman, enjoying. and I believe deserving, the esteem ard regard of all who are acquainted with him. Upon such a subject I shall take counsel from 1 own feelings only, and aot froma lesson which find in British Parliamenta history, and whicw was written there, I suppose, for my 2 igang benefit. When I had the honor to represent my country abroad, my official conduct became the subject of ani- madversion,of censure rather, inthe British House of Peers. I bad, unfortunately for the good opinion o1 the English public, done what I could to counteract a scheme of their government, which, if sui i would have given to them the maritime Sir, I think the former should | ey of the world. Upon that occasion [ was aseailed by one who had held the highest office known to the British constitution, after the sovereign, in terms 1 will repeat but shail not iso! the Thersites rath versatility, having 5 he has been able in all, he has particularly ex parr ag tees em In that high ussemblage,Lord Bro said, speaking of me, that “he had no move ceptions of questions of international liw than he of the languages spoken in the moon.” (lieve record says, their doubt with ‘such a sarcastis hit, but I tra r the honor of the aristocracy, that it was not a hearty democratic laugh, but rather a gentle relaxation of the high born muscles.) Lord Brougham added, that “he, (meaning myself,) had no more capacity for argument or reason, than he had for understinding Tegal points and differences”. at he was the very impersonation of mob hostility to England,’ and “that he d to a growliag, groundiiny set of poiiti- alg? eeczing the people of the United States. rin that inter! Kable the Lordships luaghed, pleased no But the conduct of the English representative, so far as it affects the honor and interests of or vats Vhether try, is a x subject of ex mination. he ucted Pith or without authority, is » question between himself and bis government. If without it, his course was indefensible, and his punishment should be exemplary. If with it, the greater is our cause of complaint, and the clearer right have we to expect reparation. The dismissal of a Minister is no cause of war. It has been often done. Itis a measure we have more than once taken, and Eng- land many times. On one occasion she sent home a foreign ambasaador under guard. Spain, fallen as she is from her former high estate, quite receatly testified her dissatisfaction with a Gritish Minister, Lh ordering him out of the country. I repeat, sir, ‘Vhis act of national sovereignty is no just cause of ‘War, and if it be made the pretext of one—why 80 be it—we will meet it an we may. ‘The prosecution 9nd cvaviction of an English consular agent in a ‘rarsian court fora similar offence, seems to have eae oi Pagland jieither sm nor complaint. (fre reserved for ns. He who believes that Bogland would have permitted such » beonch of her charged with laying “this plot to implicate our offi Notwithstanding “ struggles for notoriety, ma- lignity of the Sicthern and the Incatinguahable hatred of the hish,” and thongh “the Yankee ma; bluster and rave,” the Herald predicts that it Hi all end in nothing. was some undefined apprehension that if we spoke Now, tir, this ~<a diatribe is only important | the words we must adhere to them, and that It we a8 an indication of the popular feeling in England. | adhered to them they would be words of terrible Here is «ne of the great Tandon newspapers, Print. import to our country. 1 am happy to believe that ed within the sound of Bow Bell, abounding in “the | timidity is giving way to a wise most ridiculous specimens of nonsense and ine Here the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) lignity it is ible to compress within such a | asked leave to iuterrupt Mr. Cass, space, issued and read, and believed and enjoyed, | purpose of iring under what circumstances in the land of all the decency. There is | this doctrine bad been heratoton, presented and dis- nothing too gross for the English palate in relation to our Seanez. I must von/ess as a Wes- tern man, who crossed the Ohio when a lad, and spent a large portion of my life contending with ihe obstacles of a new country, and upon. the vei vergeof civilization, that my self love is a lit wounded at the classification by the writer in the Herald, of the people of the United States recog- nizing none bot sSouthervers and Irishmen and Yopkees, thas ignoring the Great West, with its six millions of ee < a in population more | thig subject is aoe ae before ua by another than half of the kingdoms of Ei . However, | President, and with a view its direct bearing upon console myself with the refection that we shall be } the discussion in which we find ourselves engaged heard of by and by. and that in the meantime this ignorance is not sirange in a region where it is said that wonder is often expressed at finding that an American is white, and speaks the English language. ‘The same arival that brought the Morning Herald brovght elso this precious piece of information, that“ the report which Yeeenly prevailed. that the ucsed States nad made a treaty with the Shah of Persia cuaranteeing the the territory on the Persian Gulf, had proved erroneous.” Great relief this must have afforded in Englaud. ‘How little wis- dom,” said a Swedish statesman to his son, “how little wisdom does it take to govern the world!” How little common sense, we may ex- claims is exhibited in Europe on the subject of American affuirs ! We bave had many difficulties with England, from the time she rfused to surrender the Western posts, under the treaty of peace of 1753, to this day; ana I will not say all, bat almost all of them re- sulted from her conduct towards us,and were causes of complaint on our part. Why this never ceasing injustice? Why seek not only to injure but to disgrace us in the eyes of the world? Yhave often sought the reason, and can only find it in the hostility to our institutious and jealousy of our prospects and progress as a nation, Time brings no relaxation of this unfriendly feeling. It | Lrings professions enough, but little corresponding | And the operation of the feeling is as evi- | dent at this day as at any former period of our in- terconrse. So'far as we know, the conduct of the ministry has called forth no token of public disap- provation. Mr. President, we had a short discussion the other day pon the subject of the of debated Monroe doctrine. I propose very briefly to re-examine it, | and shall do so with the more confidence, because | 1 have just refreshed my recollection by a ! conversation with the person, who of all living men has (he most right spexk authoritatively upon this metter. [refer to Mr. Rush, whose name is well and favorably known to the whole country, which he | bas served with honor and ability in various bigh capacities, at home avd abroad, and who was our | Minister in England when this doctrine was first broached. I bave alread pressed the pleasure I felt at the progress thi: at American principle had made, and at the hold it had obtained apon the public mind, and especially gt the adhesion to it which had been pronounced here by two able and distinguished Sexvators. it has grown in ‘favor rapidly but firmly, for the tenth year has not yet passed away since I addressed the Senate upon the tubject.and they refused even to refer it to the Committee ou Foreign Relations for examination. ) Mr. Brehanan said well and truly in one of his notes to Lord Clarendon, that “when first announced, more thun thirty years ago, it was hailed with en- thusiastic approbation by the American people; and since that period different Presideuts of the United ‘tates have repeated it in their messages to Con- es3, and always with unmistakeable indications of public .pprebation.” When this subject was before as, in one of its almost periodical visits, some years sinoe, I said “there resolutions (resolutions recognizing the dos- trine), or equivalent ores, embodying the same prin- ciples, will pass the Legislature of the United Statea. Their passage is but a question of time. aot, may tail to-day, and they may fail again. Timidity or imbecility way overrcle that firm sagacity which befits our condition. Itis just as certain that these rinciples theaselyes will be permanently engrafted into the American policy, and in the most imposing form, as that they are now engrafted in the rts of the Arerican people.” What, sir, is the Monroe doctrine? Let Mr. Mon- roe answer t stion. In his annual message to Congress, in 1 he announces his views upon two important subjects. They are as follows, and are to be found in different parts of the message:— 1. That it was impossitie for the allied Powers to ex- tend their 1 sys'em to any part of America with cut enéongering our peace and nappiness, and equally ignpossib ¢, therefore, that we should behold susb incer- ferecce with indifference. 2. That the ocea-ion had beon judged proper fr as- | we shotid have spared ourselves much trouble and no he can establish authoritatively different position, nO such renciple without. the n of 1 gress, He muy recommend, yagi re alone can sanction and enforce his) 'e ought, sir, years ago, by Congressional tion, to syste: yan rican ays- have wade this m of polic; tem, by a solemn declaration, and if we had done 80, little mortification. But we let the time pass by with- out appreciating oar high responsibilities, oe im- portant interests to be the sport of circumstances. any why this indiference to a measure upon us by to many grave considerations? honor: able Senator trem New York (Mr. Seward) said the otber day that this doctrine was an abstraction, ard had, therefore, found no favor with Sir, it was never an abstract There never was a moment when its resolute confirmation by Con- ness would not have been of the bighest importance bs the honor, the interests and of our country. The ‘ive confirmation would have been no more au aogtract declaration than the ex- ecutive recommendation. Both the one and the other were demanded by the gravest considerations. No, sir, it was not the fear of abstractions which interfered between Congress aud the good work. It for the cussed in the Senate, Mr. Cass replied that the circumstances connected with Mr. Mon- roe's communication are well known and properly called for the consideration and action of rh tert but it found neither. When Mr. Polk adopted and ey teetoe Sonne the one controversy was pending, and it was a peculiarly fitting occa- sion for a ee of the legislative and the executive powers, in order to bring this great work to its con- summation. Still, nothing was done. And now with England. Some years since, andI believe apon the occasion referred to by the honorable Senator, the debate in the Senate wus brought on by resolu- tious introduced by myself, Ane the coucur- rence of Congress in the anti-colonial doctrine. It was fruitless in any’ useful Tesult, and thay this Amarican netnctnle nee cous eoy « uaiTén dictum, as Lord Clarendon calls it, and will never fructify until it receives the sanction of the federal legisla- ture. The honorable Senator from New Ham 5 (Mr. Hale,) in the remarks he made upon this sub- ject a few days ago referred to the views expressed by Mr. Calhoun, in the Senate, in relation” to this doctrine, and main- tained that no general principle of action wae laid down by Mr. Monroe, but that his efforts were limited to the preservation of the independent States of Spanish origin, from the grasp of the Holy A} iance, as the union of various despotic pow- ers ut down popular demonstration was called. The Unholy Alliance would have been its proper de- signation. ‘There is no doubt sir, but that the threatening as- pect of affairs in relation to these Spanish States, and the known project to bripg them under the do- | minion of some Bourbon prince, was the prominent cause which Jed Mr. Monroe to interpose upon that occazion, Circumstances do not create principles. They call them into action. Circumstances occurred which directed the atteution of the American go" vernment to an approaching crisis, and it then in- vestigated not ony its line of action, but the ground upon which that could be justified; and the result wus this well known declaration. In our position itis one of the great elements of our strength and of our means of self-defence. It is perpetual as well in its obligations as in the security it brings with it. It interfered with no existing rights, but looked to the future with a view to guard that from danger. Mr. Monroe promulgated what is known through the world us his doctrine, the American doctrine ot American self preservation. It is now sought to degrade it toa mere temporary expedient, living while the Holy Alliance lived, aud dying with the death of that SapEne Ded leagze. Now, sir, Mr. Monroe is the best expositor of his own views. Hear him. In his annual message of 1824, when the danger from the Holy Alliance had passed away, he snid, renewing bis reccmmendation, that we had no concern with European wars, but “with regard T neighbors our sitvation is dificult. It is im- orsible for the European governments to interpose in their concerns, especially in those alluded to, which are vital, without affecting us.” sir, we bave another witness to introduce, whom no American can hear without respect and gratitude, the writer of the Declaration of Inde- pendence, the patriarch of the Cemocratic faith, the statesman and a patrivt, secoud only to Washington in the estimation of his countrymen. Mr. Monroe during bis whole Presidency was in the habit of the most confidential communication with Mr. Jeffer- son upon all questions of serious concern. He con- suited bim opon this subject. and here follows the answer, dated October 24, 1823. Never were senti- ments sounder in themselves or more beautifully ex- resned: Pine question presented by the letters you have sent me isthe most rormez.tous which nas ever been offered to my coniewplation, rince that of Independence. That mace usa ration; this sets our compass, and points the courre which we are tos'rer through the céean of tine, Ané rever could we cibark on it under circumstances mre avepiclour, Cur first enc fundamental maxim ehoaid be, never te entargle ourselves in the bioi!s of Europe. Our secon’, bever to ruffer Lurope to intermetcle with cis- atlantic sffairs. America, North and South, bas a set of intesests distinct from those of Exrope, and peculiarly her own. S*e should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Kurope: the last is labor: ing to Lecome the domicile of despotisr—our endeavor Ties surely be to make our hemisphere that of free- jom. And now there are those who would mar the mag- nilicent figure of Mr. Jefferson, by controverting his ocean of time into a mere duck pond, and his funda- mental maxim, never ‘‘ to suffer Europe to inter- sing serting asa principle, in which te rights and intereets ot the United States were involved, thet tae Amecican continents, by ‘be free and independent confilion which they had assumed and maintained, were hencefortu not to te considered eas subjects for futire colonization by toy Bercpesn Power- } it is extraordinary, sir, that any one could sup- pose that these declarations had reference only to the pecnliar position of the Spanish colonies alone. The first did e0, but the second was addressed to all jons,and was intended to operate during all time. the annonciation of a new line of policy. On what was it gronnded? On the situation of our country and of the various i Avent, winch demanded a system, ‘ separate and apart from that | For ages alter the discovery the colo of Europe.” nies planted in this hemisphere were the mere ap- pendages of the mother countries pores of trade and without the ali, st view to the extablichment of any enlarged policy tor their pros- perity or increase. They were useful in peace for the purpores of commer and in war to aid in its prosecution. When the snccessful resuit of our Re- volution established an independent power on this side of the Atlantic, it began to be perceived that | ed tor the pur- new interests hed arisen which would necessarily jead to great changes. And when the Spanish colo- nies tock the same position as sovereigu States, it | became ey at the t had ir some ye action upon th it was impossible for the United States t , if they could pre- vent it, the rece establishn.ent sufier o stat thore vast re them parties t ee ntries, or the They could not ver connect making of new colonies. lied the narrow seas. Many other insta were connected wit! tion, aa by Muroy stood connected with th relations, — Was it ries by their pow ions, and they also w States by political ewible t teresta which hang upon the ¢ sof the new continent to be canvassed and adjnsted in this hemi- ation, or even sphere 6 epligt w ut the eo-op knowledge, of the United States?” And to the same purport » one of the niost admirable lette whole history of diplomacy. He said, speak the influence of the United States: “ Buta new ele- ment of incaicniable importance in reference to Torts torial arrangements is henceforth to be recogn 1 in America.” This principle of European non-i ference in the afiuirs of this continent has & vocated and brought before Congress and th cou. try by three Presidents of the United States at different intervals, and under circumstances calling i} for action. In Korope sneh a line of policy mi, it | well be marked out by the Executive authority: as that department of the government postoses the jong and | © what not, in which they no concern, i whatever agency or advice ¥ dais may have had endangering our sai and ovr interesta, | or given in esponsible paternity plsced as they on our borders, | rests upon the t have reason to oping petnal alarm. ¢ | believe that Mr. as anxfous for the measure, a tigid, unyicldi though precito share in it I do not know. In- | deed, Mr. Clay, by his authority, as 1 have shown, avowed bis ¢ Tence in it. But, sir, those who knew are to be found t Tehall not stop to seck them. | every question pre enting If, hearing afl that Th 4 estion is well touched by Mr. Canning, who | cculd he said and then deciding for himself and ad- said to Mr. Rush, concerned the United States | hering with unshaken firmness to his decisions. under aspects and interests, as immediate and com- | knew him well, and oid him in remem! manding, 6 did or could any of the States of | troe patriot, and a pr Europe. They were the first eron that conti- his peraonal and political f nent, and confessedly the leadiag Power. They on. The declaration of M roe contained Ad, d see with in- difference their fate decided o: y Europe? Could |. It has been said here more than once, and I think, Europe expect sich indifierer Had not a new | thongh Tam not certain, that it wns said by Mr. epoch arrived in the relative position of the United | Calhoun, that the course of action of Mr. Monroe States towards Ei Which fs anat a | upon this subject was the result of a suggestion edge? Were the great political and commer | made by Mr. Canning to Mr, Rush. This ic another meddle with tlantic affairs” into the historical reccliection of a temporary project to save our neigh- boring States froma blow aimed at that time at their safety, and all danger from which pasred away as enddenly as it had arisen. And there is another voice from the tomb which speaks the same confirmatory language es add e doctrine—the voice of one whose memory will live upon the pages of our history, and in the hearts of cur countrymen, aa long as true genius and ele- vated patziotisin shall find admirers. ln 1525 Mr. Clay, then Secretary of State, in a letter to Mr. Poinsett, says that the then President, Mr. Adams, who was Secretary of State when Mr. Monroe advanced bis doctrine, coincides in ‘“ both principles,” (non-iuterference and anti-colonization,) which were laid down after much and anxious de- liberation on the part of the late administration. The President, (Mr. Adazos,) who then formed a part of it, continues to coincide with both; and you will urge upon the vernment of Mexico the utility and expediency of asserting the aame princi- ples on all proper occasions.” It is obvions, sir, that Mr. Calhoun wag under @ misepprebension in relation to the views of Mr. Mon- roe upon this subject. He himself stated that his recollection of it was imperfect, and that it was so is beyond all contradicts He considered that the “declaration of Mr. M i fic case, (the Holy A “Mr, Monroe,” he addec no design of burden!i could not perform. declaration made by the gentleman th a to comprehend. No dec:aration er than that of Mr. Monroe, and Mr. Monroe we) character of wisde houn. He was a tions in his inve know that he was entitled to the to him by Mr. Cal- d sagacious statesman, cau- ations, locking narrowly into enomerition of & general pr e and its ap- p jon to a particular case, w Mr. Calhoun has confined it to the latter, divesting it thus of all 'm to the extablishinent of a great line of licy. among the many errors which seem to have oluster- ed around this whole matter. It is easy to show this. ee a Pans Mr. Rosh 7 the Department of State a despatch containing the views of the President upon the Spanish Aaerionn question, corresponding substantially with the grovnd subsequently taken in the message, They, were trousmitted to him, not for any immediate diplomatic action, but to put him in possession of the opinions of the goverrment, as cronmmaanaaa might arise rendering it necessary for him to be ac his first conversation with Mr. Canning, at the re- quest of the latter, towards the end of Angust in that year, and his despatches announcing the result of that and of other subsequent intervie ss did not reach Washington till about the middle of Novem- ‘tion to t received from ) quainted with them. Mr. Rush, I understand, had | ber, just before the opening of Congress, as Mr. power to enforce it, being vested with the rij ht t make war. Byt here the Lxecutive occupies H very | Rush says in his interesting narrative of this diplo- matic epitode, Now I bave already read. on extinct of a Jetter Some Selatan to Meare, sess October 23, « 1, by whicl eppeare. vcrident hed con tauricated to the retired patriarch jis impreemons, and probably his intenti in rela hie whole subject, which met, ag we tive seen, the most cordial approbation, and I have no doubt that a similar correspondence, with a lke ap- proval, tock place with Mr. Madison. it is obvious that a course involving such important principles, and fraught, it might be, with startling con-eqneices, must have been some time under the c sideration of a cautious statesman, like Mr. Monroe. before it could agsume a shape proper to be submitted for the opinion of Mr. Jefierson. It is clearly impossible that the suggestion of Mr. Canning could have led to the es- tablichment of this doctrine or to its promulgation. Why, tir, it is a well known historical fact that when then the message of Mr. Mnroe 1each- ed Europe, it excited a great sensation among the politicians, and nowhere a greater one than in England. Mr. Canning had proposed to Mr. Rush that the United States should take ground ageinet the extension of the schemes of the Hol Alliance to: the Spanish American aa promjeed the co-operation of England. The roposition reached here, when, as we have xeen, Mr. Vrobtoe was about to submit his doctrine to Congreas. He accepted the suggertion of Mr. Canning, 9s to the particular case, which was all the British me)t wanted; but he also accompanied his action with a declaration of the principles which he thonght thonld. guide the country thereafter. Now, ‘anning did not partake of the mistake which prevails bere. He saw that the special interporition was temporary, but that the doctrine iteelf was perpetual: I am informed by one who knows that no man in was more surprised || than was Mr. Cenning when he found that the American government had. gove so far beyond his wirhes and expectations. And we eee, sir, to this dey that Ce is perfectly understood in Eny- Jand—for Lord Clarendcn, in his statement, said to Mr. Buchanan, but the other day, that the anti- colonization declaration of Mr Monroe was “ but the dictom of the distinguished person who declared it; but ber Majesty's government cannot admit that doctrine as an intervational axiom which ought to regulate the conduct of European States.” Here is no attempt to avoid the principle, nor is there any in the an:wer of Mr. Buchanan, who frankly avows his adhesion to the “dictum ;” and adds, with true American spirit, that “if the occasion required, he would cheerfully undertake the task of justifying the wipdom apd eound policy ot the Monroe doctrlug in reference to the nations of Europe, a8 well 08 thore of the American coutinent.” I wish our able Ninister had been called vpon to do this work. He would have done it well and conclusively, and in a manner which, I doubt not, would have been satix- factory to his conntrymen, if not to sitplcane politi- cee and which might have silenced objections at come. Mr. Canning, sir, arrogated the credit of one great meesvie to himrelf, to which he bad no just claim. Let him not have the merit of another to which he edvanced no pretensions. He said in ee a gianu- diloqvent vein, in the British House of Commons, that he had called the Spanish American republics into being, and his words fell with proud assent upon English ears. But, sir, the boast had no foundaticn. At the yas ore he uttered it, those republics had achieved their own inde ndence, aud were Leycend the reech of Spanish subjugation, aud that independence had been formallygicknowledged by the United States. I think I am correct in the Hatement of this fact. Mr. Sumner, in his seat—It is so. Mr Cass—I believe, sir, that to Mr. Clay, more than to any other statesman, American or Euro- penn, was due the entrance of those States into the emily of nations. 3 Bui after all, sir, this inquiry into the origin of the Monroe doctrine has but a speculative interest. To adopt au expression familiar to the ears of Sena- tors, it is well to “vindicate the truth of history.” snd to vindicate it upon this point, but this great cis Atlontic principle dees not now derive its strength frem its origin or its author. It rests upon a rarer foundation—upon the cordial concurrence of the American people—ard is destined to be a broad line upon the chart of their’ policy. One motive with sume of us, pe:baps with many of us in the Senate, for evnppoiting the Clayten Bulwer treaty was, that if cared out in good faith, it would peaceably do the work of the Monroe dcctrine, and free an impor- tant portion of our continent from European in er- ference. That it has so far signally fuiled is no fault on our side. Whether it is to be’a triumph as well as a fault on the other, will deperd on the firm- ness and eelf retpect which may direct and accom- pany our courre. Iam well aware that during the premierehip of Lord Palmerston, an amicable ar- rangement, or rather a fair folfilment of the treaty, agreeably to its obvious import and the avowed object ot the parties, is an event hardly to be hoped for. Ihave nothing to say of that distinguithed English statesmen incompatible with his own high position or his high place, where cir- ctmstances bave given to his views, to his tempera- nent perhaps, an importance rmely attached to a public man out of his own country. But he is not only the official head of the British administration, he js aleo its guiding spirit, and his probable course is no matter of indifference to the le of the United States. Some time since, sir, in this cham. ber, I took occasion to say that of all the active pub- lic men of England I considered Lord Palmerston the moat unfriendly to our country, and that his ex- ertions would never be wanted in any effort to op- pore ut. This opinion was received with some sur- I etees anda good deal of incredulity; but J believe is sentiments are now pretty well understood here, and nothir g favorable is expected from him. Sir, he undovbtedly nourishes the strongest prejudice; againet our institutions, our progres and our pros- pects, and there is hardly a well informed American returning from Europe who will not confirm this representation. His observation to Mr. Castellon, the Nicarauguan Minister, is indicative, not only of his sentiments towards us, but of his estimate of oar fimness. He said:—'‘We, have been disposed to treat the United States with some degree of con- sideration; but in 1eference to this question it is. matter of total indifference to her Majesty’s goveri:- ment what she may say or do.” Very complimenta- ay, this, to four national pride. His lor ip may yet be diseppointed. And I believe now, sir, that these difficulties conld be adjusted by an honest interpretation being Ho upon this convention, within one month after the accession of a liberal statesman to the station now held by Lord Palmerston. Till that event takes place it will be the dictate of true wisdom not to anticipate, Lg we will still hope for, on amicable arrangement, but to take counsel from the duty we owe to ourselves. The treaty, from its commencement, de seo set at naughtapon the moet flimsy pretext. is evident th2t Lord Clarendon has adopted the views and are in the feelings of Lord Palmerston w) ‘is whole sub- ject, as also that the pretensions they have advanced will be tenaciously adhered to. For myself, I do uot see how they are to be abandoned without self stulti- fication by thoce who have thus far so strenuou"ly maintaired them. The attempt to torture language to the accommodation of preconceived purposes was never more palpable than in this case. Let aby one compare the able and frank opinion of” Mr. Johnson, who was our Attorney Gen- eral when this treaty was negotiated, with the opinion given by the Queen’s Advocate, the law officer of the British government in its com- munication with other Powers, and he cannot but be struck with the contrast. Before I sit down I shall ack to have Mr. Johnson's opinion read at the Clerk's table. It ig entitled to high commendation for its clearness and ability. And I am happy to have this « pportunity of testifying my respect and regerd fer that able and accomplished gentleman. And what says the Queen’s Advocate, that hich legal counsellor? Why, that the treaty provides that neither party shall! occupy, or fortify, or colo nize, or assume, or exercise any dominion over Ceu- tral America, yet that either party may, at its ple.- sue, send a fleet or army into any part of that vost region, if it abstains from occupying or fortifying, or assuming or exercising dominion therein, Now, sir, all this, I repeat, is not less an insult to common sente than to the position of our country before the world. It is equally in defiunce of the spirit and of the text of the srropgement. Here is a matual con- vention entered into, for the purpose of securin, an important region from the control an influence of the contracting parties, professing to leave it to its own Met tha ins and its own fate; end now it is maintained that fleets and armies may invade that country, (I do not speak of a just war, that is, withont the treaty, but of armaments sent for pretection, as it is called,) provided they exe: cise no dominion. I desire to know how a British army could encamp upon the soil of Nicaragua with- out occupation and the assumption of dominion They might not choose to interfere with the internal administration of the country, but that voluntary forteaiance would not affect their power or infia- ence in the slightest degree. You might as well say that the Austrians exercise no dominion at Ancona, ner the French at Rome, because the local police at both places is left to do its own ungracious work. Do- minion, says the great English lexicographer, is pores and to contend that an English army, with b sir, Mr. ¢ panoply of war, could traverse one of those fee- le ventral American States without power—power- less, indegd—is to say that Jangnage has lost. its force, and that conventions for the accommodation of Hational differences are but waste paper, to be read as the purposes of interest or ambition may dictate. It was not difficult, it appears to me, to anticipate the precent state of things. Certainly I thought I forevaw it, and I predicted it two years ago. Lord Clarendon gt wrote a despatch to Mr, Cramp- ton, dated May 27, 1663—a gratuitous one, for our rerefit, designed "pon its face for publication—in which he says:—‘Ae great misconception 9; re to prevail, not only among the people of the United States, but also among persons placed in high and responsible siivations im the government of that country respecting” the “engagements of Grvat Britain, polar. toe rly thought it wou! a » on footing.” Hed so i ie Conclulon, fried by ithe opinien of n’s Advocate, to which have already referred, and which proves that week covntry may be traverced by ‘an unresisted anny, exerciting no ‘power, and occupying no *y aes and thet such a warlike expeditita is the lair fulfJnent of @ treaty which sought, with jeslovs, vipilance to exel both parties trom the exercise of any influence by one, which might be torred to the injury of the other. Lord Clarendon, m thie Jetter to Mr. Crampton, went over the whole msiter, ard this was my conclusion as to the courre of the British government —“ They will hold on to ef! their pretensions, und wiil rot sacrifice their interest to cur misconceptions; that is Lord Claren- dons term for our construction of the treaty.” The iulfilment has come, T referred, a few days since, to the anxiety of the British government to obtain an ascendency in the South American country, in order to control the thes highway across the I.thmus, rendered of incalculable importance by our acquisitions oe the Pacific coast. Accident had brought to lighta doccument confirmatory of these views. It isa let- tor fiom the British Vice-Consul at Granada to Lord Palnerston, dated April 4, 1849, in which that functionaty, speaking of the yes of the citizens of the United States to establish a communication with the Pacific, by the route of the onan, ere that this ard other circumstances had injured tl british interests, and that the country “will be cverrun by North American adventurers, unless an anangenent is made by negotiation for a pro eaetee end transit favorable to the British inter- este,” &e. . Eut the girt of the correspondence fs in the ¢on- cluchig paragraph, where the writer says: “ The welfare of 1 7 country and desire of its obtainin; the control of so desirable a spot in the commerc: world, and free it from the competition of #0 adven- turerome a race ag the North Americans, impels me to nddress your lordship with such freedom.” We hove here a Fey to the whole line of policy which dictnicd and yet dictates the course of England. There war little necessity for the Consul to depre- cate the displeasure of Tord Palmeraton. The pro- cree went, no donbt, to the head and heart of bie lordship— perhaps it was followed by promotion. ‘The prot] thata route across the continent, by cong) or railroad would be undertaken and accom- lished by our citizens, unqnestionably led the Bri- igh coverpment, or euch portion of it as favored the mecarure, to enter into this treaty with a view to insure a participation {in the ‘advantages. The parties jointly agreed, in the words I have ahendy quoted, that neither should “ occupy, or fortify, or -aseume, or exercise dominion over Ceantial “America, including Mosquito, &¢.” I ob servee ona former occasion, that I could not con- ceive why the word occupy would not have fulfilled the intebtien of the parties, and why these pleo- parmr were introdui into the treaty, rendering it, perhapa, Coubtful by overloading it with words. 1 am row enabled to do justice to our negotia- tor, the honorable Senator from Delaware, (Mr. CInytor from information, not derived from him—a1 » eey thet this redundancy of Jangpage was no favit of his, but that he was piaced in a sit- ution which rendered it proper to yield to their in- rertion, though inclined against it. Bat [ must also meke the amenve henoratle, and acknowledge that, in my opinion, formed upon subsequent circum- Hoencer, Whether the phraseology of the treaty has been concise or proiix, the construction would have heen a foregone conclvsion, and just what it now is. We rhonld bave hed the same prudential interpreta- tion, whch is hallowed in English diplomacy, and which, meny years since, was applied toa treaty between Spin and Eugland in relution to this very region of country. This remarkable, or rather re- markably disgraceful incident was alluded to the other dey. but it will bear repetition as a useful les- son in the mazes of a tortuous policy. 4 ‘A treaty was concluded in 1783 between Spain ard Englird, the eixth article of which provided tor the abandos ment of the Mosquito country, as a fortion «) the * Continent Espagnol.” There was & great rel ctance on the part ot the British Cabinet to this withdrewel, aud at the same time a strong desire to terminate the pending war by the conclu- sonof atieaty. The King was honestly inclined, ard hestitated’ to give bis assent. Mr. Fox, then orecf the ministers, undertook to remove his ob- jections. He arged thatit was in their power to pat their own interpretation upon the words “Continent Erpegnol,” und to determine upon prudential con- riderations—thkat is the term—" whether the Mos- uito shire come under that description or not.” be this expedient prevailed, and though Mr. Fox and bis arscciates knew full well, to speak in plain lengnace, that they were cheating the Spaniards, who thought, as everybody else thinks, that the words Spanish continent méant that portion of the American continent, yet the treaty was coucluded ard yatfed and “prudential considerations” ex- cluécd the Morquito shore fiom its operation. The King, wile he gave his consent, did so with hesi- tation, and considered the “ circumstance a ver uitewad cre.” He might have truly qualified it by a much hareher epithet. Iam under the im- version that the same prudential rule would have een again orplied to retain the same Mosquito countiy, even if the words of the Clayton-Bulwer tresty hed Leen less equivocal upon this poiut than they are, if that is possivle. Mr. President, it is within the recollection of the Seuate that some two years since I had a discusssion with the Senator from Delaware upon this treaty, when I tock exceptions to a portion of its phraseolo- gy, 28 well as to other circumstances connected with it. Inevcr doubted, nor did I ever express a doubt ot the patrictic purpore of the Senator, and I renew en acknowledgment I then made, that during the pregress of the negotiation, he did me the houor to consult me as well as other Senators, and that I wainly approved his effort. Now, sir,I have nothing to say as to these differences of opinion. They aie gene by. While pending, they embraced ques- tions relating to our internal affairs—to the course and cenduct of afanetionary of our own. But now we aie drawn into a discussion with a foreign govern- ment respecting the honest interpretation of the treaty, avd the subterfuges—I use the term ad- vitcdly— Wy which it is sought to avoid ita obli- gations. And I express my full concurrence in the varicuxpoints taken by the Senatorfrom Delaware, and which he hassupported with that power of in- tellect and eloquence which is known to the whole country, and with a full knowledge of the subject, directed by an active and enlightened pa- triotitm. 1 have said that the object of this treaty wan to keep the country from the occupation or in- fivence of the two es. So far as respects us, the object baz been ae and the proof of that fact is that no oma int of afuilure has been pre- ferred ogsinst us our co-contractor. We have nota foot of land in that region, nor the slightest in- fluence except what results from a fair course of policy. and we are disqualified {rom ever making an acquisition in that quarter. Not so with England. The advantage is altogether on her side. She re- teins all she claimed, while we have debarred our- selves of the right of acquisition. Jt is an anequal arrangement, rendered euch by “ prudential con- siderations,” producing a palpable breach of faith. What are the complaints we prefer against Eng- land in relation to this treaty? I will enumerate them as distinctly as I can:— 1. We complain, a8 a general allegation, that constructions are put upon it, 80 manitestly incon- sistent with its eee and language that the very assumption is felt by usto be au insult, and seen to be such by the world. 2. But” to come to specific statements, we farther complain that these constructions are destrnctive of the objects of the treaty. It is now taid by Lord Clurendon that this instrament is ror pective in its operation. And so itis, If it had puta retroactive tearing it would be of but little valve. Jt nevesrarily operates in the future, almcst all national arrangements. But by prospec- tive operation Lord Clarerdon means that in some mort irportant particulars it has no operation at all. He claims that it passes over the British pretensions existing in Central America at the time of its con- clision. and leaves them untouched by its provi- sicus, We contend that it embraces ali the country pened in it which is not expressly excepted, and that ite operation commences from the moment of its ratificrtion, and that its obligations are perpetual. This claim, thet the British possessions held at tle ratification of the treaty were excepted from its etipclatione, is now heard or the first time, so far as 1 kucw, ond so says Mr. Bachanan, and this yer ciret mstance is a strong pre-umption unfavorable to the assumption, especially considering the investigations the treaty had undergone, and we many minds that had been at work upon it. Mr, Buchanan takes up this point and discusses it with preat torce and clearness Before the treaty wee rat fied there was an actof the British govern- nent which is conclusive as to their opinion upon this pretension. The bef went to England wae ont any declaration excepti a the Honduras cettle- rent trem ita operation. the construction now conter ded fer, under the term prospective operation, Lethe correct one, there was no need of providing for the cxclusion of that settlement, because, bein, held by the British at that time, it would not be ae fected by the arrangement. But the British govern- ment returned the treaty, and required an express declaration that it did not extend to their posses- sionr—a demand utterly inconsistent with this newly discovered interpretation—that Leg prospective existing claims are ee from its provisions. And such, too, was the view of the Queen’s Advo- cate, in the pe to which I have already re- ferncd, who said that the assumption which he nn- deretcod hed been maintained, that Great Britain had sbandoned all dominion over the whole of Cen- tial America, was incorrect, at least in regard to the Balize and its dependencies. The Balize and its dependencies were, as the Queen’s Advocate says, expressly excluded from the treaty by a decleration accompanying the act of ratification; and the «xpreasion, “ at least as regard the Balize,” is svficlently indicative of the opinion that all other | came within the treaty, tive discovery portions don of Central Am: ‘end aré not this z 1 Uy) cine nd Lord Claren- 2 ee Stan ab ae es oe Be race Bsa? colt eions—meeaning the Balize—upon the dec! the re; aon and not upon this recently an- pounced and prudential canon of interpretation. What ie the language of the treaty upon this sub- ject? That the parties shall not occupy Central Aine- Tica. How can this stipulation be complied with, if one of them continues the Previously held? nen ee do just what the: treaty pro- hibits. ; And what cen is Cae See — sion of language, a3 as wi permit “ cause,” says Lord lacie, “ the treaty does not contain in specific terms # renunciation on the part of Great Britain.” And in what principle of international law, or of common sense, or of common honesty, does Lord Clarendon find bis justification for such an as- poy arte ‘as this? I know of none. Ifa nation or an individual goptract todo an act, they contract the obligation to do all that that act fairly requires. within tool’ the duty or abmndoning aay pretension in ite ie duty of abandon! OF possession inconsistent with that obligation, and the man in private life who should contract not to oceupy any Jad in a given district of country, and who Mhould afterwards say that the stipulation does not require me to relinquish existing occu ® finesse eee ee ur at 0 eV own just res} . Apply. thie lo und, and the egunsnets . The third article in our list ft oe ig the indeflvite extension oi the Balize jand the exercire of tull unlimited bideg trae over it, This branch of the subject has been so fully pre- sented, beth here and by Mr. Buchanan in England, and with. masked ability, that I shall pass over it as rapidly aa is consistent with its clear understanding. ‘he British goverument has, for a century and a half, held a gualitied poseeesion of a small region ireleding the neighlorhood of the Balize. It was originally seized for the purpose of cutting | a and after long and angry contests with * , the latter power finally recognized the right to hold it for that object alove. So jealous was the 5; ih government, that it insisted upon the most stringent ruvisions— that there should be no armed force, n0 fortresses, 110 agriculture-—expressly providin, that the natural fruits of the soil shoul its only pro- duce to Le used as jood, and that there sh: be no manufactories, but mills for sawing the matro- any ito hoards. And there ‘are two acts of the ritish Parliament, passed in 1817 and 1819, ¢ m- firming and recognizing this ver; limited jarisdic- tion. They declared that the settlement at the Bay of Houduras was “ # ret'leaen! for certain purposes, in the possession and under the protection of his eRe but ae within the territory and dominions of his Majesty, Sc. Now, ae ai these limitations upon the power of Great Britain over that region are wholly disre- garded, and che bas fortified it and cultivated it, and exercires as full dvuminion over it as over any other part of Ler territories. She does not sasciae hold the uenfruct, and that confined to the logw: trade, but the country is exclusively hers, for all the purposes of peace and war. Itisa permanent posi- tion on the great Hay of Honduras. ‘And besidis this change of tenure, and the con- version of « limited right to an absolute proprietor. ship, \in has greatly enlarged the extent of th ent beyond the Doandarten assigned to it, te ry of the state of Guatemala, to which the ir d country belongs as the successor to $) ¢ rights ai d posrersions of Spain, The mozt remote southern Jiiit of this settlement ever recognized by Spain was the Siboon river, I suppose, twelve or four- teen miles izom the Halize; but the British have ex- tended it to the Sartoon river, one hundred and fifty or two huna, cd miles will farther south, and as clear- ly in the State of Guatemala as the James river is in Virginia. Some mays reperent her encroachment as fiszing reached the Golfo Dolce, still farther down the coa-t. Aud this progressive invasion has been com- mitted without the slightest title of right or authority—committd by the strong — hand, aud maintained by it. Lord Clarendon, in his discussion with Mr. Buchanan, claims this region “ by right of conquest.” But when it was conquer d aud when ceded he fails to tell us. The fact is, it Las been gained by successive acts of encroachment— scmetines individual and sometimes colonial - of which, till now, the British government has not publicly claimed the benefit. These now conttitute this “right of conquest.” I have before me a charge delivered not long since by Chief Justice Temple to a grand jury at the Balize. He seemed to consider it necessary to explain by what right the authorities exercised Jarisdietion over the country between the Sikoow aud Sartoon rivers, and said “ it Was neither by graut nor conquest, bat by oocupa- tion.” Occupation, « title resting. upow ciscovery, aud applied to a region which ha nged to 9; or her emarcipated colony since the second voyage of Columbus! Doctors often disagree as to a cure for the patient, but seldom more pointedly than in this case. 4. We object to the occupation of Ruatan and the cluster of islands in its neighborhood in the bay of Honduras, and consider it a palpable violation of the treaty. And in the very of that treaty, and after its ratification, a colonial government was es- tablirbed there, called the Colony of the Bay Islands, in contempt of the stipulation that neither party should colonize. What are the facts in relation to this aggression— for it is undeniably such—and whatare the objectione the claim? 1. Reatan is aaid to be one of the group of islands excepted in the note to the treaty, and described as “the small islands in the neighborhood of the Ba- lize settlement, and known as its dependencies.” Now, there is a cluster of islands—isleta rather— about three lesgues from the Siboon river, which are ccperdencies of the Balize, and are nd all donbt the objects of this provision. in note, while Ruatan is a large, important island, four or five hondred miles fiom the Balize. A cause must te wesk, indeed, which depends upon such support. Ruatan is only seme thiity miles from the coast of Honduras, and belongs to it by a8 just a title as Long Island belongs to New York. , 2. Avother ground of claim to Ruatan is founded on the sllegation that by some maps it isin the West Indies. 1 do not see that Lord Clarendon has fgsumed this position, but others have. I state it only to chow that if a political measure is determined on, reatone will never be wanting for ite defence. 3. One of the Bntish tities to tan is a title by right of occupation, and it is thus atated by Lord Clarendon :— Whenever kustan has been permanently ecoupied, Mat berms or ow CE, anything more than rd an pBNUbwerteseie se eae Hew cautiously is this worded as the foundation of such a claim! When the island has been occupied, formerly or latte:ly, it has been by British subjects ! Then, a-cording to this statement, the occupation has been interrupted. and no permanent possession held until the English reized it; and yet a Central American garrison is conceded to have been station- ed there, and we know that the the island wae wrested from it by force. But still more extraordinary is the sueceeding de- claration :— It bas been, without the {ustigation of the Bri‘ish go- verpinent, of late yours apoutaneranly occupied b, Brith subjects, Spontancous occupation is a new title in English colenial history. Had the British government the elightest fuith in its title there would have been no spontarcous action, but an authorized possession of one of the most important positions in Central ame- rica. pglish subjects, sceording to an Bnglish Mi , *cized_n district belonging, by all the re- cognized prive iples of discovery, to Spain and her cCnancipated colonies, and the government steps in end takes edvantage of the illegal act! But what are the prominent tacts connected with this occupation? In biel, they are tiese: In 1804, Col. Henderson, the British Commandant at the Ba- lize, who was sent to examine this island, reported that it belonged to Spain. In 1520 it was seized by a British force, and abandoned on the remonstrance of the Central American government, whieh was then wnited agd strong. In feat it was again seized, after that goveroment was dissolved and when Hon- daras wos fceble, and in atime oi profound peace, with: ut urging the slightest pretence, so far as ap- jects. A mere act of piracy, to call things by their trye names. There five islands, as I have already said, now contt tute a British colony, organized since the rati- fication of this be a ti ey are a most valuable posreesion, the principal of them—Ruatan—being a ighly important naval station, abounding with ex. cellent barbors, easilys fortified, and affording the means of commanding the great Bay of Honduras, and the communication along the coast of Central America. And their ls to these pur; constitutes et once their valuc to England and the motive for the tenacity with which she holds on to them, her solemn stipulations to the contrary notwithstanding. am glad to ree that the Piispose has not escaped the sagacity of our government, nor the knowledge o( their ayowal. Mr. Marcy speaks upon the subject with a frankness which becomes his position and res bility, He snys in a letter to Mr. Buchanan, of June 12, 1854:— Roatan ean only be desirable to Great Britain as @ ne- valond mili'ary station, aud for that purpose onl, ould give hor grost facii y fa aflecting {njariow interests, Should sho recuse to acknowledge it art ot the State of Honduras, and retain possession of it her- jolt the Uni‘ed States would clearly understand her ob ject. A pre Cotermination to interfere with our affaicr, Thus manifested, wril rerder the continuance of our amica- ble relations with her precarious, Roatan 1 to become the Gibraltar of those seas, and like that celebrated fortress, like the Cape of Gocd Hope, and Aden and Singapore, it is destined by English policy to overlook, and when the time comes to control, the commerce of the world, No man con fail to admire the judgment and jrecantion with which these sid pther sta ”