The New York Herald Newspaper, April 18, 1854, Page 2

THE WAR IN EUROPE. VERY CURIOUS DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE, | ~ w_s Vans | The Declaration of War Suggested by Austria. Powers. French went to the theatre of the Porte St. Martin, to witness the representation of “La vie d’uneComédienne.”” The news of what bad taken place a few hours before in the Legislative chamber had got abroad, and all along the Pou and at the doors, as well as in the the aire iteelf, loud acclamations saluted them, The follow. ing day they visited some asylums for poor old people in the Rue des Postes, whose food they tasted. They after- wards repaired to the monument of Marshal Ney, passing | through Rue St. Jaques, following the Boulevards from THE RIGHTS OF NEUTRALS AND PRIVATEERS, | ofp British Orders in Council, &e., &e., &e, | Our Parls Correspondence, Paris, Monday, March 27, 1853. t—Pite of the Paris Washerwomen a Murat and the Princess de Wag- coitlemt to the King of Prussia—Feeling in Aus- a Against (he Cear—Monster Bouquet Presented to the Empress ni y last was the mi-careme, or mid-lent, and a fling importance in Catholic France. The more Sombre severities of this season, it is true, fe congeniality here; but that does not prevent the good citizens of la belle France from asserting their to the full when, by the sanction of the church fun and festivity have license. So that at mi-carems, yone dons his best attire, turns out his smartest equipage, and in mirth and revelry holds the night It is the Féte des Blanchesseuses—tho gala day of tho | herwomen, ay, and the washermen of France, for the male sex play no unimportant part in the mya- ic rites of “soup suds;”’ and, that the limpid element nt lose none of its honors, it is also the fé "Eau, or water carriers, out the morning of Thursday this stalwart d they are remarkable for their stron; © supply every apartment in | were to be seen, dresse ed with ribbons and flowers | vessels newly painted, and covered and favor erwomen, hobited in their gayost robes, por most conspicuous thoroughfares, a gaudy ear, festooned with gai » daunting banners, in which ise noi the chosen Queen of the fate. On this occasion sty was person of colossal proportions; she bited in a silken robe of blue, and displayed to tho | est advantage her magnificent bust, and sinewy, if nowy, arms, A very of attendant satellites—nympha the sud, of somewhat more diminutive mould—sur- reund hex, while harnessed to her chariot, and following ssion, are the washermen, or mantilinis of the uild of soapsuds. shadows of evening araw mgh, porteurs dean ing trade of either sex, meet together in a oon, where all that music and lights and ts can do—and in France what can that not do?— was } may fail to mark the observance of he young Murat, a prince of the im- aparie, receives in the chapel of the leries the hand of the fair and amiable Surope. be of white moire silk, covered with of orange flow: n grande tenue, and aft dijuené at the palace, the happy pair drove off with four dashing post horses, @ li Anglaise, to Gros- Bois, the seat of the bride's father. In the evening there i in honor of the occasion, con 1 ma only is something in the nature of we imparts for the occasion fresh beauty to eac! ir sex who busy theinselves about them, I do not but it is certa { by universal admission the press Eugenie never looked more lovely th war dressed in a robe ulle boullouns hone, sisti Whether the which the fa know intervals diame band: out -was not forgetful either of Turkish cavuliers paracted the k who, in mimie gu Cast, hiineell was x Ainister of the Interior. In fact, the “secret correspondence is working such a change on the pullic mind, ‘that it seems a pity the English Ministry, such card, hud not played it before. Even ‘the stera legitimists are proud to ac- knowledge the good faith of la perfide Albion, and the contemptuous treatment of France has roused a slum bering nationality. Great anxiety tain iis effect upon Austria. The palace of the Russian Embassy, at Constantinop! is to be the residence of Lord Raglan, the Duke of Can bridge, Ac. All Russians are expelled from the Ottoman Empire. The Danube, according to a telegraphic des- pateh from es, dated 2tith inst., was obstructed, and a hundr ; freighied with corn, were assem- Two vessels, English and French, had been sent to the spot. ‘The French gove to ply between M days, t joint g ament is arranging for fast steamers illes and Constantinople every five rs and official despatches for the | ‘and the railway companies have en- roments; any of the ports, not exceeding two hundred a day. The King of Prustia, in a political brown study, ran his head the other day against a tree in his gardea a Charlottent dwounded himself near the left eye. | His vision does not seom to have bee dvid, an exhibition of tabi t the incidents repr Ascsasion of Christ. nt also the Yonception he government there, are fall of com sia. ‘They complain bitterly against onduct with respect to paper money arbitrary cipalit by death; and they sate Darras«ments are the result. 4 dulging German sentimentality in a matter of money Mauzini is said to be in Italy, already soging tho whirl wind A famous bouquet has jy Fuginie, by the Hortieal! composed of ten thous: liga, besides oth already serious commercial em- been offered to the Empress It was composed of a circle of camelias, gar- n the dome, on which in orange flowers. A the cipher of her Majesty, tied the stem of this gigantje bouquet. Parts, March 89, 1854. Egfort of the Declaration of War on the Funds and in Paris Generally—Enthusiaem Manifested Towards the Empzr or and Empress on their Passage to the Pheatre—Popu- larity of the New Loan, and its Probable Eijeots—Opin- toms with Regard to the Seizere of the Black Warrior in the Political Coteries—The Americans Taking the Lead Ammgst the Forcign Residents of Paris. ‘The announcement on Monday evening, that the Minis- ter of State had read to the Legisiative chamber a mes sage from the Emperor, declaring that the “inst resolu tious of the cabinet at St. Petersburg had placed Russia with respect to Mranoe, in a state of war,” produced ono of those marked and vivid sensations which great com- ies experience only on very great occasions. wan’ | out counting Algeria | mad the Barriere d’Enter to the Invalides, and were every- where received with the greatest enthusiasm, loud ories uerre being mingled with rive ’ Kmpereur. he national loan of 250 millions has amounted, wi d the last days of some ‘distan arrondissements, to 467 millions. ‘The number of suberi- bers were 98,000, The sum of 467 millions is divided in the following manner between Paris and the depart ments, and between the four and a half per cents and the three per cents :— Departments... Paris... : Three per cents Four and a half per centa M. Bineau, the Minister of Financ: loan thus accomplished says : ‘Thi already produced two gt to the small capil 407 millions. 308 | 457 millions, in speaking of the happy innovation has reaults; by the direct appeal ists it has enlarged and consoli. | dated the base of our public credit, and has given France feof the | thera tions, has béen translated in full in the Moniteur. thiek darkness prevails, which perhaps the passage of | Turkey—a principle proclaimed by the Emperor Nicholas the Ruasian troops over the Pianube may tend to disperse. barras Py an occasion to manifest in the most marked and unde- niable manner her her foree, and her confidence in the sovereign whom has chosen, *and her energetic adbesic y h he follows. ”? y two thousand of the subscribers are in the de- tmenta, and 2 Pa The subscriptions not xceeding fifty franes are 60,000 in number, and amount to forty-nine millfons. pas, ex-Ambassador at Naples, has just ar- It is understood that the Murst party, whieh represents that of progress, is only kept down by the most peremptory intimations from Paris that any oven movement would be, just now, utterly destructive it. The assassination of the Duke of Parma, brother-in- law of the Duke of Dourdeaux, is profoundly viewed here as one of those events in North Italy which ‘ throw ‘ows before them.” | ‘The part that Austria will take is evidently atillan | mpenetrable mystery. Any indication of its po icy, | however slight, 1s oagerly caught up by the Freneh of. | cial mo gans, and made the most of. At one moment the | , | hints of what will befall an indirect policy. The pam- | phiet of M. Warrens, the editor of the foyd of Vienna, a ournsl lately suspended for its anti-Russian lucubra: | Bats | A very unensy sensntion has been caused here by the | seizure ‘cn the part of the authorities of Cuba of the | vis | Black War _ | dasey last night, whore all shades of p were with the French deelaration of war. English you heard but one expression of unfeigned re- | ference on the 13th ultimo. gret, that the bungling | have occurred to complicate the otherwise manifold em-. | force the disappointment felt by the Emperor at the want of success which had attende ‘Ata grand reception at the Or lish em- | 1 opinion resented, this subject equally divided attention intermeddling of Spain should | nents of the period. ‘There were many influential | ans present, and Lord Cowley and M. De Persigny, re every now avd then holding animated conversations ith Mr. Francis Corben. 3 H ‘The power and enormous influences of America are | every day being pushed forward into public regard by the present crisis of European affairs. Hor gigantic strides | as a mal | the Crar’s answergto the ultimatiscimum of the Western — leges under the i the Emperor ha: On Monday evening the Emperor and Empress of the guarantee. tection of their sovereign, the J pumeiently explained the nature of thst Sik G. H. SEYMOUR bits, ~ EARL OP OLARENDON. I i ib. 15, 1854. n the Russian Projet de Protocole the Russian Pleni- potentiary declares:—Que si devers actes de la Porte, et notamment a I'egard des Heux saints, ayant parn a l’Em- pereur indiquer des dispositions peu favorables au culte qu’! il professe, avaient engagé Sa Majeste a demander, en mime temps que V'arrangement special des dits licux, une nités religieuses accordées a l’Fglise Orth _ garantie gcnérale dea. drolta, privildgen, et imms- loxe.’’ Those few words contain a tardy tribute to veracity. was stated to me, rey bad no other object nthe early days of Prince Menschikoif’s mission, it peatedly and most positively, thst he in View than to re-establish and se- cure the rights of the Greek Chureh at Jerusalem. When the real motives which had carried Prince Mens- chi otf to Constantinople became known, I was next informed that I had no right to consider that I had been misled, inasmuch as what was claimed for the Greek Church was ti® necessary confirmation of the Greek righta at the Holy Pla: that di the and only now it comes to ligitt t the special srrangement regarding the Holy Places is considered by <he Russian eabinet as a question quite istinet from ti t of the guarantes te be demanded of and immunities of the Greek rights, privil Chureh. I feel grateful to the imperial Cabinet for having made this admission before my withdrawal from St. Petera- burg. THE EARL OF WESTMORELAND TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON. Vienna, Feb. 8, 1854. My Lorp—I have just left the conference to which Count Buol had this morning invited me, in conjunction with my colleagues. Upon our assembli: he bas no reper to make tous but, fo consideration oft que: jects by communicatin, to Count Exterhazy fort Cour he stated that he perfect union existing among us upon the Eastern stion, he thought he was forwarding our common ob- the despatches he had addressed he purpose of being submitted to int Neseelrode. Count Buol then read to us these despatches. The first gavean account of the posal bri Count Orloff, that the Kmper of ‘Anat ht forward. by should, in con- junction with Prussia, take an engagement with the Em- nt the B mos iclicate flattery is put forth; at another ominous | tion by stat the is er or of Ruasia for the maintenance of a strict pact 4 he war now existing with the Porte, and in whic maritime Powers seemed likely to take part. Gount wol, in his despatch, developes in the clearest and "distinct Tanguage the impossibility of the adop- the Emperor of any such engagoment. He es, with al! courtesy to tho Emperor Nicholas, obligations by which the Austrian government bo to watch over the strict maintenance of the principle of the independence and integrity of himself, but which ¢ might, by the cncouragement ¢ rovl passage of the Danube by hts troops ineurvections in the Turkish inces, endanger. Count Buol, therefore, states that ne cannot take the engagement ‘proposed to him. The second despatch to Count Esterhazy relates to the whi From French and | transm In favo into hh been returned to the proposals for nogoti ed by Count Buol with the sanction of the Con- this despatch Count Buol states with considerable his recommendation in of the Turkish propositions. He enters very fully the subject, and renews the expression of the Em- peror’a most anxious desire that the Emperor Nicholas may toh Th still adopt the proposals which had been submitted im. ne last despatch is one in which Count Buol replies to ime power, while European States are falling | the reproach which was addressed to the imperial gov- on ove another, like bungry dogs quarrelling about | ernment, that by its present conduct it was abandoning @ bone, will, it is secretly felt, make her one day the mis- | the principles upon which the three governments of Rus- sia, Austria and Prossia had hitherio acted for the main- give them a quiet but distinguished reception. will t extensive and the most costly omy cans; and, Without any exception or qualideation, most bi as manifested to ascer- | Russia would confirm his Maje pass the Panube; to evncuate the Principalities after the was sent plied ment. pbjected to it. | ria, whatever may be | yy have no notion of in- | siders it as never having ceased to de in force since it } was concluded both for the time of peace as well as for that of war.; consequently there would be no occasion | for its renewal or completion by a guarantee. It would seem, by a certain law of our nature, as if no | amount of warning and preparation could, in certain em- ergencies, secure us agaiust the startling effects of sur- prise. One would think that enough had been said about the Eastern question to render a declaration of war so | ¢ay) much 2 matier of course, that when it did como, it would be accepted as the simple effect of an obvious cause. No such thing. Tho Bourse immediately underwent a panic, and, for forty-eight hours after, a stranger might have supposod that one of the most extraordinary and | aanlooked for catastrophes had occurred; and the excita- ble nature of the French was, as usual, prominently characteristic in tho volability and gosticulation with whieh every man saluted his neighbor. Gin fact, men whove judgment on all ordinary occasions governs the multitude, have to the last persisted « in hoping against hope’? that things would not come to the last extremity. However, the first stock over, the result s favorable to the policy of the government, Legit mists and republicans, who, since the publication of G\ secret correspondence,’’ have exprossed themselves with commendable nat‘onality, have since the declaration of war enrolled themselves manfally under the patriotic banner. « There is,” they say, “ amongst us only one dea, one poasion—the suceess of our arms; only one mind—that «f France. Cod ailing, let us have confidence, on the war from which we could hav humanity, calls us far from the fron with pride this celebrated paayin “France is a soldier!’’ Private deepatches from Vienna, dated the ‘Confirm the previous report that the Russians lad the Danube in two columns; that the bi under General Luders had crossed the river near ( without resistance: that the second colamn, com Prince Gortschakoif, had effected the tiand b asRae Braiiow, under a fire from the Turks, but ny which ¢ had sustained li ry. And another despat Bt Vienna, datett erts that the f ae | tie paasare © om the gad “ Saeding ody i Wom ye | faithful to it. In tress of the. destinies of the Old World. France ani England have no desire to provoke her; and teal likes wi a of Avstria was, that his Majesty sh ct neutrality in the event of the war between | part of Turkey and Russia, in which it appeared that England and Franc couly sho in concert with the other three Powei concludes b Depend upon it of all, just now. President Pierce may do what he h the “authorities at Cuba.’ ralry and artillery are expected ¢ Great preparations are being m The ‘They up their quarters at the imperial stables in the | niaigne. ; Was never more full of strangers than at pre- of the Russians is not felt. The im- | ans makes ample amends. For the wealth of the f the French. ish It do not locate themselves A more economical class from Great no longer 80 ‘nm find th are found here at pr ‘the ; cans. The most beautiful | The most lovely women and the ‘ican. of works of art and of bijouteris, the most issions are by Aw at atelie Vant parties which have this season been given »reigners have been th ven by Americans. 1 Diplomatic Correspondence—The Pecwlar Position of Austria—interesting Account of the Reception of the Anglo | French Summons by the Russian Govern. tional papers were presented to Parliament on th ult, containing extracts from correspondence passed during the present year. Some portions | great interest, and we make the following ex- UE EARL OF WESTMORELAND TO THE EARL Be | CLARENDON. Vuswwa, Feb. 4, 1854. ach Ambassador | ition to the Emperor | Count Beol has announced to the nd to me that Count Ozlofl’s prop e were about to take a part stria replied to Count Orloff, sty’s engagements not to and not to disturb the general arrangement at pre- | isting of the Turkish provinces? Count Orloff re- | at the Emperor of Russia could take no engage- ‘The Emperor of Austria answered that in that case he ake no engagement, as was proposed to him. He remain faithful to the principles he had adopted | and ahould be | uided in his conduct by the interests and the dignity of | is empire. | Your lordship will not be surprised, after learning this determinatian of Count Orlof’s mission, and after | gaged to forward horses for the English government to | having received the protocol of tie conference signed | {” | yesterday, to hear that the Austrian government have | Wecided immediately to increase the cordon they have | upon the frontier of Transylvania to 30,000 meu. Buol expected tiat Count Orloff would have to-morrow; but he learns, with surprise, written that he intends to prolong his stay ys. for some ¢ The proposels submitted by Ru government at the end of January, in reply to those which were forwarded to Russia through Austria from the conference of Vienna, were rejected by the confer- ence as such as should not be forwarded to Turkey. tothe Austrian not to receive which is punishable | The Russian proposals were for a treaty on the following basis: — 1. The full entire confirmation of former treaties cen Ruasia and the Porte, dating from | hat of Kainardji, irfanople relative to the Danubian Principalities and to s charged with the negotiation of peace in a separate act in the form of a protocol or of an additional article, the draught of «which is horeanto annexed, coa- cerning the signification and practical application of the former and latter firmans of the Sultans relative to re. | ‘ous liberty, and to the immunities according to the 8 of the orthodox Eastern rite. 3. The evacuation, with the least possible delay, of tho DanubMn provinces, and of the other territ an: towns forming {part of the Sultan’s dominions which | w in consequence of the events of the war, be oceu- pied by the Russian armies, so soon as the arrangements shall be concluded. 4. The re-establishment of the ordor of thimgs, and of | the governments of the Principalities, such as they were settled by the stipulations of Adrianople. 6. The regulation of the right of asylum, and of the conditions on which it should for the future be accorded in the respective countries to agitators and revolution- ists, who, under th se of political refugees, might | foment dissensions and create misunderstandings be- | tween friendly and neighboring governments. ts concerns the treaty of July 13, 1841, Russia con- The protocol annexed contained the clauses -— The Ottoman Plenipotentiary, in the first place, a3- serted in the Sultan’s name the constant solicitude with which that sovereign is animated for the security, in his Staies, of the clergy, the churches, and the religious e3- ments of the orthodox Eastern faith, expressing sincere regret that there could have existed for a mo- ment any doubts on this subject in the mind of his Imperial Majesty. He declared that his Majesty the Sulian had not for a moment thought of con- | travening the general principles laid down in the treaty | ji, as wollas in the treaties which confirm it, his firm intention to continue invariably oration of that intention, and in sroof of the Sultan's resolution to secure to the orthodox Fastern rite in his dominions the rights, tmmuuities, privileges, and spiritual advaniagos which have been accorded to the said rite and to its churches by his Ma- jeaty’s august predecessors, and even to extend in their favor the effects of his imperial benevolence, the Otto wen Plenipotentiary was charged to communicate off- tS to the Court of Russia the Supreme [rade which uitan of his own accord granted on the of ~-—__— to the Greek patriarch and clergy. The of, that document into the hands of the Ad, further, the proclamation which had Leen publicly made of it, would demonstrate to tie world that the Sultan considers it @ point of honor to enforce ae and to preserve from all infringement, for the future, the privileges confirmed or further uo Greek following His Majest, t her Chet rances, the Plenipotentiary of | civers acts of the Porte, and es- othe Holy Ph having appeared the oth the faith whieh is Majesty to | at the h the settlement of the cial question of the Holy Piacos, a general gua- | the rights, privileges, and religions immunities d to the orthodox church, on ihe other hand, it entored his Majesty’s mind to ascribe to that gua- ntce a character different (rom that which naturally re- aty of Kain nuit 8 th tena the dif | was endangering the established order of things in Eu- rope, and the ecurity at present existing. nee of the established interests and independence of vent States of Europe, and that, by so doing, it The answer of Count Buol to this reproach is very It Aft | armly and clearly stated. is ‘mporaible for me to give your Lordship a more detailed account, before the departure of the messenger, of these desjatches; but I must add that they met with the entire approbation of the members of the conference, | that they were looked upon as a most ably drawn up, lish which attracted | end t The | prese , While using every courteous and friendly ex: ‘towards the Emperor Nicholas, they most clear- ly pointed out the present position which the Austrian government would maintain with the view of upholding the | which they had token for their support. rineip'es they had proclaimed, and the engagementa ter these communications, Count Buol stated that the | Fmyeror, in speaking of the departure of Count Orloff, In the | bad inquired whether any suggestion could be made to | | him, in a confidential manner, by which the negotiations for peace might still be continued. sequentiy given this subject his best consideration. had gone to Count Orloff before his departure, which had | taken place this morning, and, as a private s1 his own, and only verbally, had stated that if the Empe- | ror Nicholas would accept the ‘Turkish proposals, and, upon their general import, send to Vienna the form of preliminaries for peace which he would agree to, and which might bo discussed by the conference with Baron Meyendorif, who should be instructed to that effect, Count Buol had con- He tion of these preliminaries, if epproved by the conference, tion L Co and France wili fiz a delay for the evacuation cipaitties, the capiration of which shall be the signal for hos M. I dene fmmediat writ M tio e cilia’ | Porte vern aton It whe | the of negotiation, is com | might be sent to Constantinople with the recommenda- of the Pour Powers. .CRD COWLEY TO THE EARL OF OLARENDON. Panis, Fob. 22, 1854. unt Buol assures M. de Bourquency that if ‘England lities, the Oatinet of Vienna will support the summims. Jrouyn de L’huys is of opinion that this should be and that the two governments should e to Count Nesselrode to demand the immediate com- nat evacuation—the whole to be con- en time, say the end of March. Silence 4 engage himself | or refusal to de considered a declaration of war on the sia. Whenever a decision is taken, M. ForeiGn Orrick, Feb. 27, 1854. te Comre—As the ordinary channels of communica- between England and Russia have been closed by receut interruption of diplomatic relations between the two courts, Lam under the necessity of addressing | myself dircetly io your Excellency on & matter of the | coccen importance to our respective governments and to B urope. ‘The British government has for many months anxiously labored, in conjunction with its “allies, to effect a recon- ‘fon of differences between Russia and the Sublime e, and it is with the utmost pain that the British go- ment has come to the conclusion that one last hope ¢ remains of averting the calamity which has so long pended over Europe. rests with the government of Russia to determine ‘her that hope shall be realized or extinguished; for British government, having exhausted all the efforts ‘Ned to declare to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, that if Russia should decline to restrict ges purely diplomatic limits the discussion in which she wi da 304) the T St he may convey to me an announcement on the part of ions, to be recorded by the respective Ploni- | the Russian tent Pr has for some time past beem engeged with the Sub- Porte, and dees not, by return «f the messenger is the bearer of my present letter, announce her in- tion of causing the Russian troops under the orders of ¢ Gortachakoff to commence their march with a t , 80 that the provinces of Mi ‘sllachia shall be completely evacuated on tl ‘h of April uext, the British governn.ent must consider refusal or the silence of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg | asequivalent to a declaration of war, and will take its measures accordingly, he messenger who is the bearer of this letter to your and of the special conventions of | Excellency is directed not to wait more than six days at Petersburg for your reply; and I earnestly trust that government that by the 30th of April the Principalities will cease to be occupied by Russian forces. [have, &., CLARENDON. THE EARL OF CLARENDON TO LORD BLOOMFIELD. of tol My Lorp--I transmit to a letter which I have ad FortiGy Orricr, Feb. 27, 1854. our lordship herewith & eopy dressed to Count Nesselrode, uiring the evacuation of the Principalities; and d have instruct your lordship to communicate it immediately to Baron Manteuffel, and to state that her Majesty’s gov- ernment having anxiously, but in vain, labored for many months, in conjunction with the governments of Austria, France, and Prussia, to effect an amicable settloment of | the differences between Russia and the Porte, must now consider that negotiation is at end; that the inadmis- sible terms upon which the Emperor of Russia will | as ewes for peace, and the vast scale on which military an J naval preparations are proceeding in Russia, leave no | doubt an to the disastrous policy which his Inaporial Ma- jesty is determined to pursue. The dignity of the | transactions, and the great interests now sufferi owers eonce-ned in these recent from suspense, forbid any further delay, and require that all dow bt as to the future should be removed; and, as the forcible occupation of tho Principalities was an injury in- flicted upon Turkey, and an offence offered to Europe by qui Russia, it has appeared proper to her Majesty's govern: ment, and to that of the Emperor of the French, it the | final issue should have reference to that act of ual sion, and thatthe government of Russia should be re- red within © given time to evacuate that portion of the Sulton’s territory. Beth governments, however, are animated by the sin- cerest desire of co-operating with Pruasia. They acknow- ledge the paramount neccesity of a cordial understand ing Letween the four the ail Powers at this critical junegure of affairs of Euro) nd they are convinced that the important questions as to whether the war is to be- come general or be confined within narrow limits, and w hether the contest is to be protracted, or peace 3) ily restored, must Cepend on the policy of the four Powers | Deing decided, vigorous and united. They have consequent]; determined not to send for- ward the identic letters they have addressed to Count Nesselrode without erni ment will appreciate the friend, ag aed communication to the gov- in the conviction that that ment of Prussia, govern. confidence implied by this proceeding; and your lordship will earnestly request if be sian government will, net port. imp dec | Paron Manteutlel to join in the requisition to Russia ; or, ¢ should unfortunately decline to dono, that the Prus- t least, make known to the Cabi- of St. Petersburg that it has their sanction and sup- It ia impossible for your lordship to overstate the fortance which her Majesty's government attach to ® ision upon which the best interests of Earope may de- pend the Your lordship will place the messenger Blackwood at disposal of Baron Mantenffel, and may for that pnr- pose detain him fora few hours; but it is desirable that he rho y. ®t | you will give hie Excellency a copy of it, LORD DLOOMFIE! wld proved on his journey to St. Petersburg with the | least possible dela ‘ou will read this despatch to Baron Manteuffel, and CLARENDON, CLARENDON, Tam, &e., LD TO THE EARL OF TERLIN, Feb, 25, 1854. Your lordshtp's telegraphic despatch of yosterday, 8.16 P. B., reached me tLis day at half-past 1 d’elock. I immediately sought on interview with Baron Manteuffel, and co! cated the substance of it to his excellency, reque: Him to take the King’s orders on the subject. Hleaaid tlt he dtd not think bis Majesty would, per- haps, object (o join in & summons which it {x proposed to cipe tohen port in active ho 1 Tie eu addres to the Russian government to evacuaie the Prin. 1 his Majesty, would event of a refusal replied thet tle sum la be of little use if » Acelined evpporting her Cemands with aa Feige; bal Chat L hope: if the Austrian govern lities; but he cid not t ility in tl! | lowin, reasons.— ment, as we had reason to believe, joined with us, that such & resolution might produce some effect on the for Prussia oa Lepr bod like bce Neeotiant in carrying out a work of such great European ce; and Tink as his Excellency had already ‘anaes having written to Vienna, I would not press him further at this moment, relying on the hope that a little reflec- tion might bring about a modification of the opinions which he now entertained. LORD COWLBY TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON, Pane, March 2, 1854. M. Drouyn de L’buys received a messenger from Berlin last night, bringing advices that the Prussian government France im the same méasure as Austria, but that they de- clined signing it. LORD BLOOMFIELD TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON. Brniin, March 2, 1854. My Lonp—In obedience to the instructions contained in your lordship’s deapateh of the 27th ult., I have th delivered to Baron Manteuffel copies of that despatch, and of the letter which your lordship has addressed to Count Nesselrode requiring the evacuation of the Danu- bian Prinetpalities. Tread both these papers to his Excelloney, and he seemed to concur entirely in the reasons which have in- duced her Majesty’s governmen to take this step. He said he should communiente them to the King to-morrow, and submit to his Majesty, at the same time, the draught of a despatch to General Rochow, instructing that minis- ter to support in strong terms the summons which has been addressed to the Russian government; but he was unable to say, until he received the King’s orders, what terms would be given to the communication, and I can, therefore, only add, that he asured me there should be no delay in the matter, and that the despatch would probably reach St. Petersburg as soon as the English messenger. I placed Captain Blackwood at his Excellency’s disposal according to your lordship’s instructions; but, on finding that there would probably be a delay if he waited for the Prussian despatches, which might be detrimental to her Majesty’s service, I decided on directing the messenger to roceed on his journey this night, and fe has just started for Vienna. I have, &c., BLOOMFIELD. LORD BLOOMFIELD TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON. Baru, March 4, 1854. Baron Manteuffel has just informed me that he hadnot failed to submit to the King the copies of your lordship’s despatch 'of the 27th ult.,and of the letter therein enclosed which you have addressed to Count Nesselrode, requi the evacuation of the Danubian Principalities, and tha\ his Majesty immediately ordered him to address an in- struction to Gen. Rochow in the sense desired by her Ma- jesty’s government. is instruction, he said, was sent to St. Petersburg last night by the post, and was drawn up in very pressing language. It u: the Russian government to consider the dangers to which the peace of the world would be ex- posed by # refusal, and declared that the responsibility of the war which might be the consequence of that refusal wouldrest with the Emperor. Earen Manteuffel added that the King, in approving the draught of the d spare which had been laid before him, observed that he felt it to be his duty to give all the supyort in his power to any measures which might still hold out a hope, ever so light, of the maintenance of peace. On the 4th ult. Count Buol received from Baron Meyen- dorff preliminaries of peace, which had been drawn up at St. Petersburg, in accordance with the suggestions made to Count Orloff, for transmission to the Porte; these also | were rejected by the Conference of the Representatives of | Austria, France, Great Britain, and Prussia, for the fol- After mature deliberation, tho Plenipotentiaries of France and Great Britain, taking as the basis of their ex- amination the previous documents which had received the sanction of the Four Powers, established the ex- istenco of the radical differences between the documents | treaty, and would be accompanied, moreover, by an offi- of the Prin- | cuyn de L’auys Legs that vou will inform me by tele- | The Emperor of | gray h. ng if the Emperor of | gsi EARL OF CLARENDON TO COUNT NESSELRODE. { | Boglish ana French Cabinets. and the proposed preliminaries :— 1. Inasmuch as the evacuation of the Danubian Prin- | cipalities, which is fixed to take place after the signa- ture of the preliminaries, is made to depend on the de- parture of the combined fleets, not only from the Black Sea, but from the Straits of the Bosphorus and the Dar- danelles, a condition which could only be admitted b the maritime Powers after the conclusion of the defini- tive treaty. 2. Inasmuch as the document now under consideration tends to invest with a form strictly conventional, bila- would support the summons sent to Russia by England and |e 'a.tnorancune response a 1a lettre de Lord Clarendon.’ | fare. teral, and exclusively applicable to the relations of the Porte with Russia, the assurances relative to the religious privileges of the Greeks—assurances which the Porte has only offered to give to the five Powers at the same time | and in the form of a simple identic declaration. The assurances, infact, once inserted in the preliminary treaty, must then needs be reproduced in the definitive cial note confirmatory of the said’ privileges’ exclusively addressed to the Court of Russia, a note which, in its turn, would be considered as annexed to the treaties— ae is to say, as having the same force and the same effect. 8. Inasmuch .aa the preliminaries communicated to Vienna are by implication withheld from any discussion in Conference upon the modifications cansidered neces- sary to make them correspond with the original text of the acts which had received its assent, and inasmuch as the conclusion of the definitive treaty contains no greater reservation for its inspection and interference. | “4. Inasmuch as, while the propositions of the Porto expressly re the revision of the treaty of 1841, so asto make Turkey participate In the guarantees of the bps law of Europe, this condition 1s passed over in silence. ‘The plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prassia, appre- clating the force of the observations offered by the ple- nipotentiaries of France and of Great Britain, recognized in like manner, on their part, the remarkable differences pointed out between the Russian draught of prelimina- ries and the protocols of the 13ih of January and the 2d | of February” In consequence, the Conference unanimously agreed that it was impossible to proceed with those proposi- tions. BUOL-SCHAUENSTELN. BOURQUENEY. WESTMORELAND, ARNIM. And last of all comes the reception at St. Petersburg of the summons:— CONSUL MICHELE TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON. St. Parersbura, March 19, 1854. I beg toacknowledge the receipt of the despatch which your Lordship did me the honor to address to me on the 21th of February ult. This despatch, together with its enclosure from (Bot lordship to Count Nesselrode, was delivered to me by the Queen’s meat r, Captain Black. | wood, at a few minutes after 11 o’clock, on the morning of the 13th inst., and I lost not a moment in endeavoring to give efiect to your lordship’s instructions. Within an hour after the arrival of the messenger, the despatch forwarded to me by his Excellency Lord Cowley (enclosing a communication from the French government to their consul here) was placed by me in the hands of M. de Castillon; ana, before the expiration of another hour, M. de Castillon and myself had presented ourselves at the Imperial Minis- try for Foreign Affairs, and solicited the honor of an interview with the Chancellor of the Empire, for the urpose of simultaneously presenting the notes of the Count Nesselrode, through the Director of his Chancellerie, expressed his inability to see us at that moment, but appointed 12 o'clock on the following day to receive the communications of which wo were respectively the bearers. When I parted from M. de Castillon, about 2 o’clock, it was arranged that 1 was to call for him the following morning at half-past 11 in order that We might proceed together to the Chan- cellor. By 2 o’clock, on the 18th, I had placed ‘m the hands of his Excellency Count Valentin Esterhazy, the Austrian Minister at this Court, the packet of despatches brought to me by Ca; tain Blackwood from his Excellency the Earl of Westmoreland at Vienna; and by a little after 21 had communicated to his Excellency Genernl Rochow, the | Prussian Minister here, the purport of Lord Bloomfield’s despatch, dated Berlin, 24.March instant; viz.: “that no packet had been received by his Lordship frorh the Minis- try for Foreign Affairs for transmission to St. Estecsbery but tht despateles from the Prussian government wou id be forwarded to the Prussian representative by their own separate courier. A few minutes before the appointed hour, (12 o'clock on Tuesday, the 14th March inst.,) M. do Castillon and I arrived at the Imperial Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and after waiting a few minutes, it was intimated to me by the Director of the Chancellerie ‘‘ that Count Nesselrode would receive the English Consul alone,” and I was ushered into his room. Count Nesselrode received me with his usual courtesy. | I handed to his excellency your lordship’s letter, and stated, from a memorandum which I had drawn up, the precise terms of your lordship’s instructions with refer ence to the return to England of the Queen’s messenger. Count Nesselrode requested permission to peruse this memorandum, and I handed it to him. Ho then informed me that ‘the Emperor was not at that moment in St. Potershurg; that on his Majesty’s return, (which would | probably ta on Friday, the Sth (17th) inst.,) your lord- ship's cemmunicatfon Should be laid before his Majest; and bia Majosty’s commands taken thereon; when a reply to your lordship’s lotter should bo forwarded to me.” The Chaneellor then remarked upon the longth of time that had elapsed since the date of your lordship’s de- patch to me, viz.:—February 27, and asked me what had cetained the messenger so long on the rond? Texyinined that the Queen’s messenger had not come direct from London to St. Petersburg, but had been the learer of despatches for the British ministers at Paris, Berlin and Vienna, which latter capital Captain Black: wood left only on the 7th inst., and had arrived at St. Petersburg on the morning of the 13th, thus making a rapid journey, considering the very bad state of the roads. On quitting Count Nesselrode, I was about to take with me the memorandum I had at his desire handed to his Excellency for his perusal, when ho requested “that I would be kind enough to leave it with him.” I said that I bad merely transcribed your Lordship’s instructions for my own gui‘ance, and to prevent any misapprehen- sion of your Lordship’s intentions with reference to the time fixed for the return of the Queen's messenger to England; that I had no instructions to make any written communteation in presenting your ‘Lordship’s note, but, since hia Excellency desired to retain this paper, (which was only a transcript of your Lordship’s instructions to mw relative to the precise moment for deapatching the mesrenger to Fngland,) I felt that I should not be acting Otherwise then ‘in accordance with your Lordship's wishes by rendering any misunderstanding on this head impessible; and, accordingly, I allowed the Chancellor to retain this memorandum, a copy of which I have the horor to send herewith. ‘The Emperor returned to St. Petersburg early on the morning of the ith (17th) inst., from Finland, whither he had proceeded on Sunday evening, the 12th inst., in company with three of his sona, the Grand Dukes Alex- ander, Nicholas and Michael, to inspect the fortifications at Wiborg, livlsingfore, and Bveaborg; the Grand Dake Constantine haying gore to Finland some days pre- viously At 10 o'clock Inst night T received a note from the. Chancellor of the Empire, inviting me to call upon him at Lo'clock P. M. thinday. I was punctual in my at- tenance; and on sending up my name to the Chancellor, 1 wos informed that the French Consul was with his Ex- cellency. After waiting a short time T was told Count Nosselrode world receive me. On entering the room his Excellency’s meeting was ef the nily description. He said: | tittle interruption to trade as Thare tatin his f commands with ref dCa Gnd the Emperor dees mitt fo make any reply to it.” Ireplied: ‘M. Le portance Sitosainceee tree nee s] exeu! for desi convey to m, the exact words em; oye, by poe f Excellency.” The Penge ig Pe the oe “His” Majesty joes not think becom! to an: Men (nel ues reply to Lord Clarendon’s © croit pas corey de ?—_ aucune réy ny la lettre de Le rendon. pon my repeat is after Count Nesselrode, his Excellency said, ‘ikaptinee ae juge pas conveneble,”” &c.; and I again repeated after tin the entire sentence. After I had done so, the Count said, “Yes, that is the answer I wish you to convey to your government:—‘L’Empereur ne juge pas convenable Having delivered to me this official message, Count Nesselrode begged me to be seated, and explained to me that he had only waited the return of the Emperor to sub- mit your Lordship’s letter to his Majesty. His Excellency then asked me, “when I proposed to despatch the Queen’s messenger!’ I told him ‘this afternoon, provided his pessport, &e., could be got ready in time.” Count Neasel- rode informed me he had already sent # courier’s pass for Captain Blackwood to the Baron de Plessen; and then asked me, ‘Whether to-day was not the sixth day?”’ I aaid, “From his arrival at St. Petersburg it is; but had I been left without apy reply, or without such an intimation as Thave to-day received from your Excellency, I should not have despatched the messenger until to-morrow, the 20th instant, at twelve o’clock, when six entire days would have elapsed since I placed Lord Clarendon’s despatch in your Excelleney/s hands.”” In the course of our subsequent conversation, I asked Count Nesselrode what the intentions of his government were with reference to the consular arrangements be- tween the two countries in the event of a declaration of war? His Excellency replied—‘ That will entirely depend upon the course her Britannic Majesty’s government may adopt ; we shall not declare war.’’ {Enclosure 1 in No. 137.] MEMORANDUM GIVEN BY CONSUL MICHELE TO COUNT NESSELRODE. . In pursuance of the instructions conveyed to me by my ernment, dated the 27th of February, ult., I have the Coe of plsoiaa te hed Excellency’s hands a letter from the Right Hon. rl of Clarendon, her 4 j Secretary of State for Foreign’ Affairs. In doing 1m further instructed to acquaint your Excellenc: that the Queen’s messenger, who was the bearer of th communication, and who reached St. Petersburg only yesterday morning, will be ready to return to England with your Excellency’s reply as soon as it shall be sent to me; but if; on the expiration of six days from to-day, your Excellency should not have sent me any letter to the Farl of Clarendon’s address; or if, previously to the expiration of that period, your Excellency should inform me that the messenger need not remain at St. Peters- burg, in either of these cases I am to direct the Queen’s messenger to return to England with the utmost speed. The its of Neutrals. {From the London Times, April ‘The attention of Parliament and of the public has Ritherto been principally directed to the political comb. rations and or paval preparations connected with the war in which country is now e . There aro, however, other questions ‘arising out of this subject which will ere long attract as much notice as the war itself, inasmuch as they affect in the most direct manner the social economy and private interests of the nation, and to some of these considerations it is now our duty to address ourselves. We have remarked with some sur- prise that, in the course of the debates which have taken place since the publication of her Majesty's declarations of the 28th of March, little has been said with reference to_the second of these documents, which is entitled ‘Her, Biajestys Declaration retpeeting | Neutrals and Letters Marque ;’’ and indeed the Minis- ters of the Crown have not even been called uj to state to Parliament the grounds upon which they have recommended her Majesty to waive on this oc- ion several of the most important rights heretofore imed_and exercised by this country in maritime war- But, although this declaration is strictly limited to the present war, and the exception thus made recognizes the rule of law it is intended to suspend, yet it cannot be denied that a precedent is thus established which must have ¢ fect on all future wars, and will probably tend, any similar event, to mitigate the exercise of rights, and g ea higher character of humanity and freo- dom to the law of nations. For the first time in the his- tory of this countay, England enters upon war with an ai- mission of the rights of neutrals, att in all respects to the broadest concessions ever made to them by those States which have been most disposed to favor trade. The declaration of the 28th of March ai the world that her Majesty will, for the present, waive a part of the belligerent rigits of {he Crown, and, in fact, as long as this declaration remains in force, England con- forms to the principles of the celebrated Frenc’ ordi- nance of 1778, and even to the propositions contended for by the Fmpress Catherine and the Armed Neutrality of 1780. The paragraph which announces that her Ma- jesty will wave the right of seizing enemy’s Property on ‘board a neutral vessel, unless it be contraband of war, is a formal and complete application in its widest sense of the celebrated doctrine, ‘‘Free bottoms make free goods.’” Tt bas never been the Policy of this country to condemn, asa general rule, neutra property found in enemy’s ships, co that in this respect our practice of the law of prize will remain unaltered. The British and French crui- zers will continue to exercise the right of seizing articles contraband of war, and of preventing neutrals from bear- ing the enemy’s despatches; and for these purposes they must exercise the right of search, which no country has either renounced or resisted when it is confined to those necessary objects. Ingeed, the more liberally neutrals are treated in the prosecution of lawful trade, the more are they bound not to lend their flag to any traffic which isa breach of neutrality, and to accept with a good grace the means of preventing and putiishing that species of abuse. The right of blockade remains, of course, unaltered, and neutrals will be condemned in our courts when they are found guilty of a breach of blockade, duly notified and established’ with an adequate force against the enemy’s coasts; but our prize courts entirely adopt the principle of the declaration of 1780—that a blockade must be real and effective to be so recognized. It may here be ob- served that, although these concessions aro of the highest importance, and, indeed, leave nothing to be complained of by the neutral States, their effect in the present war may be less extensive than would seem at first to be the case. All the ports of Russia, in the Baltic, the Black Sea, and the White Sea can be blockaded effectually, and we have no doubt that it is the intention of the Allied Powers. to render this blockade complete as soon as the season ar- rives at which the navigation would otherwise be open. rs he neutral nounces to | A€ present even. the port of Revel is completely blocked up y ice, and the British frigate Miranda, which was sent to reconnoitre last week, was at one moment s0 lock- ed in that she was compelled to fire some of her heavy guns to break up the floes of ice collected round her. ‘The exercise of the strict belli nt rights which have been handed down by the law of nations from the 14th century undoubtedly inflicts great hardships on innocent reons. It sanctions the confiscation of private proper- y at sea, though it is respected on land ; and it punishes neutrals inthe prosecution of a trade which would be lawful but for that state of war by which they have nothing to gain, but much to lose. These rules of the law of nations must, however, like all other laws, be considered solely with reference to the rules of expediency in which they originated, and, thongh it. would be impossible to attempt in these days to render the rights of war more stringent itis not only the interest but the duty of all civilized countries to wave and forego as much of these rights as can be aban- doned without checking the vigorous prosecution of hos- tilities. Already the more liberal system of maritime law, which we have now made the basis of our logisla- tion in time of péace, tends to modify our position in time of war. For instance, one of the principles for which this country has most strenuously contended is what is termed ‘‘the rule of 1756,” by which we pro- hibited neutrals from exercising in time of war all such trade as was not open to them in time of peace—mean- ing especially the colonial trade and the coasting trade, then jealously reserved by each nation to ite own flag. But the changes of the Navigation act have now ire to all the world; and, as far as we are concerned, the rule of 1756 has no further application. It was pro- bably on this account that the ernment has consent- ed to tolerate the trade of neutrals, even between enemy’s ports, on the present occasion. The real test of the wisdom and policy of these changes must be sought for in their relative effects on the enemy and on ourselves. Our object is todo him all the harm we can, provided it is not attended with greater injury to this country. It is therefore a matter of calculation whether the be ae of trade is more injurious to our adversery than to ourselves, to how great an extent that interruption can and ought to be carried, and b; what means it can be effected. Upon the whole, althou We are not insensible to the embarrassments which the suspension of trade must cause to such a country as Russia, we incline te the opinion that it is rather for tho interest of this t community to carry onwar with as sible, and that the British government will not easily be led to resort to those excessive restrictions for which this country con- | tended in former wars. As we have already acknow- ledged the principle of trade by neutrals in enomy’s gocds, it is not easy to perceive upon what ground of national interest we are to throw into the hands of neu- trals only the commercial intercourse fh which we are ourselves primarily interested; and we should therefore | infer that it would be the policy of the government to favor, as far as is consistent with the effectual conduct of the war, even the direct trade, since the same ex- change of commodities will otherwise be carried ou by in- direct means, and chiefly to the profit of other Statos not engaged in this contest. Direct trade with the enemy can only be carried on in time of war by licenses from the Crown, which are nted by the Privy Council; and in the last war—es) ly towards the close of it—the ays- tem of licenees, which had gd out of Napoleon’s con- tinental system and the British Ordera in Council, had beceme a gross abuse. A iicense is, in fact, a privilt for an infraction of the lnw, which is graniedon tho ground of public utility, but which bas all the unjust coneequences of private monopoly, inasmuch aa the hold- er of the license is enabled to sell his commodities in o close market. As the effect of these restrictions is to raise the price of commodities, the difference must be paid by the consumer, and such increase of price on ar- ticles of large consumption may constitu‘e an indirect burden on the nation not far inferior to the direct ex- penses of war. To avoid the repetition of these errors and we hold it to be incumbent on tho govern- ment to lay down the broad principles which they intend to apply to trade during the war, to confer with our allies on this Important subject, and to enable Parliament npon a clear and comprehensive statement of this matter, to record its opinion on questions which affect by a thous: and ramifications almost every public and private inter- est in the country. [From the London News, March 29. H Not less satisfactory then the terms of the declaration of war are those of the declaration of the policy to be acted wyon inregard to noutrals, which accompanies it. “Her Mojesty will waive the right of seizing enemy's Property lacen on board a neutral vessel, unless it be contraband of war.’ England, the most strenuous and powerful of the few remaining osserters of a right to seize an encmy’s property, conveyed under a neutral flog, has at last given in its adhesion tothe more humane mi xim of international Jaw on this point. This is in- decd one great triumph for humanity that augura more, It iv also intimated that it is not the ‘present intention”’ of her Mojesty to issue letigrs of marque for the commis. sioning of privateers. The “present”? might have been as well emitted; for such a claim right once if never Ue reascerted, ‘Tho intimation of Woe hington French Li allow wo pr ae to 8 to government that they wi ivateers to Ae wires both the colonial and eoasting trade of this em- | Pi | war to take the necessary measures for out in American ht to be followed % American, h'and Fretich governments wane? tion that in all future wars they relin yuish afi claim to's pel ey en q regu: forces’ of their respective countries; and that they will insist upon all pier gorernm date adopting the same rulés of acticn. The j and necessity of enforcing these bel- Hgerent rights, which her Majesty declares ah cannot forego—the right of seizing articles contraband of war, of preventing neutrals from bearing the enemy's despateh- and of enforcing ‘+ effective blockades established with an adequate force’’—cannot for a moment be called in uestion, Aer uch manifesto England engages in « clean i fhe war with clean hands, and the more lusty it goos (rom the London Chronicle, March 29 The second declaration contained in last night's sup- plemental Gazette will be read with great male ty all who have at heart the interests and the honor of the country. Her Majesty announces her determination to waive, for the present, the right of g prorerty on boars neulral ventel, unless It'bo conten. nd of war; and every commercial State will feel the importance of the concession thus liberally gran’ old principle, that all is lawful in — erage 4 guided the counsels of nations professing to be Christian and civilized; but that barbarous Be Pegheadas weg unhesitatingly, and we hope forever, abandoned. Yet we must not omit to di attention fo the prudently guarded terms in which the announcement is made. The right with which international law invests us is diatinetly oe asserted, and its qualified relinquishment is made, as ought to be,a matter of spontaneous generosity on the part of the crown. It is possible, moreover, that cireumstan ces may here after arise which may necessitate the withdrawal of this concession; and we may then fall upon our ac- knowledged rights. But this is a contingency which we neod not anticipate. Itis enough for us at present to know that we have done everything in our power to miti- gate the evils inseparable from war, and that we have set an example worthy of the justice of our cause and of our high position among the nations of Europe. To our own commercial interests this relaxation of the strict letter noe Foleo ange tray will be of the bese im- portance. No harassing vi ions, no expensive - tion, and no questionable decisions will chek the tras on which we 80 ly depend, both for our internal pape and for the resources which we shall require in the struggle on which we have entered. Nor will this wise and liberal measure produce a leas bene- ficial effect on our political relations with fvreign Powers, Even while it still appeared doubtful whether ‘80 frank a concession could be safely made, we wore un- able to overlook the danger of disputes with the aubjecta, nd possibly with the governments, of other States, which might bave resulted from a rigid adherence to the rale on which we have formerly acted. The extensive com- merce of the United States, the sensitiveness of vise. a ion of American ships by British cruisers; and it is b no means inconceivable that worse evils might have fol- lowed. Nor must we forget to mention the advantage of removing all temptations vo the fraud and perjery efhion were practiced to so fearful an extent during the last war —when copies of the interrogatories administered to the masters and merchant vessels by the English authorities were translated into foreign languages, and circulated in foreign ports, in order that those whom they concerned might be duly prepared to swear to whatever might be required for the interest of their employer. If Russian produce is wanted in this country, as it certainly is, we may be sure that some means will be devised for landing it on our shores, and it is, therefore, most desirable that its transit should be subjected to no unnecessary impediments. It is, of course, needless to 4, add that where the ships of the enemy are employed in the transport, the proceedings of our naval commanders will be governed by the ordinary laws of war. It will be observed that “contraband of war” is ex- cluded from the conceséion made in favor of neutral cargoes in general. We are clearly entitled to prevent, to the utmost extent of our power, the transmission to & hostile country of resources which may be used against * ourselves; but the import of the term employed in the declaration, though familiar to the readers of works on international law, has been so frequently and. 60 extensively relaxed by troaties that some doubt may exist as to the meaning which will in practice, be given to it. In strictness, it includes not only ammunition, artillery, and the whole matériel of an army, but also’ naval stores, timber, cordage, and other similar articles. The treaties. to which we have just referred have generalipconfined its meaning to the former class'of commodities, but we are not aware that our prize courts have ever recognized this limitation. Im the same category with contraband of war are included the despatches of the enemy, the conveyance of which is a manifest breach of neutrality. ‘ Her Majesty also announces that “she must maintain the right of a belligerent to prevent neutrals from breaking any effective blockade which may be established with an adequate force against the enemy’s forts, har- bora, or coasts.” It must, unfortunately, always re- main a question whether a blockade is ‘‘eifective,”’ and whether force is “‘adequate;” but the rule of inter- national law could not have’ been expressed in any other terms, and it would have been impossible to concede any relaxation in a matter of such vital impor- tance. The country has done its best to send out fleets Adequate for any biackade which it may be expedient to undertake, and the humanity and judgmont of our naval commanders must be our safeguard against any unne- cosearily harsh exercise of the power with which iaw and force unite to clothe them. Our own recent history affords but too many instances of the abuse of power by blockading squadrons; and the eloquent plea urged by Dr. Arnold in his Lectures at Oxford, on bebalf of un- offending eitizens confined within the walls of fortified towns, in order that their numbers may increase the premure on the resources of the beleaguored force, will seconded by all who desire that, even in merey skould not be wholiy forgotten. We can pemien | venture to hope that no cases will arise in which the validity of a blockade will become matter of discussion with neutral Powers; but the important concessions which we have voluntarily made may dispose foreign States to yield cheerfully to the enforcoment of those rights which we still find it necessary to maintain. ‘the closing paragraph of the Declaration fully justifies the augury which we drew from Lord Clarendon’s recent speech, in which he expressed his hope that England would be able, in the conduct of the impending struggle, to set a good example to other nations. It is not, under present circumstances, her Majesty’s intention to issue of ue for the commissioning of privateers, and the opera’ of the war will consequently be re- stricted to the regular forces of the couptry. ile the >| agents of the Czar have been attempting, in defiance of American law, to make their bargains in the ports of the United States, we hail with satisfuction, as another proot of the advance of civilization, the determination of the ° federal government to tolerate no such iniquitous trans- actions on the part of its citizens. It may be vain and utopian to expect that @ Congress of nations will ever mect, and supply, by their united deliberations, the ‘are still wanting in the code of in- correspondence would be the consequence of the chapters whic! ternati law; but each country may record its own adhesion to the maxim that “ privateering is iracy’’—not, indeed, cognizable as such by | ribunsls, but equally unjustifiable in principle and almost equally barbarous in practice. This itregular warfare, besides demoralizing and brutalizing those who engoge in it, is, after all, as we have formerly observed, very questionable in point of policy; for men who serve one party, from no fecling of loyalty or duty, but simy because they are paid for ft, will of course serve the other, if larger gains are held out to them as an induce- ment. Instances of collusion with the enemy, and of protection fraudulently given to hostile commerce, are not rare inthe annals of privateering; but the wise de- termination at which our government has arrived hap- pily insures us against every risk of this nature, It re- mains to be seen whether the enemy will follow our ex- ample. We are not aware that any special report on this subject has been made by the peace deputation who recently visited St. Petersburg; but possibly they had no time or attention to spare for matters of so purely prac- tical a nature. At all events, while they have been learning to flatter the amiability and kind-heartedness of the author of the war, England has frankly recognized the duties incumbent on civilized and Christian States. French Declaratio) 1 in Re to of 7 in Regard Rights The following report to the ane from the Minister of Foreign Affairs appears in the Paris Moni‘eur:— Smrz—At a period when maritime relations and 'com- mercial interests occupy co large a place ia the existence of nations, it is the duty of any Power Rae to wage viating oa much as possible its effects, by leaving the ‘commerce of neutral nations every facility compatible with the state of hestility to which they endeavor to remain strangers. But it is not sufficient that the belligerent parties be fully determined to respect constantly the rights of neutrals; they are bound also to endeavor to calm down in advance the disquietudea which commercial men are always so }rompt to conceive, by not allowing any doubt to sub- sist as tothe principles which they intend apalying. A of regulations on the duty of neutrals might appear a fe ae eer on the Maced ity ee nations a ire to preserve neutrality; while, on the contrary, & spontaneous declaration of ‘the priaciplos to which 6 belligerent party promises to conform ap} the most formal testimony that it can give of its respect for the tions. It is with that idea, after having _ government of her Britannic Majesty, I keve the honor of submitting to the approbation o1 your Majesty the following declaration. Tam, sire, with the greatest respect, your y’s very hum! very obedient servant and faithful subject, if Approved ot) ieee PI o IN. The declaration is as follows:— DECLARATION RELATIVE TO NEUTRALS, LETTERS OF MARQUE, ms x h 29, 18 1854. ‘The Emperor of the Fronch, boing forcod to take Up arms to succr tn ally, derires to render the war ov little casrous te pescibie to the Powers with whom he remeine Ir order to protect the commerce of neutral Po: . pentrols from conveying the @ bound also to maintafn intact prevent neutrals from viol tony Lo established, by means of forts, harbors or comats of the on war of his Mi not fer the present to authorize tho ope British Orders tn Council, THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR. [From the Secon ceed egy to the London Gazette of Tuesday, March 98.) At the Court at Buckingham Palace, the 29th day of March, 1854. Prescnt, the Queea’s Most Excellent Ma- jesty in Coune’ Ber Majesty having determined to afford active asis- tance to her aliy, his Highness the Saltan of the Otto- man empire, for the protection of his dominions agaist the encroachments and unprevoked agzression of his rial Majesty, the Fmperor of all the Rassine, hor Ma- ts pleased, by and with the vice of toorder, anil {tis hozehy orlozed, thing € ry Cou be fitted | general reprienla be granted ogaipat the ships, veasela