The New York Herald Newspaper, May 14, 1854, Page 1

ar . &e., WHOLE NO. 6472, THE AWTI-NEBRASKA MEN IN COUNSIL, ‘The Meeting in the Park Last Evening. Address of the Committee-- enn ‘SPEECHES OF B. F. BUTLER, THOMAS FESSENDEN, AND OTHERS, | de, &e. | olutions, &c. In accordance with the following call, a meeting was olden im the Park last evening:— CALL FOR A PUBLIC MEETING TO ARREST THE VIOLA- TION OF THE MISSOURL COMPROMISE. ‘The citizens of New York who believe that the pro- sed repeal of the Missouri Compromise has been repu- seta saa poutine the, peaple at large, and who further believe that their will should be protected from influences unconstitutionally brought to bear upon the House of Representatives, will meet in the Park, on Sat- urday afternoon, the 13th instant, at 5 o'clock, to con- sider the steps proper to be taken by the free States at | this momentous crisis—and to demand of all members of Congress, whether from the North or the South, who adhere to the faith pledged by tie Missouri compact, ‘that at all Lazards they protect from invasiou the will and the rights of the people, aud that to this end they | resort, if necessary, {o the most decisive and even ex treme measures, to prevent the perpetration of an act of perfidy fraught with fearful and perhaps irreparable disaster to the peace, the harmony, aud the stability of our Union. M.4H. Grinnell, Sam. J. Beebe, Gen. J. Averzana, Geo. W. Blunt, W.E. Whiting, ’ Join Jay, ‘W.C. Bryant,” Jobu MeSfullen, Joseph P. Simpson, Exegutive Committee appointed to oppose the Nebraska erfidy. Dated New York, May 11, 1854. The undersigned citizens’ of Now York, earnestly join in the above call for a public meeting to arrest the viola- tion of the Missouri Compromise. (Signed by) John L. Mazon, Goo. T. Strovg, Walter R. Jones, W. T. Johnson, Sigis'd Kaufmaun, Alfred Pell, Theo’e McNamee, Henry B. Dawson, A. E. Silliman, Sam’l B. Ruggles, Geo. Newboli, ’ Gowr M. Ogden, John B Mills, Geo. Griswold, A. G. Stout, Joseph Walker, G.A. Worth,’ J.8. Underhill, Wm. H. Mellen, S. Baldwi John Brouwer, _H. L. Stone, 8. Beebe, W. W. De Forest. ‘The following genilemen have been invited to address the meeting to be held in the Park this afternoon :—Hon. BF. Butler, Hon. J. E. Cooley, Hon. J. A. Dix, Hon. John Van Buren, Hon. N. B. Hunt, Hon. 8, B. Ruggles, Hon. H. J. Raymond, ex-Governor Pennington, of New Jersey, and R. N. Havens. ‘The meeting was called to assemble at five o'clock; bat as there were only a hundred persons or thereabouts ia the Park at that time, it was not called to order until a quarter past five, when the attendance had increased to three or four hundred. At half-past five about one ‘thousand persons were present. ‘The platform was chiefly occupied by such men as Jobn Jay, E. A. Stansbury, and other free soilers. But very few of the gentlemen whose names appear in the list of officers were present. Mr. Wiusam D. Murruy called the meeting to order, «and the following list of officers nominated by him, was enecepted by the mecting:— PRUSIDENT. HON. MARK SP ‘VICE-PRESIDESTS. in, Robt. L. Stuart, R. W. Griswold, ENCER. “Wm. 'l. Havemeyer, E. H. Ludlow, Geo. Griswold, Charies King, Hon. James E. Cooley, John Bigelow, Walier R. Jones, George Bruce, Hiram Keichum, Wm. Kent, Moses ‘Taylor, David Banks, Robert L. Stuart, James W. Gerard, Charles if. Marshall, Daniel Lord, Rey. E. H. Chapin, A. C. Flagg, Robert B. Minturn, G. A. Worth, Robert Emmet, Geo. Newbol, Thos. B. Stillman, Wilsor ~George Wood, J. Depe: Jonathan I.Coddington, Robt. L Edmond Henry, Edmund Hon. Join L. Masen, SECRET.\TU%S. Wm, £. Dodge, ert C. Goodhue, RB. M. live, Weius Robinson, ~ Joho B. Hevelia, Navid Olyphant, Thos. McElrath, Joseph Walker. Thos. Addis Emmet, “Mr. E. A. StanepuRy read the following address. Th: uudienee did not pay much attention to it:— ADDRESS OF THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO OPPOSE TUE NEBRASKA PERFIDY. Feiow Crvxxs:—When, in January last, in violation cof the pledges given at Ballimuore by the whig and demo- eratic parties, and_in yet gros-er violation of the inau- geral pledge proffered to the world by the President of the United States, the slavery question, with the conni- «vance of the administration, was dragged into Congress ‘and before the country, by a proposal to repeal the Missouri Compromise, the city of New York, true to her “hereditary instincts, was the first to protest against the threatened, out: ‘as destructive alike of our peace and our harmony, of the national honor and the federal Union ‘our masa meetings of her merchants, her mecha- ‘sin oe great German ulation and her citizens at ‘large, was the voice of New York uttered in earnest ‘and remonstrance ; and throughout the free the - test a tl thered in their pen at public assem’ ‘to creed or , and Vented their stern dis of tl under, ‘until there resounded from to West one continuous echo of popular na- its centre b: (Sout o paralia le ; and the working yhether ‘Americana ty back ce etisons by adop- ves fully awake to the practical con- would forever rob them of » pact, in order that it for the exclusive when he r oy o ve-l re wWhereer orate peccertse coy tl, acltecaty 2 i ee i Hi i g 5 t the issue co: the same story, and fe 1 influence and federal patron- ‘were exerted in vain to secure an approval at the pelts of the conduct of the asministration. Elaborate and repeated efforts were made by politi- who underrated the intelligence of the Northern to the meaning and ill, to persuade them into “the belief that it denied the right of Congress to legislate for the Territories, that it established the doctrine of watter sovereignty, and that it recognized the princi- pie of non intervention. These efforts have been unavailing. Not only have such pretences been frankly scouted by the Southern sup- ‘of the bill, but every intelligent voter at the forth knows them to be untrue; knows that the bill, in ‘the language of the great statesman of the West, ‘‘de- nies to the people of the Territory every atttibute of sovereignty; that it denies them freadom of election, de- nies them freedom of voting, denies them the choice of their own laws, denies them the right of fixing qualifica- -tiona for voters, subjects them to a foreign supervision and the conirol’of the federal government, which they bad no hand in electing,” and coes not even recognise | C08) their right to regulate their domestic institutions, and to excluce the curse of negro slavery. ts While the geert mass of the people at the N unanimons in their intelligent and determined o; to the bill, tie people of the South have neither cemand- ed nor arked fot it. Itwas introduced, as Mr. Benton has toldyou, ‘without a memorial, without a peti.ion, without ® request from any haman being.” In contemptuous defiance of the known will of the peo- ple, the administration, by an act of unconstitutional usurration that, gs history teaches us, would not be tolerated ina Britith Sovereign, has dared and even now eretly and openly to luterfere with the freedom of our federal legislation; aud at a moment when Europe is conyuled ond our foreign relations are in jeopardy, there is reason to fear that a majority of the House of Representatives, having thrust avide the legitimate basi- ners of the nation, are ring, at the inducement and cletation of @ co. aitasoke dopastioent of the government, to perpetrate an act which the people, whom they pro- fess to represent, have discussed, repudiated, and con- In this crisis of our country’s fate, your committee, appointe? to take such measures as they might deem expedient towards defeating the objects of the Kansas. N Nebrarka Dill, feel it thelr duty to address you, The probable consequences of the repeal of the Missouri compromise are of immense moment, even were it to be effected independently of executive influence, operating against tne people's will. The repeal of that compro- mise, as you have already declared, will be the virtual repeal of ali compromises between frsedom and ery, and will terminate forever all confidence between the North and the South. The extension of slavery to Ne- Draska would secure to the slave States @ permanent pre- ponderance in the federal Union, which would enable them to sway the government in_ all its branches—legi lative, exeeritive and judiciel—with reference only to the interest of come three hundred thousand slaveholders, and without regard to the will or the welfare of twenty millions of free citizens. Arise, then, again in your might, and declare that this monstrous perfidy, however aided or avetted, shall not | sueceed, Bid the ——s Nato how ben Ase r with your representatives—bid your represen 4 Femember the infamy that awaits those who sell for a mess of pottage the birthright of their constituents. Let committees of correspondence, as in the days of our fathers, when plots less treasonable were rife against our liberties, be organized in every town. Let remon- strances and protests again flood the Senate and the | House, to remind them that both Congress and the Execu- | tive are the servants of the people. Let the clergy, un- moved by coarse assaults and infidel sneers, maintain their high and rightful position, and protest, as | American citizens and Christian ministers should inst fraud, falsehood and oppression. to the South, that the bill, i pare, | in the first cloments of valid legisla- a a | declared to be inoperative and voi ——— tion; that you disavow and roPutiate im advance, the {hsenteutiy sumrendan. ot. p00? acwient heritage; “that you will not consent to the exclus. 2 T degradation of free Inbor in any territory north °f 36 deg. 30 min, and that all who propose to introduce .*layes above that limit will attempt the outrage at their ou risk; and, in anticipation of the worst, organize prompily an vakerioneno Hotes snd patent, of intelligent aud ree laborers, who will not permit the soil consecrated to fresdom to be polluted by a’alave. igor ‘The urgency of the case demands instant action, and Jour committee do therefore recommend the immediate olding of mass meetings throughout the country, to consiter the steps proper to be taken in so grave and solemn an emergency, and especially to encouraye those members of the House of Representatives, whether from the North or the South, who, unseduced and unterrilied adhere honorably to the faith plighted in the Missouri compromise, to persevere in all lawful ways to maintain inviolate that ancient compact, and to urge them, should it become necessary, to resort to the most decided, even | extreme measures, to prevent the perpetration of an act 80 fearfully pregnant with national disaster. By order of the committee, JOSEPH P. SIMPSON, Chairman pro tem. Heyry B. Daweoy, Secretary. Mir. J. P. Srureon was introduced by the Chairman, He said:—Fellow oitizens—It is many years since I stood up in the Park to address a meeting of any kind. But I think that this occasion is one of those when every mau should throw off all reserve, and step forward to do what he may in defence of the liberties of our country and the rights of her citizens. Previous to this excitement I had imagmed that our representatives. would pay some attention to the wishes of their constituents; but ii seems that the days of Randolph are now to be restored, and that we have as many Northern doughfaces as ever. (Applause.) But in contradistinction to them, we have men from the South—noble souls —who will stand up for the rights of the whole country, and prevent the exten- sion of slavery over territory now free. (Applause.) I bave been requested to read the following resolutions :— Resolved, ‘Ihat we have reached a erisis that threatens our rights as citizens, and the stability of our Union— when in order to extend slavery overy a Territory which is ours by compact, and to aggrandize the slave States at the expense of the free, plighted faith is trampled in the dust, and the expressdd will of the people is over- borne in the House of Representatives, by influences un- constitutionally brought to bear, with the conn@yance of | the administration, destroying’ the freedom of our le- gislation, and thua atriking at the root of our liberties, and subjecting us to an intolerable despotism. Resolved, That to those members of the House, whe: ther from’ the Narth or the South, who, true to thoi honor and their oaths, their country and their God, are keeping sleepless watch at their posts, in defence of tile principles of true democracy, of the just rights of the North and of our national wellare, we offer our warmest, | our sincerest thanks; and we pray them to persevore unto the end, and to remember that the gratitude we nnw feel for their tried fidelity, will endear their names and their memories to the high-minded and honorable of | their countrymen through all coming time. Resolved, “That for our Northern representatives, who, seduced by bribes, bullied by threats, or deluded by tries, are abetting the Nebraska conspiracy, and ing the mighty interests and destinies entrusted to their keeping, words are wanting to express our con- tempt, ovr scorn, and our most just indignation. ‘That we solemnly declare that no man who from this hour votes to.repeal the Miszouri compromise, or, to our knowledge, aids its repeal, directly. or indirectly, shall ever receive our votes for any office in the people's gift. Resolved, That the pretences that the Nebraska bill maintains a squatier sovereignty—that it denies the right of Congress to legislate for the Territories, and that it recognizes the doctrine of non-intervention, are mést transparent shams, and serve only to indicate more clearly the bad faith of its framers and supporters; that the bill expresely anc offensively intervenes in the do- mestic affairs of the people of the Territory; that, in the language of the great statesman, Thomas H. Benton, the trusty leader of the democracy of the West, ‘it denies to the people of the Territory every attribute of sovereignts—denies them freedom of élection-—denieg them the freedom of voting—denies them the choice of their own laws—denies them the right of fixing qualii- cations for voters—subjects them to a fereiga super- vision and the contro! of the federal government, which they had no hand in electing,” and that if any recreant member from the North hopes to excuse ‘his treachery on such pretences, he greatly mistakes the clear-sighted intelligence of his wronged constituents. Resolved, ihat in oar opinion the rights of the free States are’in jeopardy from Southern agzsression and Northern treachery, and that inasmuch as union is strength, it becomes the people of the free Sta'es to con- fer together at tis momentous crisis. ‘That. to this end, the citizens of this State, without distinetion of party, who are disposed to maintain the rights and principles of the North, to stay the extension of slavers to new terri. tories—to rescue from. its control the felezal govern. ment—and so faras can be properlyione, te kindly the citizens of the fouth in peacefully hastontng its end, as a system unjust. in Itself, and unworthy this great re: public, be invited to assembie in convention at such time and place as the General Committee shall designate, to determine what course patriotism and duty require us to And that the citizens of the free States gone also of Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, North Kentucky, and Missouri, who sympathise with 8, be earnestly invited io hold conventions in their several States, and to consider the expediency of a general convention for the better protectioa of the Tights of free labor in every section of our vast country. ‘esolved, That the General Committee heretofore ap- pointed by the citizens of New York, to oppose the No- braska perfidy, embracing a large numbor of trusty citi- zens, native and adopted, without reference to party lines, now being obliterated by our common danger, be continued permanently, with power to add to their num- ber. That they be charged with the execution of the last resolution, and that they be further requested to take immediate measures for the organization of an effective | scheme of emigration to the southernmost border of Kansas and Nebraska, open to emigrants, with a view of excluding slavery from all territories from which it was excluded by the Missouri compromise; and that they ap- peal to the generous liberality of our merchants and citizens generally to ereate an ‘ample fund for the use of the said committee. Resolved, That the resolutions and the proceedings of this meeting be addressed to the President of the United States, to each member of the Senate and House of Re- presentatives, and to the Governors of each State, that they may be advised of the temper and determination of the people of New York at this interesting and eventfal period of our country’s history. ‘There was a vigorous but rather unsuccessful attempt made by Jay and a few others to get up some cheers for these resolutions. On motion, the States of Tennessee and Louisiana were added to the list in the fifth resolution. q Hon. B. F. Borier came forward and said:— Mr. President and Fellow Citizens—At a large mass meeting preparatory to the holding of the great meeting at the Tabernacle, bed coord against the repeal of the Missouri compromise of 1820, I indicated my intention to appear at that meeting and address my fellow citizens upon that important and momentous avestion. A severe attack of influenza prevented mo, however, from being present at the meeting, and in a letter of apology I made a pledge that so soon as strength and ice should be sufficiently restored to me I would, on any proper occa- sion, unite with my fellow citizens in any remonstrance against what was then only a meditated iniquity, but Which is now an iniquity half effected. | (Applause.) I fr am here to redeem that,pledge; but, fellow citizens, I | have but just recovered from the stckness with which I was then visited, and this is the first serious trial to which I haye put either voico or strength, and it is a pretty severe ordeal to begin in the open air. Hewever, though I fear I may not be able to say all I would desire on this most Interesting and momentous occasion, yet I can doa brave General Miller did when asked at Lun- dy’s lane, “Can you take that battery and spike the guns?” and who replied “I can try.” Ho, succecded; | my fall, but if I should, there are otber brave soldiers be- hind me who will be able with your hearty cheers to | spike the cannon of the enemies of human freedom. (Cheers.) Mr. President and fellow citizens, we have fseembled under cireumetances of peculiar interest and aclewnity. When in the early part of the last winter a proposal to repeal the eighth section ofthe Missouri compromice of 1820 was made, that section which se- cures to a terrifory, brond and extensive as the origi- ral thirteen States the blessings or freedom, and which for ever fer) de the tread of the slave or the slave holter— when the proposal to repes! this great ordinance of free- dom was stealthily, covertly andin a cowardly manner brougnt before the Senate of the ited States, the peo- ple ali over the countryBwere ineredulous—they could not believe it possible that any number of the represen- tives of this nation in Congréss assembled—least of all that any numbor of,representatives from the free States, conld be so possesed with the spirit of madness and folly and wickedness so seriously as to enter upon that work of shame, it was not till it was found that the men who entered upon this work were really in earnest, that they were bended together to repeal, or in fome way to get rid of that ordinance of freedom. It Was not till it was discovered that there was & desiga to forte the bill, with that infamous provision it, through the Senate before the people could understand what they were about, and rally to the aid of liberty—it was not till this disclosure that the people of this countr; be- came aroused to the importance of the crisis. They, how- ever, were aroused, and a loud note of remonstrance, of indignant reprobation proceeded from every city, town and hemlet in the Northern States, and from many places in the other free States; and there was such a gene- ralcry of indignation, that the authors of the measure, though they had in the meantime succegded in carrying the bill through the Senate, seemed to be palsied—thoy raw the bandwriting upon the wall. and they obeyed the | behests of their masters; and we all supposed that in | the House of Representatives the measure could not be carried; that although territorial governments would be given in proper form, yet the repealing clause would be that it would be stricken out of the bill in the House of Representatives, and especially that every member from the Northern States, obeying the wishes and expressed will of their constituents in a thousand forma, would act in such a way as to leave no mistake that that bill would bé sent baek to the other House stripped of this repealiny clause, 6 We all sup this, and that the people, ti slavery tation and wishing to be relieved from it—I say that the people rejoicing in the belief that their rep eventatiyes in the popntar bragch of Congress would tte THE NEW YORK ww a NB en ——_ SUNDAY MORNING MAY 14, 1854. conform to their (press will--thé people from at \p state of | repose. ¢ conspirators and whi on, and who furnished then with ald od sit |, conspirators in this work of hufamy and fraud, Iinve x ™5 tuken the sentiment of the people, #0 : 2 honorable to their intelligen ) mistaken it, and euppored of apathy and indifference—end of our members have uniied ‘with these Jousate, tors in violation of the wishes ond will, which wore perfeetly understood by them, in this attempt etores-44 througn the House ot Representatives, (Cries of shame on them). I don’t hestluye to #ay, accordiug to my own deliberate judgment, founded on some knowledge of the people of this State, that there is not a single Congressional district in the State where, if this question of the repeal of the eighth section of the compromise of 1820 were presented, distinctly by itselt, is would not be voted down by a triumphaut majority, (Applavse.) Furthermore, among the five hundred thousand Voters of this great state, where ® the man who would dare to say that he believes if this question were presented to those voters by itself, that one-fifth: tieth of that great number could be found to say ‘ayer? to it. (Cries of *‘not one”) Suppose, for examplo, Stephen Arnold Douglas (hisses) were nominated by o democratic Baltimore convention, and suppose Thomas Benton, Sam Heuston or Francis’ P. Blais—suppose that eny one of these, whoare Southern men and opposed to the bill—supyore that any of these was a candidate of the independent peopld of New-York, how. would tle vote stand? (A voice “we would get all the whigh) Suppose, in opposition to Stephen Arnold, hn ‘ell, or Rondall Hunt, or any other honest Wh g, Sere a candidate of the opponents of this fraud, Wha: would Le the result? Why, if I were obliged, under sich cicomstances, T would vote for William H, Seward in preference to Stephen Arnol Douglas. Now, fellow- citturs, we have aesembled to see what we can do under the cireumstances in which we are placed; we must not aig i.e the truth from cach other, nor from ourselves, \i.c.e is Canger that this law will’ pass—rely upon it, there ix great danger of it—-and it will péaa, if it’ passes aval, by the voice and voter and efforts ofthe repre- 8 niatives of the free States. Look at the fact: Pre, ident of he United States is from New England, « majcrity of 11; Cabinet are from the free States, a majori= & Of tlie members of the House cf Reptesentatives are also from the free States, and in the Senate tho repre- sentatives from tbe free States stand to the rcepresenta- tives from the slave States as thirty-two to thirty. Thank fo the movement of 189—in which I supposed my ham- ble political career would haye ended—California, the thirty-first State of our glorious confederacy, is w free State. (Cheers.) Then there are sixteen free States and fifteen slave, so that we have a ma Jority of States in the Senate, and consequent. iy a mojority of the members in that and the other body are from free States, Now this attempt to repeal the great ordinance of freedom, by which the fear of civil war was removed and place waa given to a distract- ed country—that Missouri om law contained an eternal probibition of slavery in the Territories above the line of 36 8’—that measure was important and be- neficent; it was consecrated in the memories and affec- egies the ried by thet dyy; and that measure which has been regaré eir verity as irreversible, fixed fact, and as sacred athe Dek of fosiaat cence itself, is now Lahge: ogy cs peal bas already passed the Zenate by a than two 10 ane) soit 8 acces the of tatives, it w votes of the tives from the free Staten, and brid rs fer Ioan sd the it from a Northern lent, the majority of whose Cadi- net are from free States, thu: a nid sibility of this measure the free States are answerable in the sight of man, the world, and God. No man from the South has ever dared to forward a distinct proposi- tion for the sheet of the ith section of the Kissouri compremice. No, that was left for a Northern man to do, and for a Northern President to make it the test measure of the support of his admiuistration ; for, al- though I most heartily approve of his late yeto to the bill g ring ten millions of acres of lani for the insane, because I look upon it as giving touch of the doctrine, of old Hickory, yet I cannot claim to be, according to the test of democracy set up by the P @ democrat, because I am unwilling to take part in the repeal of the Missouri compromise law—I would rather die first. Upon Northern men will rost the responsibility of this act of shame, this violation of a compact, this breaking down of a barrier against the inroads of slavery in the vast districts of country comprehended in the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas. It then becomes a most seri- ous question, and it is only to that question that I shall direct my remarks. In the first place, then, what are the people of the free States to do in voice—‘ Yes, that’s the question.”) I say nothing about the slave Stater—they pene tor this in- famous mearure. Many, it is true, bave ahown a diaposi- tion in the ferate and House to tuke it if Northern men will give itthem. Butdon’tyou think they despise traitors as much 88 Ton dor (A voico—“Yes, more.) The slave States are not res; 10 nor fen yaoraze through the Senate TOE the Senators from the free States itcould not Be passed through that body, although severalmof them had bad the bovesty and the firmness to separate themselves from their fellow representatives of the South, end to put themselves apparently in opposition to the interests of theirown constituents. Although the great majorit of the representatives of the South will go for this onl, and will cheer onthe Northern doughfncos, 1 don’t hold them respensible. When this measure shall have passed, the people of the free States will unite in an eifort to ex. punge a law which repeals the ordinance of freedom, if the South will take advaniage of this piece of treachery. I would not say a single word against the South, because we have no proof that they have supported this maas of fravd, shame and treachery. ‘The time has come when we shonld no longer argue and debate this matter—I should like to discuss the quesilon of popular sovereighty, and I think I could make an argument that oven the Journal of Commerce could not ans' I have been if it receives, aa it cer- a reader of it for fifteen yeare—some it says I agree with, and others Ido not; but by reading it dally Thave learned how unsatisfactory, how sophistical, how fallacious, insane, untrue, and disgraceful, aro ali the arguments that can be offered in favor of this Nebraska bill, and above all in favor of this question of national sovereignty. What are we to do in the present emer- gency? Here we are in the very Thermopylw of this great question—the bill is about to be brought down upon us by executive influence, even in and out of the House, and it is about to pass the House of Representatives with this obnoxious repealing clause, unless between this and Tuesday next there can be aroused a fecliag equal to the crisis. And what are the people to do? Tsay upon my own responsibility, if the Or any n of them, agree with me, be ould, from the rising to the set- ting of the sun during the next three or four days— taking out the holy Sabbath for reflection and prayer— sloud and rare not, and make their voices be heard in the House of Representatives, and peradventure they may bring them to a sense of their duty to their constituents. Ibelieve I am the only man that #tood upon the Balti- more Platform—and although I voted for Frank Pierce for President, I did so under protest. I stood upon the Bufialo platform; but when we voted for any of those men—Mr. Wheeler, or Mr. Tweed, or Mr. Outting, or any the right to barter for a mess of Territories, consecrated to our iterity, and the lovers of liberty, and the whole world, by the ordinance of 1820% Have we ever authorized—has any one district of this State ever authorized any of these representatives of the State of New York in The Congress of the United States to vote for the repeal of the — section of the Missouri Compromire act of 18207 of “No! Nol’’) ‘Then what are these men about? What is my old free soil friend, Williem A, Walker, about?—that man who was anxious to preserve Me ous to preserve Oregon against the inroads of slavery! I fear that he is about to perpetrate the very thing which he went with me to Utica and Buifalo to prevent being done, in reference to Oregon, and New Mexico, and Cali fornia, in 1848; and it he attempts to do that thing, he does it withcut will of his con pottage those splendid ts; and #0 ia reference to tnove We have, therefore, endeavered, by every hon- est and every honorable method, to bring to oyerate upen there men teiore thin deed of shame, every motive that can be mw to toa sense of their duty and be prevented from consum- mating this act of wickesnoss, ‘This is what the people of the free States are to do within the next fow dare, fer the bill will probably pass the House of Representa’ tives in the middle of next week, when it will have to go into the Senate; but they will not keep it there more thon forts-< ight hours: they will not give the people the opportunity of remonstrating in that body. ‘But every @ tits that cen be done in the next few days in the way of public meetings, remonstrances in every form and shape that con be expected to operate upon the consciences and feare of the members of the House of ntatives, rhould be dene. But, fellow citizens, in all probability, aie iy S34 may be done in the mean time, the bill will pass, dnd it will receive the signature of Franklin Pierce, Presicent of the United States, the son of a revolutionary officer, a ron of New land, the resident all his life of the State of New Hampshire. What, then, are the people of the free States to do? Speakibg for myself, as before, I yay they are to rally and organize for the purpose of electing Senators and members of the House of Repre- sentatives between this and 1856, who will prove Senators and sentatives who will approve a bill repealing the repesling clauses and restore to the statute book—from which it is now about to be blotted out—the glorious eighth section of the Missouri compromise law of 1820; that rection which declares that slavery, except as a pun- ishment for crime; that involunaary servitude—that is the phrase—except as a punishment for crime, shall be forever prohibited in the Territories lying northi of 36 30 | of north Intitude; in other words, pars a law that sliall put back in the statute book, in letters of gold, this | eighth section, which oar faithless representatives from | the North in the Senate have already permitted to b | punged, and, by their voices and votes, have a expungil lam a firm believer in the ultimate tri of truth and justice, and I feel ag confident that if this law passes the people of the North will be true to them- eelves, trve to their country, true to humanity, and | tree to the God of trath and righteousness, they will | succeed in the effort to bring into power between this and 18660 Senate, and a House of Representatives, anda President—I have already told you I do not care who the candidate may be, so he be « trae man —to bring back to the statute book this eighth fection of the act of the 6th of March, 1820— to bring back to its proper place in the honor and the affections and the reverence of the people of the United States this glorious ordinance of freedom which faithless representatives from the Northern States—from the free Stater—are about to expunge. Let ua expunge ! duty to the copntry that gave bim birth to do what he of the other representatives from this State—did we give | yore passing ) excitement into & state of Hopeful | st them | ‘=the just in iteolf, am? es mow age send huey hav \ natore, Cabinet ministers, Premdenta, can for the honor and welfare of that country, and Tam with you in this effort. r who posse e dispensation of power—these may unite and combine to overpower the rigt—but to a great, in. teltigent and determined people—such a people as’ tho people of the Northern free States—Representaties, Se are nothing—less ‘annothing. (Cheers.) They will vanish and expire nin the grasy of a great people, When that people 7 ‘we aroured to a sense of their rights and the wrongs | they veendured. And in this effort to free the nation . disgrace of having repealed the ordinance of freedum inte, ® middle of the nineteenth century, of hay: ing brokes dh." the barrier which eee: Oe ingress of slavery in: #,'T¢¢ Zerritory in the very heart of the ‘yos wah, have Many of the South eget al in 1e, if i's UeCeBATY to go into it. Fellow. ‘bt you tat the atienes wiih which you heard we—i asm gem eful that I have been able to be you. I regret exceedingly that 1 could not Y dese Netix fastice osha @xaut and momentous cousty, ibat strug, Parrsivent then sanounced that Messrs. Cooley and Hoffman had been expected to add, as the meeting, but were unulle te be present. He had bec assured, how: ever, that they warmly poe with ite objects. Mr. R.N. Haray was then introduce! to the meeting. — Fellow-citizens—You will exanso my hat, if yow please. My honorable {ricmd who has just addressed'yop—more honorable for the potition which he has lace im thia question than for the position which he has h.thers#oc evpied before the publie—has stated that it was erry wan’s duty ina crisis like this io render his services, however feeble tney might be, to the country of hie birth or his adoption, *t is in accordwace with that principle that Iappear Sefore you, claiming the honor to command your atiention,” During the early years of the first “pa:t of our era, gentlemen, there was a men Lorn in the Roman camp. That miu Caligula, afterwards became one of the most colt-blooded of all the Emperors of Rome. it man, in order to show his centempt for the Roman pooplo, tu the sumnit of bis power, bad the impudence to walk a horse into tho Senate, and crown him Consul, and feed him from golien mangers with gilied corm.’ Gentlemen, human nasure is the sane in allages. We, too, hase # Litile Giant. He would walk the Lorre of : aud feed it from our treasury. Heoffers to him for hig grazing ground the flowery sirfaee of our broad prairies. | Now, the question before us is, by what ground of right, | or what kind of atsumption is it, ‘that this man thasap’ | fears to stalk his horse into the Cupitol? It is reas upon the very precise principle of human ot the nature upon which ule presumed. Hi | He presumed Roman people. Our Giant upon the ie ee it | esumes, . a ‘our corruption, and Epon, thik Gf eke Sein Beene ah dan cathe hee nd. The question for. us to settle, then, is, | whether he has mi the American ‘pub- Hic. (A. voleo, “ Yes.? another respect our Little Giant shows -his© resemblance to his t prototype. Tho Roman emperor, when he found his So- baie not cutjrely subservient to his views, took down lista of the ec all of whom were decapitated. So Ukewise our Little Giant has his list. If those whom he Tas marked do not bow in pliant submission, then their tical heads ure to come to the block. ‘Now it re- mains to be seen whether the leaders in the movement which has called us together are or are not reckoning without their host——whethor they are relying upon igno- perry er ae ‘pon @ spirit of natural debase ment wi doce not exist. That fact we are to test by our action at this time. Who are the parties, then, upoa whose scinent the leacers in this movement presume? fexieo, California—so anxi- | | there — © does it against the express they perpetrate | Lear upon them, and by which they can be brought bck | I need not refer to the commercial ciasses, because they | can at all times take care of themselves. But it is the laborers who are concerned in this question. They are the men—the men who wield the sledge, tho bammer, and drive the Lowe These are the ties who are concerned the movement which now upon the political chess-board. Gentlemen, allow me to say that in reference to the interests of the laborers in this question—tho laborers at the North—the free laborers at the North are advancing in intelligence— | are advancing in all that makes man respectable and happy in the world, with a ess never before known ip apy nation—and why? man stands here for him>elf—an individual before God and his country; be- cause here man holis his own fortunes in his own right | erm, and his position in society is to ve decided by his own indiyic ual characier, But sec, fellow citizens, how here slavery prevails. Go throughout the South s of the slave territory of our country, an’ there the white laborer is called by the most 9; orious: epithet which te negro can comniand—the witte “nig: er.” It is the true character of slavery in iis nenco npon the worllug classes. But they say that this ia no compact. No compact! Mr. "Presi- ent, where are your school books! 1 turn to these eperters on the “stege—1 turn everywhere around— where are your school books? ‘Turn ty the sentences in your achool histories calling the Missourl compromise acompact, yetatthe present time wise men nnd great men getupen plitforms and tell us it was no compact. Lt our, aan #0 eloquently refared io—our Northern dough-faces—do the, sent yout Does Mr, Tweed gepresent you? 3 Mr. (Cheers.) Fellow ‘vitizeas, do | not despair sasha republic—never despair of right. Men | Bs | accommodating fifty millions of people government goes no farther. That is the prope We, sons of men who pledged all for liberty- we, fifteen millions of free people—are we thus to be driven out, or have our Territorie: freedom, crushed for ever by slavery — pelled into this by such men as Douglas. (C “Arnold, Arnold.””) Itis enough to make a in: ewear his country. I am an oli man—Iam more than sixty years of age—but to-morrow 1 would enlist a a common soldier to prevent the accomplishment of auch a urpose. Gracious God! When we consider the bless- ings of freedom, and when We see tlie app: of a dark and Camping then wo know the value of the legacy. that bbs D(ta bequeathed to us, and !, for one, 2m resolved never to surrender that logacy to my dying day. ig it appla ase.) ’. C. Bross, of Rochester, was next introduced:— Citizens of New York—I am from the Western dis- trict, and the young lion of the West always brings re- form when her voice is heard. The Western district has always becn true io liberty. I have had the henoy of .e- presenting the county of Monroe oecasionally, am now I am proud in bi York audience Intreduetion Mort upon such important ¢ occasion gould be so imports acrowd together, whenth ior them at home. of for- T am aware, neat be ons as thes as this, wh if Wario sappors are wal of * How do you kno e afraid ta ¢ And yet in spite of all This, sss mon 9, itidlan Ist fy eur cause. P liye in dastness uyon th ect. Ihave Listened to aj eeches before such crowds 0t Oorlavery, and-now we find the tines | end we bow meet on behaif of freedom noaitote Territories of the Queen, and capable, 1 understand, of Now, let ua put schools, and churches, and the Bible there, and not slaye- ry and Btilettoes pplause.) ‘The ckafkman hee put the motion that the meeting adjourn, which was voted d ‘Thi Il sorts of cries for nll sorts of sp vaglas,”? “Crazy Kate,” &. Ath airman introduced G.W. F. Muir, of Boston.——Hfe said, some time ago, he got up a course of lectures in Boston, in opposition to slavery. I did this, because I thought I percoived that Wwhige and demberats, as parties: were sbeclets Idens, Frave long entertained the iden that tho constitution cces not support slavery, and if this is so, the peo- ple ought to act upon’ it, Let oll the working- men, who compore this meeting, tako the propor steps to thwart slavery. (Here there motion in the crowd, as if in doubts it as a ecmyliment or not, to bee: Slavery is like the gieat rivers of the South, they will overflow the country unless confined to their proper channels by embankments. Hereafter let the issac of cur parties be slavery or not, and let it be understood that we will give our support to no man for office who is t openly opposed to slavery. (Some applause, and a soice “What officeare youaler!”) ‘The mereliants of Peston gave me a new suit of clothes for my opposition to slavery, and so long as I live I hope to be its oppo- rent. (Signs of impatience fn the audience.) T will not taxe up your time, for Iam a stranger here, and will, therefore, give way to others. The CuAmmmay again put the motion to adjourn, but it was lost, the majority of the audience not being disposed to have their fun spoiled sv soon. ‘The cries for spenk- crs Were ugein renewed, when Mr. Brackwsit, of Ohio, was introdaced—Citizens of New York, come from the Great West, and you will not there find'a man, who is an office holder under Franklin Fierce, who is not m favor of this Nebraska But ihe people are ali to a man in favor of standing by the compromire measures of 1820. (Appl Gentle- of = presentatives. Iam glad to have the opportuni- ty te address a New York mudience, im this great elty of Union,ard aocn to be fthe greatest city in the world, ntlemen, look bnek over the history of this eountry, wi ery bas geadually grown into tod as somethiug impossi got tho upper han But the vitee of on of this slavery ternal portion of our Jong to freemen ind free tom, and should not be hore of tinves, (Applause ) We shoal here plution giving encouragement to tho noble band ‘These territeries, th Welker represent you? No, ar why is it then that they are in such @ place to carry this measure through ¥ They have no fear of God or man before them. Lask in, whet is the sanction of the law thus passed? here any trvth teft in our politica em? We are upht to go to the Declaration of Independease, but o fon of the declaration has been already expunged. are no longer free; they have no longer the same (icd—o longer the same eternity for adestiny anda heme! We have been led to auppose hitherto, that our government Cerives its autbority from the governed. I should like to know whether the Nebraska bill has re- ceived the sanction of the governed? (Crios of “No ! No.”) Then, if it has not received this sanction, tell me what this law is good for, nnd how fac we will be bound by it. Gentlemen, what is the character of this new law which it is now altompted to foist upon us? Its supporters say that it is simply carrying out the doctrine of non-intervention. Though, I am no lawyer, and though neither the son nor the grandson ’of a lawyer, I still propound this proposition, that the constitution of the United States itself, from beginning to end, {s intervention—that Jaw is iniervention—that every city ordinance is yention. Talk of pon-intervention! It is « nonent Non-intervention is a doctrine gotten up by demagogue: Our whole system is an intervention from beginning end. You see that the constitution of the United States ia intervention, for it intervenes with New York, and every other State in the Union. Let a set of demagogues attempt to fasten upon us any other form of govern. ment than @ repubiic, and it will soon be found whether the constitution does or docs not intervene with the States. We are guaranteed a republican go- vernment; and what does this guaranty mean? It means that the civil and military rer of the State are to be given to us, if we require them, to preserve that republic. ee the folly which is manifestly apparent in this doctrine of non-intervention, gotten up by demagogues for their own selfish purposes. Any other too will be set on foot as the occasion calls for it. Connected with this non-intervention is the doctrine of squatter sovercignty, We have shown that the govern- ment will and must intervene in certain contingencies. Now, may they intervene with ua and not with our off- spring—not with States yet, as it were, in the eggshell ? (Cries of No.) | No—They give their soverignty to half a dozen men gathered here or there—but that is no inter- vention, forsooth | Another purposo in this squatter sovereignty, is to make emperors—Caligulas, if you please to eall them so. Some fourth of March hence, we shall have the pleasure of seeing our Little Giant crowned with a cotton wreath, standing on his ebony throne, sur- rounded by fifteen atatues fn dough. ‘(Great laughter.) | We will then listen to bim while he speaks in terms like ““’m monarch of all I survey ; My right there is none to dispute. From the centre all round to the sea, I'm lord of the nigger and brute.” (Grout laughter.) And brute, 1 suppose, is meant for jou. The question now for you to decide is whether it shall be ko. Tleave it toyour manhood—to your inde pendence—whether it shall be so. (Cries of ‘ no.’’) ‘hen tear this in mind, but, above all, earry it with you to the polls the next time you vote. (Applause. ) The next speaker was THOMAS PissENDEN, Exq.; he spoke nearly as follows —I am happy to sce so many of the inhabitants of this great city of New York assembled here today. There are certain individuals in another section of the country—politic though they may be, un yiineipled though they are—who wall yet find ia ‘this State on opposition that will eventually thwart all their purposes. By the grace-of God, and by the memory of our fathers—who left usa sacred in- heritacee—we will seatter to the wind§ all those who now seek to destroy that inheritance, and substitute in its place an infamous despotiom. But let us not be carried away by passion, so as to fail in bringing into existence Shise mupestoe wers which point out a proper course of action. Let us be careful in this. Call to mind what the first speaker has said here to-day—what are we todo? As respects the propriety of passing this Ne- braska-Kansas ikon con} i that there is not an individual of any inelligence who has an honest convic- tion that this law oughtto be passed. The originator of this Iaw—a base and vile apostate—knew that its object was a villainous one. Stephen Arnold Douglas. (Cries of Arnold, Arnold ) Aye, Arnold, he is worse than any slavehoider, Slaveholders have ,been taught from their ‘outh to consider the systemjuet. They have grown up n this belief,and many of them are as sincere as Paul when he persecuted the Christians, and thought that he was doing God service. Not so are those born in New York or New England. The originator of this infamous law ought to be met whenever he returns to Vermont, his native State, with that same determination with which the tones were received in the days of the Revolation. For him let there be a rail, with tar and feathers; heers) not hurting the man, but inflicting indelible pon him. But the quostion for us now to de. # what shall be done? I am rejoiced to perceive that the people of New York are the first to render their grateful tribute to the noble and determined men who foiled Mr. Richardson in the House of Representatives. The Nebraska bill has not yet passed, but it has induced many to sell their own principles and the free States of this Us.ton, and they would sell their fathers ang mothers if they could gain fy it [A Vorce: Prove that]. It has induced many to depart from the scene of action, but some have stood firm. The propor way now is for the vote of the Feevle to be taken on this subject. If another free House of Representatives could be induced who sre now batili geinst this bil—T ne, pnt it to vote. All you in favor of the rey recentatives oppored to this bill taking all measure: to defeat it ond delvy it by calling the will enawer by saying aye, all of the contrary will say n: (There was & loud expense on both sides, but it was arced that the affirmative bad the majority.) Now, I coil for three cheers for the gallant men who are fightin our battles. (Loud cheering, mingled with groans an hisses.) Inowcalifor three groans for those who are uphelding slavery, (The groans were given as asked for.) A Vore—Put it to the vote whether this meeting iain favor or opposed (o the Nebraska bill. I believe the ma- jority are in favor. ‘The gentlemen usking this was not accommodated. The Cnammax, not being willing to hazard another vote, now came forward and declared the meeting ad. journed. But the audience were not to be #0 summarily dispored of. Some wanted more abolitionism, and others wanted more fun, and the two desires kept the meeting together. The crying for speakers again commenced, but the Chairman would answer to none of their calls and left the stand. Several individuals, volunteering in turns, then came forward and harangued the audience till after eight o'clock, when the meeting dispersed. (From the Atlanta Republican, May 4] On Monday last, ex-President Fillmore and suit were met at the cars at 5 o'clock and welcomed to tho city. ‘The concourse was immense and the enthusiasm un. bounded. On hisarrival he was saluted by some fifteen or twenty steain engines, whose varied whistles created at once & novel, and not unmusical eonccrt. Tho im menge passenger depot, a hundred yards long, by a hun Cred feet in width, had been cleared of all. obstruetlons, and was crowded, within and without, by mon, women and children without number, We cannot undertake to estimate the number of thousands $a that immense multitude. ; Mr. Fillmore, together with ex-Secretary of the Navy Mr. Kennedy, were conducted to a staging prepared for the oceasion, and were welcomed to the hospitality of the city by Col. J. M. Calhoun, in a spirited aud oloquent addres, (o which Mr. Filmore replied as foliows. — Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen—That being who can look upon scene like the one before mo unmoved, must be more or less than human. ‘The cordial welcome which has been so eloquently expreased by you, Mr. Chair- mau, though it finds a warm response in my heart cannot be expressed in language. I bad heard of Atlanta as a beautiful village, in the centre of your State, which had recently sprung into existence—but until I heard the elo- quence of the steam whistle, the neighings of the iron 5 horse of your railroads, and looked on the multitude | # congregated to welcome me, I had no adequate idea of the extent and population of your city. A thousand thanks for the cordial und unexpected welcome extend- ed. And although it may not become me to say a word about your State policy and home affairs, yet I must think if your Legislature,when they come to Vote, could look on the fair faces and bright eyes of the beautifal stray of female loveliness before me, they would not hesitate to locate the State Capitol at Atlanta. I am hoarse, #8 you perceive, with much speaking. But i will carry the remembrance of this hour not only to my Northern home, but to my grave. Accept my gratefal acknowledgements for the generous welcome extended tome. After Mr. Fillmore had taken his seat, Mr. Kenney voriferously called for, and rose to address them to the following etfect:— Mr. Chairman, Indies and gentlemen, citizens of At lex Idon’t know how to speak in such a presence, d after the eloquence of the steam whistles, no lungs more flesh and blood are fit to address you, it would ire to do #0 to have machinery of iron within. pdand Ihave eaten our way since we entered y ‘ate, around the circumference, and are now at thy centre. It would require a man with strong digestive powers, to eat his way through the generous hospitalities of the’ people of your State. Ihave often heard that Georgia was a gréat and sovereign State, but she has risen in importance, and been promoted to be an Empire State, and such has been her progress, that the traveller is astonished at the advancement she has made. Judging from the indications before him we were a powerful ople, we had more wives and children than any people fe ever aaw, and there were great signs of prosperity and power. Some people look at the mon to judge the great- ness of a people; he did not, he looked at the women, and as a State wo wore entitled justly to the distinction wo had won by our enterprise and energy. He alluded | to the services rendered by his distinguished friend in the fearful crisis through which our country had passed, expressing his gratifieation at the atton- m, sat down amid loud cheers. then conducted to the Atlanta Hotel. On ide of the way, smiling little misses, dressed in enrranged With flowers, which they literally upon them. On reaching their room, their ‘ x¢ immediately thrown open, and the little girls who bad thus honore4 them were brought in and intro- duced, It was a utiful and interesting little scene in the great performances of the occasion. Police Intelligence. Arret of Dog Fighters—The police of the Twenty: second ward on Friday night made a descent on the pre- mises of Michael Barke, at the corner of Forty-second street and Gixth avenue, and arrested aixteen men, who bad congregated there’ for the purpose of witnessing » dog fight. Cards of invitation had been issued denoting to pass this bill—and if the people knew what they were about when they elected them—I for one would be sorry that I was ever born in this land. But those villains know that the people are against them. They know that the expungers. (Applause.) Every man is bound by his | unless the bili is passed now it cannot be passed here after, Our determination must be, that if the Nebras- | ka bill become law, it nagat eithes be repealed ar the it to be a rat killing affair. Under this impression, two Southern gentlemen, at present staying at one of our fashronable hotels, had been induced to visit the scene, but instead of rats dog fighting was introduced. The police conveyed the prisoners before Justice Stuart, who required the keeper of the house to find bail. All the others were allowodte depart oa ® reprimand, ving the honor to appear before a Now | eae making great progrem, This ope by seme becanse it &agiiailon nis to be put down? we fo pression of our opinions? Now, if nd frce Ciscussion, it argaes r ° freemen wad you hive all a n your head, have you pot? “(Cries of yer.’’—One man ventured to say, however, he I ‘one tongue in his head.) Then ute your tongues § of free djscussion. Now then, here’ i a vast Territory, | stretching to the Rocky Mountains ond bordering on the | arrivals yerterday at the Cooper Hous My | PRICE TWO CENTS» City Intelligence **, course that ‘should be pursued, (immense | Tus Battery ENLAKGEMENT.—This wo: %% riety 1 ing.) All this “might ve avoided, .° 8 supoorters | grossing towards completion. Already 11, ©, "ert site bas would only submit’ it to the people, Such au | entirely been filled in, and a numbe. Or eed oot important measure should never ‘be yas." xe | constantly employed ia filling up the space Marked ou in this way. Shall we now: lay the fo."# 102 | on the cant side. ‘The boundaries of the pro POsd, #0: of slavery—of that most accursed institution in ‘hoe ) larpement are fortified by large masses of eton. ©. r. vast Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. (Cries ©! | Will forma powerful barrier aj — ©No.”") ~ | rent. While the work of tilt pe is literally covered with the light Dish, and at times the smell is most di “it ude of stuff are used indiscrimi ly for this | pur, 8, street monure, ashes, garbage, and all | sorts % rubbish and refuse comiag under the clas- | sification’ of things dumpable. ‘The horses are driven to the edge of the water, and the contents of the | cart emptied i. This is a simple process, but it is some. times attended sth accidents, for It octastonally hap- | pens that the horse and cart ave dumped in wigh the rab- Vish, Seme days age an accident of this kiud occurred, and but for the activity of the dumpers, the horse might Lave formed a compowent part of the enlargement. Af. | ter considerable aplas®ing and plunging, the dumpers succeeded in bringing t# anim to dry land, nothin the worse ferhis bath — W: eto, if we cout foretell the doy when 1! ¢! © Jumped; but, Tike the good time comi-g, # is impessivle to yive the precise date, Sseanare to Goreavon SersiieR—On Vharsday even» Ing, adont 12 o’closi, at the ins aa under the di reriion of Messrs. Tonnes Dunley iA 2, Dewvan, the cistinguirhed Governor was seq by the ogi- Shetton’s band, ia front of the Saiat Ni ‘The mmsic discweresd on the oomtelon ewe ever hoard frou thia popuser | the worthy su Z the n avery lived jority of th 1 prow the m ing: hotel, f the cecamon. much {ovine apd created &° pleasur | around the nrighborisoc | Mar oF Sar Pranes We have received a coy o® the largesy, most eomplet vutifally ex. eouted map of the city of San Fewncisco, which hae ever before boom profuced. It maa and contgiled from serords and surveyo’by I. P. Bridg- ens, C. E., pushed by Mr. Bixdy, of that city; and refiects’ the ighest eredit on bo for its extreme accursey and fine’ style of artistic fmish. The map | measures six feet by five, and is colored ‘ith great taste. | Itrepresents all the blocks, streets, subdir sions, and ward | boundaries of the great modern city wonder—the New | York of the Pacific. On’ it-we have ‘clea:ty marked out the original water ling; the present extensiy® water fronte | of San Francisco, witlithe wharves, lagoons and creeks | which surround it, and also an indication of the depth of water which is to be found in many places’ near (o the water front. A glance’ at the map shows the stranger the exact distance of any portion of the city from Ports- mouth squaze, which is taken asa centre. Mr. Bridgens works out this desirable result by means of concentric circles, and Is thus rendered the references easy to be traced by any serson. The:bomiers of the map are illus- trated and ornamented by handsome lithographic views of all-the most important public buildings of San Fran- cisco. This new feature is caigulated to convey to our citizens here, and to the people of the entire world, som lea of the gigantic strides of progress which San Franci | cohas made in consequence of the spirit, energy, high toned perseverance of her inhabitants. When look- ing over the surface of this map it appears like a romance, to think that here is a city coutsining nearly fifty thou- and inhabitants, magniticent public buildings, pal like stores and hotels, with mass after mass of buil strects and squares, which, in tho year 1847, only con- twined one thousand souls,’ and has beon destroyed by fire twice since her foundations were laid. The map o€ Mr. Bixby will form an olegant oraament for the private residence, and should be found in the counting rooms of our merchants, ard the offices of our banks and other public institutions. Mr. A. L. Simpson, of the Zzprese Messenger, sent us a copy. Fins At Hancra.—A number of old stables situated on the corner of 133d street and Fifth avenue, and former! belonging to the estate of the late Charles Henry Hull, were destroyed by fire on Friday eyening1 st. Their di- Ispidated condition rendered them quite aweyesore to the neighborhood, and their destruction is not regretted by the residents In that vicinity. As they had not beer used for a long time, it is supposed the fire was the work of design. A dwelling-house on 130d street, owned by Mr. Hl. H. Rice, narrowly escaped being consumed at the tame time, * Brooxiyy.—We are requested to say that at Mr. Seth R. Robina store yard in Brooklyn, om evening, but two of the sheds were destroy of six first reported, and only a portion re torn down, When the conilegeation bere was no oil stored on the premises wed, and the sheds ag well as their con- vere fully i sensation * | these premises any ochor species of ry, baveever been on fire within the limits of Personal Intelligence, Hon, J. B. Paxter, Avgusta; LG. MeKepedy, Bingor; , Maxon and Gillert Camp, New Haven, and Captain Charles H. Evans and family, Chicago, were among the roadway. Mons. Jullion and wife, Louis Jullien, Madame Anna Zerr, Boston; Dr. Joy, H. Parsons, Capt. Boresford, Canaéa; Gen. Hitchecek, U.S. A.; Dr. Wm. Gardiner, Philadelphia—arrived at the Clirendon yesterday. For Li 1, in the eseamete es id Nevins, ‘or Liverpool, in the steamphi ‘acifie x A Mies Nuney 3 Nevine, NC; BE P Smith, J S$ Smith, Canada; David 8 Morton, U5 Henry T Comet, Providence; Capt WC Grant, R A, England; Aug Thorndyke, Bsq, Jno M Atwood, Mr and Mrs Hamilton Hopp AQ, Hoppin, Providence; Mrand Mra G W Tolland, Philsdalp! and Mrs J 1b Whaley, P Dickson, Jr, Horace Binney, Jr, Philadetphia; o has Atwood, Boston} John R Thompson. 'D Kohoo, Philadelphis; Me and M Caldwell, three cbildren and’ two servants: re Randelphy Mrs Grinke, two children and servants. SC} North, Daniel Tarbox, Louis P Tarbox, Mr and hiladelphia; Miss J Alcock, J T Howard, New Higrine, US Consul to Cork. Mr and Mra Cd Flynn ft Louir, DC A Massini, George B English, CT B- Koop, J W Sheonard, NY; Nath ing, Alabama; Mr Mertin, Me Gordgn, Mr and Mea Jas W i ev Mre Penfold. Mica jd, Mr and and three children, JM Dunbar, NY; Di je Duff, Mr and Mrs A Belloe, Mo GW ‘tag and servant, dara Minister PI entinry (to Berlin. fal ry Schafer, Thoo Heyman Grandard, ay: Tromas B Stilim land Redi a, NY; Leusbland, NO;'James Jonbie, Providence; Thos Farmer, Edwar tor, Raq, Hartford; Miss owaira, Cape 4 Mrs JB Edes, St Louis: Mr infant and servant, N Dain Silas Carkiny Vas Miasen jaa Caskic, ham, NJ; B Ellison, W nzlott rand Mrs Warren, — Wert Eagles, C Haywood. and U & Sti Yor Halstoad, Mr F A Godwin, Philadelphia: Mr and | Mrs Robt Carter aud four children, Geo Mallory, N Kaha, NY; J W Perkins, Moutcomery: Mz and Mrs Sfenty Honry H Hanning 8 Ky; Altred Martin, Philsdelphia: < Charles T Lamikin, § is, three children and rerva’ i ddaughter Orlando P Potts, » Charlee: ton, to , Mr'and Mrs Danie! Val raleo; Fredk Olive Mr D Robin. Meet’ 8 Newer, Sy aetwonttor, * W Tre erm "1 MoNeill aod llister, N ¥. Rev ina, Bog: Wi tiams, Wm Antes, N ¥; Dando, Phila: H Pomroy, Browatee, ; H Huleh Cian, AJ Jones, Eng; Daniel B Martian, Esq — Rochester: Provide | Total, 213, Star of the South—Mlss k Misa C | on worth. Lowber, Mica ro, | re Weelses ond two children, Wm T Eider, GW Briek: ner, Bishop Mertin, Pao! Bassier, A Bansid. P MeDonal a Dyer, D Kennedy, AD Baldwin, SH b, Captali ‘ Martin and Indy, Miss S St Mertin—14 in bama—H_ S$ Norton, C Montague. We rillinghast, 3 kine ond ebild, M | and indy, G Re aye and these pnpile, 3 ooo, Denaid. J Bershan, DS Homnr, PJ Cockeany A |W in Screen, J.C Koster, J Richardson, D is Wi son—40 in the steeroge. Galveston, in ship J W Pann ‘Mr Barr. Mr Tan Frem Revvites’ in brig Priscipe—A d De Vatost ond i chr C & N Rogers—Mr Skinner. | Prem Newyi | daughter, A De | From Havens, i } | ComPreTi0x OF THR ATLANTIC AND Mumaserrry RAILROAD taf | The Chieago and Rock Island Railroad is finished. The event, the opening of the Inst link in the chain of rail- road which unites the eastern Atlantie with the Missis~ | sippi, will be celebrated by the bondholders, stockhold~ | ere and invited guests. The party will assemble at Chi- cago on the 6th of June—from thence go by railway to | Rock Island, and thence by steamboat to the of St. | Anthony, ‘The excursion will be an interesting one. | | Lows or me SAN Fraxctico.—We have received « | statement of the lors of the San Franciseo, by | Senor J. De M. Faleao, Brazilian Consul to the United | States, who was on bonrd that ill-fated vessel at tha time of the wreck. It ix dated New York, Jan. 25, | 1864, and is written in the Portuguese language, for cir~ | culation in the Brazils. Senor Faleno, after pol several defects in the mi nery of the vessel, ati | the conduct of the offic he army who were on board at the time. He says that the treatment by tae ogers was shameful; that when the friendly vesscle Dove sheag side to succor them, the answer given to theic remonstrances by the officers was, that the steamer San Francisco was freighted by government to convey troops only, andthat they must be attended to Rrst. Senor Faleao conelndes his remarks by resolving nover 053:9 ¥ trust himself ia au Americga stolp