The New York Herald Newspaper, March 28, 1854, Page 1

h q \ \ H { | completely cornered Mr. Cutting, and showed that in | \lows :—] | | '\ have their revenge. The Southern men say Cutting must \ Aght Breckearidge; but it is not likely he will doany such _ the truth of it—indeed, I see it has been corroborated by * Gorge Law never fulfilled the contract, and at this day | fiat capital, | million of dollars. When or where they ai | "WHOLE NO, 64 NEWS BY TELEGRAPH. | eer TREMENDOUS EXCITEMENT IN WASHING Cutting and Breckenridge. 4 MEETING ELSEWHERE ANTICIPATED. Warm ‘Vontest in the Senate Respecting the Homestead and Other Measures. | ‘Zhe Free Farm Bill Staved Of. | Farther Relative to the Sale of Gee. Law’s | Old Muskets. Interosting from Washington. THE EXCITING CONTROVEKSY BETWEEN MESSRS. CUT- TING AND BRECKENRIDGE. Wasnrvetos, March 27, 1864. ‘The personal debate between Mossrs. Cutting and Breck- enridge, in the House to-day, created the most intense interest in the House—members crowding around the combatants. Mr. Breckenridge the other day commenced the attack, and Mr. Cutting was considered as justified if replying in the same spirit. But Mr. Breckenridge’s rejoinder was the essence of bitterness, and his expres- sion the quintessence of contempt. As far as argument was concerned, Mr. Breckenridge’s friends think that he forcing tho Senate Nebraska bill to the Committee of the Whole he inflicted a fatal blow upon it. It was painful to witness Mr. Cutting’s evasions on this point. There ‘were some good hits made at the administration, Forney, and the Cabinet. Mr. Cutting’s allusion, however, tothe | fact that some gentlemen in New York sent a few hun- dred dollars to aid in the Congressional: canvass in Mr. Areckenridge’s district was in the worst possible taste, sand was so felt by the House. Aa Mr, Breckenridge has accused Mr. Cutting of stat- ing a falsehood, it is expected the latter, in fulfilment of his declaration, will adjust that portion of the argument outside the House. It is generally conceded that it is his only chance of squaring accounts. [Another despatch from Washington reads as fol- ‘The friends of Messrs. Cutting and Breckenridge appre- hend that the severe personal altercation in the House | to-day will lead to an unpleasant explanation out of it. | Considerable excitement exists on the subject. | THE NEBRASKA QUESTION AND THE ADMINISTRA- TION—MESSRS. CUTTING, BENTON, ETC. Innocent people may be surprised at the wrath of the ‘administration against Mr. Cutting. It is easily ox- plained, Cutting’s motion will probably carry the bill | from Congress to the people. Mr. Richardson’s plan might bave passed it, under the screws of the previous question, and it is important to pass it before June, for then two Senators are to be elected in New Hampshire. If the bill hangs fire till then Messrs. Norris and Wil- liams will be rejected most likely. But pass it and they may possibly succeed. Besides, the Northern supporters of the bill are getting weak in the back. Cutting’s mo- tion did the business. The game is lost. The ‘“hards’’ } thing. Colonel Benton will probably speak next week, if not before, on Nebraska. He says if the House cuts him off with am hour he will Smish in the Rotunda, He is dead against the bill, and will skow up the folly of the ad- ministration. MORE ABOUT GEORGE LAW AND HIS MUSKETS—THE PARTIES WHO SOLD AND THE PARTIES WHO ‘fouenr THEM. I telegraphed to you a few days ago, an account of the sale of the famous muskets of George Law, which had been effected recently in London by George N. Sanders. Some of your correspondents in this city, who don’t know these matters so well as I do, have contradicted it without any authority. I reiterate the statement, how- ever, in all its essential parts; there can he no doubt of the sailing of a vessel from your porta few days ago, with a portion of these muskets and some ammunition on board, cleared for somo port in the West Indies. George Law purchased these muskets, numbering about two hundred thousand, some years ago, at two dollars and alittle over a piece, being the price paid to govern- ment. They were muskets of an old calibre and shape, and were rejected by the government. For several years past he has been endeavoring to effect the sale of them in various parts of the world. Some two or three years ago, or more, he sent out Mr. Thomas N. Carr, who ‘was formerly Consul at Tunis, to Barbary, to dispose of a portion of these muskets in that quarter ; but, from some cause or other, owes Mi Carr for his expenses and commissions over six thousand dollars on the transaction. Mr. Carr, I under- stand, is about commencing a euit for the recovery of this sum ; and on its trial some extraordinary revela- tions connected with the history of the musket business and George Law's operations, will be brought out in one of your courts. It is well known that the nomination of George N. Sanders as Consul to London, took every one by sur- prise ; but it is not so very well known that he was ap- pointed through the influence of George Law, for the purpose of disposing of those muskets to any revolution- ary party, or any government, that wouldgbuy them. As soon as he went to Lendon, he commenced his egotiations with the revolutionary committees fin | f and particularly with Kossuth. By the last accounts I learn that contracts have been formed, through the operations of George N. Sanders, for the sale of all these muskets at something over five dol- Jars a piece, amounting on the whole number to over a to be deli- vered to the various parties in Eusope, will depend upon the progress of the war and the movements of the belli- | gerents in.that quarter. 1 2m somewhat inclined to be- | lieve, however, that a portion were sent several weeks sinee tosome quarter up the Mediterranean and to Gal- | way in Ireland; but there can be no doubt in regard to the clearance of the Inst to the West Indies, or that they will be landed at Constantinople, and some means taken, to introduce them into Hungary. 1 bave also some rea- ka to believe that a portion of them are intanded to go thitaly, and also to France, whenever the revolutionary Suders of Europe shall have found it necessary to coii--| mence the-movement. . { But before the revolutionary movements commence in | Jranee, Italy, and Germany, it will be necessary, accord- | ing to the accounts I have received, for the British and nch governments to make an attack upon Russia and be jlefeated in that attack, or in some way, at least, not sntceed in accomplishing their purpore “have been led to believe that the Russian agents in don bad furnished some of the means for the pur- ise of these muskets, to put into the hands of the re- intionary portions of the Continent; but there can be Ad doubt of their possessing plenty of ammunition in fey ‘ond that vast financial transactions have already t@on place for the purchase of ammunition, which is al about to be supplied ina circuitous way, from the source in this country. give this intelligence as it comes to me from reliable perties. Mr. Reed, the brother-in-law of George N. San- has admitted the fact on several occasions, of the of the muskets by Mr. Sanders, in London, and the ing of those vessels for a foreign port, proves it be- _yihd the possibility of a doubt. . » THE SENATE AND THE HOMESTBAD BILL, BTC. ‘WN will be the great question in that body as; soon a6 te Gadsdon treaty is disposed of, if not before. The jatest argument in bebalf of the Gadsden treaty is, that it may prevent Mexico falling into the hands of England and France. THR GADBDEN TRRATY—ASSISTANT GENERAL. = * sve Ondedon treaty was again before the Senate this afternoon, without definite result. Horatio King, of Maine,» clerk in the Post Office De- POSTMASTER | ‘The first of these was one appropriating two hundred and | expend more money From (he signs in the Senate to-day the Homestead — RORNING EDITION—TUESDAY MARCH 28, 1864, fifty thousand dollars for the purchase of # new alte for the Custom House at San Francisco, California, with authority to the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase a site, with buildings already erected. Mr. Huyrer explained that after the government had expended ninety thousand dollars in preparing a lot in San Francisco, with a water front, for the Custom House, California had set up a claim to it. The Secretary of the Treasury pro} to that State that she Tellnquish her claim to the United States, but California refused to do #0. It was considered dangerous for the United States to goon in the erection of bail on lots the title to which wasin #0 much doubt. The Attorney Ge- neral, under the former administration, had decided the title of the United States to be good, but the title waa now considered doubtful. This :mendment authorized the Secretary to procure a new site, and go on with the erection of buildings, or to purchase a new site, with the buildings already erected. It was of the highest import ance that the Custom House should be built. Govern- ment now paid an annual rent for public offices in San Francisco of one hundred and forty thousand dol lars. This case of the California Custom House wes peculiar, and entirely different from all others. Contracts had been made for the Custom House, and ma- terials had been procured, and prompt action respecting it ought to be had. Mr. Hamu, (dem.) of Me., said that no sufficient rea- sons bad been given for including the San Francisco Cus- tom House and excluding all others. He therefore moved to add to the amendment an appropriation of two hundred thousand dollars for rebuilding the Custom House at Portland, Maine. Mr. Huxter opposed this. In the case of the California Custom House legislation at this time wan absolutely necessary, and in others it was not. If all the proposi- tions for Custom Houses were added to thia bill it would defeat it. They had defeated it once before. Mr. Faxemnpen, (whig) of Me., followed, supporting the Maine Custom House. Mr. Paitin, (dem.) of Ia., said if ho believed this amend- ment would have the effect of killing the bill he might vote for it, He was opposed to all deficiency bills. They were bills intended to cover up the expenditure of money abstracted from the treasury without the authority of law. Nothing could justify the expenditure of money without its previous appropriation by Congress. If Con- gress refused to appropriate money enough for the wants of government, the responsibility would attach to Con- 8. Let the administration estimate for enough, and FF that be not appropriated all. the blame for any defi- ciency in the public service would attach to Congress. He would never vote for another deficiency Dill, and he desired to give the administration notice of that fact now. Mr. Honrgr said this bill did not contain one item of appropriation to cover up the expenditures made without the authority of law. It gave the government power to during the fiscal year than was originally appropriated. ‘There were afew cases where liabilities had been incurred beyond the amount appro- priated by Congress, and these were for small amounts, and for matters which could not have been forseen. Such cases had and would arise under all administrations. ‘There had been every year for the last forty years, under ee or another, deficiency bills, and necessari- 50. Mr. Smaps, (dem.) of Ill, asked how much this bill appropriated. ir. HUNTER said it appre} riated between two and three millions of dollars, inc! eight hundred thousand added by the Senate Committee. Mr. Jonzs, (whig) of Tenn., followed in the deficiency bills, and while denot economy pt by the House, of blindly cutting down the estimates one-half or one-third, maint that gov- — Geant not Balt ex, be or incur liabilities beyond e amounts appro} es Mr. Hamu replied, defending this bill. Mr. i dati em.) of Miss., was opposed to all defi- cier bills. He could not vote for the amendment, un- less the authority to purchase the buildings was stricken it. opposition to out. The bill was then postponed till to-morrow, at twelve o'clock. ‘THR INDIAN APPROPRIATION BIL. Was received from the Honse, and referred to the Fi- nance Commitiee. EXPENSES OP CONVEYING THE MAILS TO THE PACIFIC. The Cua laid before the Senate a communication from the Treasury, in reply to the resolution of the Senatecall- ing for a statement of the e: for tranaporting the mails, &c., to the Pacific, ‘during the last three years. By this it appears that there el ae to the government mail agents, between New York and San Francisco, for thiee years, ending June 30, 1863, the sum of $32,638; to the resident Post Office agent at Panama, $3,000; for mail transportaticn on the Isthmus, for the year endis June 1851, $48,957; 1862, $48,089; 1863, $86,314— he Isthmus) $182,200. ‘or mail transportation from New Orleans to Vera Cuz, eleven trips between February and September, 1858, $17,060. For transportation of supplies and munitions for naval forces on the Pacific for three years, ending June 30, 1855, $17,425. For transporting mails in steamers from New York to the-Isthmus, and froin Panama to California and heed for the year ending June 30, 1861, $596,783 34; for $689,588 34; for 1853, $574,134 53. For the transportation of troo} from California, Oregon, Texas, from July, 1850, to June, 1853, and seventy three thousand four hundred and fifty-nine oes twenty-six cents. The communication was re- ferred. ‘THE HOMESTEAD BILL—THE GADSDRN TREATY, ETC. Mr. Mason, (dem.) of Va., moved that all prior orders be postponed to the consideration of executive business. Mr. WALKER, (dem.) of Wis., said that he desired that the Senators and the country might know what it was proposed to postpone. The sp order was the Home- stead bill. it was proposed to postpone that. Mr. Dovox, (dem.) of Iowa, said if any battle or trial of strength was to come off between the friends of the Homestead bill and the Gadsden treaty, he desired to know the fact, and that it should come at once. He was in favor of one, but he could not say in open session how he stood towards the other. He desired that if the con- sideration of these measures was to come in conflict that there should be a free fight on the question. He was willing to divide the time of the Senate between the Homestead bill and other measures, but would not con- bese that the Homestead bill should be postponed for any other. Mr. Bropurap, (dem.) of Pa., said he would like to know what the Senator from 1owa and other members of the Land Committee had done with his bill, giving one hundred and sixty acres of land to old soldiers. Before all the public land. was given away he desired to get some for old soldiers and their descendants. Mr. WALKER said that the bill had been committed to peciul care, The Senator might look fer a report on it shortly, but he could not promise that it would bea favorable one. Mr. Gwin, oe of Cal., said he wae in favor of the Homestead bill, but there was a bill of immense import- and supplies to and few Mexico and Utah, two milhon six hundred } ance to be debated and passed by both houses, and that was the Pacific Railroad bill. He would object to any postponement of that bill beyond this week. Mr. DovGas, (dem.) of Ull., was in favor of considering the Homestead bill to-day. Mr. Cray, (dem.) of Ala., thought it would be advis- able to defer action on the Homestead bill till the last moment of the session. It provided for giving homes to all persons; foréignérs or native born, who should be residents of the Cnited States at the time of its passage. By the papers it would seem that an immense number of {panes Would emigtate to the United States duri: he spring and summer; and if the bill now a, these would be excluded. If not passed till late in the year, it would not bold out to these people the tompta- tion to commit perjury, in order to come in for its béne- fits. Mr. Mason raised a point whether this discussion was in order on his motion to go into executive session. ‘The Cuair decided the discussion was in order. Mr. Dover, of Iowa, said that if the bill did not sufli- cientiy provide for foreigners and all others, its friends would make it do so by proper amendments. He wished to meet this war-which was about to be made on the fo- reign population of the country. He desired to see greey countryman of Lafayette, Steuben, DeKalb, and Mont- gomery who came to the United States have a home for Himself and family. He desired to know if any portion of the democratic party intended to take up the exploded policy of the whig party, and do what that party has done, sinee the commencement of the government—meeti: the foreign born population with hostility. He upon the friends of the bill not to allow it to be over- Hlnughed by any other measure. The Crete ‘was then taken—ayes, 20. Mr. Wane, (free soil @f Ohio—I demand the yeas and nafs on the motion. Crime, “Oh no,” Much confu i Mr. Wapr—1 \w the call for the yeas and nays. Mr. Browx-1 renew it. Let us see who is for and who ii inst the Homestead bill. He then spoke in favor bil ‘the necessity of immediate action upon it. It wa ‘act of justice which had been too long delayed. He sa! Solan ited eae look as atest vote whether it was to be Counidered this sion-or not. Mr. Ruex, (dem.) of Texas, denied the justice or fair- neas in making a motion to go into executive session on easing business a test question on the Homestead ill. Mr. Mason by ogee to Senators to close the debate. ‘They all knew that the important and pre@ing business penting in executive session, if acted on at all, re- | — action within a limited time, and admitted of no lh ‘Mr. Sruart, (dem.) of Mich., said he was in favor of dividing the time, it the assurances could be given that the Homestead bill would be taken by Rg ed he would yote for the executive session to-day. If that was | not done he would vote to take up the jomestead bill a #6 No,” “Sit down.’” fertment, bas been nominated Assistant Postmaster Geveral, vice Major Hobbie, deceased. to-day. . 4 hig) of Del., rose ta a question a Pe arte, enc ale was inthe N words. —. On a motion made and seconded to shut the doors of th: } perfect candor, 5 _@ THIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS. Senate, on the dann "™°nof any bualnate which may in the FIRST SESSION. test ie walary vats iiirea, fond, daring the discussion ane of such mot 8 tho doors! Vespaia aes. | = Rk ee eed IN. | er ex a Wasmmorox, March 21, 1964. | soe could tot see any’bustnese what should be con | TAS DEFICIRNOY BILL. sidered in secret session if that was not. How was the | Mr. Huwier (dem) of Va., moved to postpone ali other | propriety of, Connidert certain matters to Pay 4 the open Senat the duty of the scape take up Deficlency bill, which was | ore ee lietioe ibe priced od reg Of tne Be. agreed to. nate to be shut. All the amendments reported by the Finance Com | Mr. BADGER, (whig,) of N. C., replied, denying that the mittee were adopted, without objection, except two. | Tule applied to any such case os the present. It was a rule which, when any subject matter of was before the Senate, allowed any member to ask that the doors be closed for Ee pareve. of considering im secret something connected with the legislative business before the Senate. There was no legislative business before the Senate om which to base sucha motiea. Mr. CLaytom repl: that a motion being made to go into executive session, and if, in the discussion of that motion, it was found necessary to allude to matters which could not be discussed in open session, any mem- ber had a right to move that the doors be shut, and it was the duty of the Chair, upon motion being made, to order the doors to be closed. In the rule, move that the doors of the Senate be shut. sought to be placed on this rul le, ed, ing with Mr.. Badger, and strenuously opposed this indirect mode of getting an ex- ecutive session. Cuam decided that a Senator, having stated that was business requiring to be considered-in secresy, and a motion being made that the doors of the Senate shut, it was his duty to order the gallery to be cleared. Mr. Sauwrs appealed from the decision of the Chair and argued the point. Mr. Brier, Gem) of 3. C., entreated the Senators to lay aside all Aechnicalities and go into executive session. Mr. Suretys asked if the Senator from Wisconsin desired to take up the Homestead bill to-day. Mr. Warrer said he would be glad to do so. Mason said that the rule was plain, that if any Senator should rise and state, ou"his"res) ibility, that there were matters requiring to be considered in secret scasion, that the doors of the Senate are to be closea at once. When the doors are closed, the Senate could hear tle Senator, and could determine whether he was right or wrong in asking that it should be considered in secret session or not. Mr. Hain said that the statement of the case was all that was required. The Senator from Virginia had moved to go into executive session; others opposed it because the Homestead and other bills were more im- rtant. The Senator from Virginia has reasons which ¢ thinks should induce the Senate to go into executive sesaion, but he cannot state them in open Senate; and, therefore, asks that the doors be shut to enable him to doso. When the doors are shut the Senate can deter- mine whether the Senator has reason for making his re- quest or not. Mr. Bavcrr replied, and pointed out the mischievous consequences Which might result from allowing any one Senator to break up all esaions by moving to ‘shut the loors. Mr. Mason withdrew his motion, and renewed it in the following words:—I move that the Senate go into execu- tive jon, and as an auxiliary to the consideration of ae motion, I move that the doors of the Senate be ut. Mr. Sumeipe—I withdraw my appeal. Mr. BapcEr—I renew it. Messrs. Clayton, Butler, Stuart and Toucey followed, sustaining the decision of the Chair., and Messrs. Badger, Shields, and Douglas opposed it. It was now three o'clock, this discussion having occu- pied on hour and a half. ‘Tus CHAIR—The Senator from Vi moved that the Senate go into executive session, which motion is, in the pinion of theChair, business, in the contemplation of the rule; and the Senator, on his responsibility asa Senator, stated that there were matters pertaining to the consideration of that motion requiring it to be considered in secreay, and not proper to be disclosed in open session; and he, having moved that the doors of the Senate be shut,"the Chair decides that, under the rule, it is my duty immediately, and without taking any question on the motion, to order the gallery to be cleared and the doors of the Senate to be closed. From this decision an appeal has been made. Is the decision of the Chair cor- rect? The vote resulted d, Bell, Brodhead, Butler, Cla, Wis, Bvanc: Fessonden, Bila | f K; Sean rn jompaon of N. 3. Wiktame and Wright 29. r, Brown, Dodge of Iowa. Douglas, n., Pettit, Shields and Walker Fo the Senate proceeded, with closed doors, to consider the motion to shut the doors of the Senate on considera- tion of the motion to go into executive session. At half-past four the doors opened, and the Senate ad- ote understood that upon closing the doors all objec- jection was withdrawn, and the Senate went into execu- tive session. House of Representatives. ‘Wasminaton, March 27, 1854. NAVIGATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. Mr. Cnanprgr, (whig) of Pa., presented a memorial from the Board of Trade in Philadelphia, asking that an appropriation be made for clearing out the mouth of the Mississippi river. Referred to the Committe on Com- merce. INDIAN APPROPRIATION BILL. The House took up the Indian Appropriation bill, and concurred in all the amendments, with the exception of that appropriating $100,000 for the payment of expen- ses of holding a council with, and making presents of goods and provisions to the Blackfeet and other tribes of Indians, immediately within or adjacent to the eastern boundary of Washington Territory, and defraying the ex: penses of bringing the chiefs of said tribes to Washing- ton, which was rejected by yeas 61, nays 89. ‘the bill was finally passed. THE SAN FRANCISCO RESCUERS. ‘The House, by ayer 84 noes 43, refused to discharge | the Committee of the Whole .on the State of the Union | from the further consideration of the resolutions testify- ing the thanks of Congress towards the rescucrs of the San Francisco passengers—a two-third vote being neces- sary for the purpose. RAILROADS AND TELEGRAPHS TO THE PACIFIC. Mr. Coup, (dem.) of Alu., moved a suspension of the rules in order to introduee ‘a resolution making the bill establishing railroads and telegraphic communication be- tween the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans and for other pur- | 4 the special order for the third Tuesday in May. the rules were suspended, by 128 against 39. The resolution was introduced. itt: Howstow, (dem.) of Als., will my colleague modity Mr. Cosp—I am afraid to undertake it Mr. Houstox—The time should be limited going thus to tie ourselves up we shall reach no other business. The resolution was passed, by yeas 129, nayw 40. LAND OFFICES IN MINNESOTA. ‘The House passed the bill establishing four additional Inne offices in Minnesota. ‘TRE NAVY TO BE STRENGTHENED, Mr. Bocock, (dem.) of Va., moved a suspension of the rules to offer the following:— Ww A proper regard for the interests of the country naval forces to be promptly increased; there- ved, That eli ou der of the day for te-morrow, an y ¢ rules were suspended, by Mr. Bocock, at the request of oe Bey fred whether th 1 4 ir. Houston inqui whether the gentlemanfpropose to limit the debate. y rates Mr. Bocock replied—A resolution for that pu’ could be introduced any time after the temper of the House shall have been consulted. ‘The resolution was passed THR MAILS BETWEEN NEW YORK AND WASHINGTON. Mr. Fanixr, (whig) of Me., moved & suspension of the rules to introduce the following resolution:— Rs Committee on Post Offices and Post to inquire whethe: i 35, nays 35. frienda, withheld the ai Phila- —. and Baltimore; also, into the expediency of eatablish- ing, by n ‘additional post row of 8 ralir ine be, cities nection with the other two mittee report by bill or oth ‘ Twine. The House refused a suspension of the rules, by 81 against 74. gilts House went into Committee of the Whole upon e CIVIL AND DIPLOMATIC APPROPRIATION BILL. THE EXCITING CONTROVERSY BETWEEN MESSRS. CUT- TING AND BRECKENRIDGE. Mr. Currne rose, and this was the signai for gentlemen crowding in front of him, and it was some minutes before the anxious ones wore satisfactorily seated. The galleries were crowded, and the general expectation was that there would be something rich and exciting. What follows is a condensation of the debate:— Mr. Cure said—On Tuesday last, after the morning hour had expired, and the House went to the business on the Speaker’s table, a motion was made by the Chairman of the Committee on Territories to refer the Senate’ braska bill to that committee. On the othor hand, for reasons 1 then gave, I submitted » proposition that the bill be referred to the Committee of the Wha oa the State of the Union. The House listened to the clear and distinct argument of the gontleman from Tilinois, (Mr. Richardson,) against my motion. It was ‘an‘argument which afterwards set the. House somewhat on their guard, and I submitted, in torma by no moans disrespectful, the motives which infuenced my condact on that occasion. I thought I bad expressed myself with sleataome’ $08 frankness 1 anid there ‘was not a gentleman on this floor a stromger az more “of theoeaware than f was. argued ny cbjection to dhe measure waa. my ol mn to the Dill iteelf, and said it would not rewire may humble of the majority, without essen- In making that pane am any language the House; more , eyecially 1 « If we are | struction of | C lertake to aseall motives. he disclaimed any intention to at them, but said that while I cast one arm around the measure o# a friend with the other I pat ee en te = stiletto; oe 0 with the aged patriarch of old, I had practi a cheat upon the meant not to aseail my to hy pact me, and to assail me for having stated my reasons for making the motion witteb I made on that occasion. I bed yd that at the North we will have to take the brunt of the difficulty and , and I thought I would satisfy my constituents that an opportunity should be to: dis- cuss the measure. I was amared that a gentlessan from a slaveholding Stete, where his constituents are united, and who will take {o their arm and press hinsfor his advocacy of the measure, shouldjeome here and denounce a member from the North, who, though friendly to the Prine! , desired a fair opportunity for discussion. Was bat fair for the Sonth? Was thst 8 fair course fer a gentleman in this House to twke? Ho came here to stigmatize me for merely asking that privilege. Wor more reasons than one, the géntleman made a favorable impression on my constituents. They are men who ap- preciate patriotic services, and there were no more prompt and efficient gentlemen to aid him than those same gentlemen who are associated with me, and who are mace the victims of the gentleman from Kentucky. Let us see the ground on which the gentleman under- takes to put the matter:—He charges me with being secret enemy of the, bill while openly professing frien ship for it. When did the gentleman hear me declare that I. wai dy fo the Senate bill? I stated that J, and I believed a majority of the House, were against it. Docs net the gentleman know the différence between a principle and a bill to carry out that principle? I said I was in favor of the principle, but not in favor of thi measure. What was the ground of complatt? That I w consigning this measure to the tomb of the Capulets by sending it to the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union. After the bill had been so referred, where was the need of the gentleman's making an argument subsequently proving that the bill ought to pass, if he thought it never could be reached? No gentleman ac- quainted with the orders of the calendar for a mo- ment would believo that sending it there was to defeat its action d the session. Did not the gentleman hear the Chairman of the Committee on Territories move to go into committee to take up the House Nebraska bill? Would he have made a motion so carnostly if there nochance to get at it? A frank, honorable gentle- man, who desires to discuss the subject, comes here with a spceeh not only inflammatory in style, but rated. in fact, declaring there are scores of bills ahead of it on the calendar. ‘There was not one score even. There were some eighteen or nineteen bills all told, large and small, of great and little degree; all appropriation. billx, nearly, subject to the control of the Committee of Ways and Means. The gentleman said that there was a moun~ tain on the bill which never could be removed. It was a flash of the imagination of the gentleman that raised this mountain and created scores and scores of bills. not the gentleman know there ‘Was a preconcerted Saneree ys d to go into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, and propose amendments to the House bill, and report it to the House? What inconvenience would there have been in this? Either bill would be amended, and would have to go back to the Senate. Then, by what authority did the entleman say I undertook to commit the bill to the tomb for a ds of creating a false impression in the pub- lic mind? Mr. RicHaRpson, (dem.) of Ill.—I deem it due to mvaelt to state that there was no arrangemont, has n stated in the public papers and by letter writers. Mr. Curnmne—I did not say #0. Mr. Rictagpsox—I will state to the gentleman, and he knows well, we had the Senate’s bill on the Speaker's table, and we could have discussed the House bill in com- mittee, and there perfected it. Mr. Curmne—' ? Mr. RicnaRpsox—In Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union. The opponents of the bill could have there discussed it. We the Senate’s bill on the Speaker's table, where we could reach it directly, bring- ing on a discussion on the whole subject. If thore had been a factious opposition to the House bill, we should have bad another chance at the Senate bill. Mr. Curmme—It stands conceded, as I observed. It was the intention to discuss the bill in Committee of the Whole, and report it after it bad been amended. Mr. Rictaxpsox—The gentleman speaks of the discus- sion of the House, not of the Senate bill. The reference of the Senate bill placed it ina ition where it could not be reached in the House. It is thought very doubt. ful when it will be reached, the French Spoliation bill and the Appropriation bills, eighteen in number, I be- eve, preceeding it. Mr. Curmme—Don’t let us trifle with important sub- jects, In the name of if you had gone into a dis- cussion om the House billin committee, would you also have hed a discuss'en om the Senate bill in the House? ‘Ubere seems to be some f reason or ior the wrath of the gentlomen from Kentucky te be excited to such an extraordi . I thought he shook and quaked with fear because of the outcries from Masrachusetts; and when he spoke of the answering bugle from Ilinois, there may have been apprehensions on his mind thatif we should not dispose soon of the Serate bill, we might hear more of remonstrance, and louder tones of the bugle than had yet reached these halls and other departments of the city. Are we to be thrown out of our propricty because you hear the screams of violence of a mob, and not investigate this measure, because the bugle notes come from the West? Nol Whatever fears prompted the gentleman to make his assault on me, I partake not of them in the least degree. I tell the gentleman the bugle notes may encourage him, but they will not urge me onwards. The cries that alarmed him came from the North, and I am to meet and subdue them ifIcan. We shall hear more of them. I shall return to breast:the storm and current of fanati- cirm, not in the least intimidated or alarmed by any of those cries which seem to have shaken the nerves of the gentleman. I said that we should require Mr. Clayton’s amendment to be stricken out, and that Mr. Badger’s amendment meant more (han what was expressed on its face. The gentleman complains that I have given this the name of the Badger Ameniment. Is it so discredit. ableto have that gentleman’s name connected with it? The gentleman from Kentucky seemed to intimate that it was a sort of slur to Jink Mr. Badger’sname with the pro- | viso to which he stood godfather in the Senate. I said that the Badger amendment did annul laws to an extent | with which Congress has nothing to do. I submitted | that, on the princi; of non-intervention, Congresy was to keep its hands off; and [ submitted it to the gentlemen | of the South whether it did not intervene relative to the great principles in the bill. I did not look to the gen | tleman of Kentucky for an asasult upon my motives. I | should have liked him to say somothing with regard | to the construction I put om the Badger proviso, but the | gentleman did not deem it necessary to enter into an ar- gument, I declared my adherence to the principle, but | the newspapers came out with a universal shout and reproved me. How came it that the Union newspaper of this city assailed me—a press conducted, it is said, by the Clerk of this House, who is united the Printer | of this body in carrying out his orders? How is it that | a friend of the measure is selected as the victim? Was | it to drive off those friends who had given him their sup- | port? Is it to assagsinate the friends who stand with | me? | Mr. Breckesrmor, (dem.) of Ky., who had taken a | seat in the vicinity of Mr. Cutting, aekel: “Do you ap- | ply that remark to me?” | ” Mr. Curnxc—Not unless you consider yourself a por- | | tion of the Union. It applies to that newspaper. Mr. BRECKENEIDGE—I wus at the moment taking a note, | and heard a word. Iask whether the gentieman applies | that remark to me, and want a categorical answer. | Mr. Cormxa—I did not. Iam the only one charged | with being an assassin, with the arm of friendship around the measure, and with the other stabbing it to the heart. | If I did simply retort, the gentleman forced it upon me. } Lhave been the constant theme of a series of attacks. When I see the papers of New York opposing the measure not commented on by the organ here, but in the enjoyment of public nie mae I | see public officers, at home and abroad, acting hostile to the measure, and find them cherished, and see them re- tain possession of their placese—I am induced to ask what tort of a measure is it, when ite enemies are rewarded and ite friends perenne) and their motives impeached ? | 1 find that t] 6 NOW mé a test question. I see it is made so by @ prominent friend of administration here {but in a paper in New Ham ¥ as inti- mately friendly with the President, the editor disclaims itaaa party test. There is but one single ground on which the democrats of the North can stand, and that the ground of non-intervention. If this is found in the bill, J shall vote for it, I wish to come toa in under: standing with all sections—to know pi what tl bill is—so that hereafter there may be no difficiilty in this particular. Mr. BRecKENRIDGE—I ha’ forborne to interrupt the gentleman. While his remarks are fresh in my mind, 1 sbovld like very mach to \d to then. Mr. Cornxe—With the understanding that the time employed shall not be deducted from my hour. Croe—'‘ No objection” —‘‘ Agreed "—‘ Let's have it out now.” ‘ Mr. Baecemwnipcr—I have listened to the remarks of the gentleman, but he has not met a single position I took the other day. It belittles a man to see him twist words out of their legitimate connection. I spoke of the gentleman stigmatizing it as the Badger proviso, and ad- verted to the remark of the gentleman that it did not do justice to the South, when it was acceptable to the. it majority of the Southern members. Piwiah to aay the gontloman talk: ke a lawyer in a bad case, but not like 4 statesman. hy Mpecch the other day | referred ta the notes from boston and the West— Mr. Curimad—The bugle notes. Mr. BRECKENRIDGE—And he said we wished to hurry through the bill without a full discussion. If any mem- ber look: hap Sab seams = he will see that I did not say id it a full discussion would bring the so. I regis to the bill, and although New land might still oppose, she is not the centre; ai that the Weat nds on the principle of the bill. Was _ { com for the gentleman to I feared bugles? uity, and more than that. The geatiomen said that Tallowed twe days to before I attacked the victim and his mo- tives; but he not recollect that after he made his the latches of the previous days interval in dus to the geatle- interrupt him to-day because his nad attacked his he put down 4 , #0 that the two man ALe ee PRICE sTWO CENTS. T said movement to kill the bill iP wan the cong :atulation of itival abolitionixta. if chee playing the assassin inten yi was, toall intents, as one'arm thi own around the brother, while with the other the fatsl stab yas inflictet. J will not to the committee to judge. nions on the subject. Let us turn away from the ver- binge of the gentieman. Here we find the bill om the table, snug and safe, under the control of the House. The House bill had been referred to the Committee of of the Nebraska bill » double chasree. The one coulit have been taken up in committee, dfveussed tured; the other whenaver the Heuse chose to V4 to the Speaker's table, could have been discussed in the House. Under these circumstances the gentleman frone New York refused to go with the friends of the measure’ to discuza the House bill in committee, but voted agatnyt it, and afterwards he himself imoves to goto business on the er’s table, and next moves to vend the Senate bill to the Committee of the Whele on the State of the Union. It is placed at the foot of the calendar, and may never be reached till the end of the session. Has dot the gentleman perspicuity enough to see thin? The gertieman re: that I said there were scores of bills before it. I have no or in any printed speech. I said it was put at the foot of the calendar. Has not the gentleman perspienity enougn to see that when it is desirable to kill a measure it is al- ways sent tothe Committee of the Whole ow the State-of the Union? Mr. Exoursn, (dem.) of Ja.—There are fifty bills on tire calendar bef@re the Nebraska bilk Mr. Curminad—Before the House bill? Mr. BRECKENRIDGE (resuming)-—Before the House bili}. 1e raw now—but did he not say the Senate bill must be discussed, and Badger’s amendmeat looked into? Mr. Curmna shook his head. Mr. BRECKENBIPGE—It is useless for the gentleman to shake his head. Mr. Pamuurs, (dem.) of Als.—Mr. Badger’s amendment is not in the House bill. Mr. BRECKENRIDGE—Nor is Dr. Clayton’s amendment in the House bill. Idon’t like to pusb this matter; the gentleman’s replies are evasive. His arguments are bet- ter suited to a bad case in a court of law than in wdelibe- rative assemble. How came the national—the essential: ly national gentleman—from New York to be found in open union with the abolitionists and free soilers on the ficor? How came he to recoive their congratulations, and why do their presses take him up as the hero of killing the Nebraska bill? He can never rab out from any plain man’s mind that the effect’ of his mo- ion has to kill the bill. The gentleman asks me why I made a aspecch. The Nebraska pill ean be revived and brought before the Heuse; but for that his movement would have succeeded, and its warms est friend would have had the means of aiding his aboli- tion friends and putting it to death. What, he asks, could have been the motives of the gentleman from Ken- tucky, in assailing him, a friend of the measure, and not assailing the enemies of the moasure? Why drive him off, a national man, to glorify persons at the other end’ of ‘the avenue? The meaning ot the gentleman was: co- vered up with verbiage; but it wa inuendo that the gentleman from Kentucky had in concert with presses in this city to drive the gentleman. of New York ‘rom the support of the bill. Is it not a low ambition for aman to pursue a course of hostility towards a measure, because another is for it? Does the gentleman suppose twenty administrations could drive him from his posi- tion? “I believe the administration honestly in favor of the bill, and I will support them on that point. But if the administration were against it, I would, nevertheless, be for it, and they should never drive metrom my posi tion. Ihave no more connexion with the administration than any other . 1 owe them nothing except what is due to all engaged in the execution of the laws. I am sustained by the majority of my constituents, the. peers of Presidents and ‘ ight applause.) So far from driving the gen ‘ rom the support of the bill, it was withthe profor est regret and mortification I saw his course. I have | sten- ed to the debates in which he traced the previous course of the national party in New York; and although he was opposed to bringing that quarrel into Congress, I could not refuse my sympathy and good feeling, though they did not want sympathy. So far from making war on the hards, my sympathiea ‘were with ‘them. Hence the pain and wounds, especially of tho South, when they aw him turn a sharp corner and enter into alliance with the very worst of political abolitionists in the House, You which every man with five graina of sense knowa was to killthe bill, 1am not sure 1 understood the gentleman. Ido not suppose he has authority to speak for any one but himself. The gentleman said I was the last indi- vidual whom he expected would would make an assault upon him, because in the day of my greatest nee! the “hards’ come to my aid. ‘Tha inuendo is so deep that I donot pnderstand it, Task an oxplanation. Mr. Curmsa—The explanation will be given, 1am in- formed that during the canvass in Kentucky, it being intimated that funds were needed in or- der to accomplish the success of the gentleman, my friends in New York made up a subscription some Seto ere ere, ae uaneniitel ie fund Canney ee of Presidents and Cabinets. Mr. BRECKENRIDGE (proudly and deflant)—And not only the peer of the President and the Cal but the et of the gentleman from New York in every respect. tap: plause on the democratic side of the house.) Mr. Warss, Iveco) of N. Y.—I believe I have as good a right t K for the hards of New York as any gentleman in this hall or out of it. I have stood and stemmed the tor- rent of treason in the North, when those who have at- tempted to speak for them have skulked from the threshold of the places where their meetings were held, and I do not want an imputation of this character to go out unexplained to the world. When we came here we protestta ‘against the administration interfering with our local affairs in New York, and now ny colleague states that « portion of those who sent him here interfered in the same way in Kentucky. Mr. CurmNG—Is that all the gentleman rose for? Mr. Warst—That’s all. Wll be on hand by and by, though. (Laughter.) Mr. BReckEniniGE—I do not want scraps of telegraphic despatches for my apecch. In every waster relating to legislative duty I am surrounded by a majority of my constituents, the peers of Presidents and Cabinets. (Re- newed applapse.) The gentleman first said on this eek had received particular aid from the bards of New ‘ork Mr. Curnina—State my proposition as I gave it. called on me. Mr. BRucKENRIDGE—The gentleman said I ought to be the last man to say anything unkind of him, for in the time of need— Mr. Curnmya—I said you were the last person from whom 1 expected it. Mr. BreckkNRinGe—A most important verbal difference! | The remark was, I ought not to have been the man to do it, because in the time of my greatest need the hards of New York rendered me valuable aid. manner were so pointed thet no one could fail to perceive that he meant something more than what appeared on ‘the surface. T asked what he meant, and he now pretends to answer that J extorted the reply. He understood that in the last canvass in Kentucky an intimation was sent to New York that funds were required in the race, whereupon, his friends made up $1,600, and sent the money to Kentucky to promote my election. Before [ answer to the fact, I have to say to the gentleman he should have known the truth of what he uttered before he brought it to this floor. I have no information that an intimation of that kind was ever sent from Kentucky, or that the money was | ever received. I was engaged in an arduous and heated canyas, and but little at home. I addressed public as semblies. I have no knowledge of the fact—none what- ever. the use of money. I have to say I represent a dis- trict in which the money power was concentrated, and that power was in the hands of my oppo. nents. It was said that I should be beaten if it cost fifty thourand dollars to do it;andI would tell him thirty thousand dollars were syent in vain, for here I am. was elected yi a larger mejority than all Wall street could control in my district. (Applause.) I am think- ing what course to pursue. 1 intended to characterise the remarks of the gentleman in such terms as would leave no doubt as to my meaning. Perhaps I had better not. Perhaps the advantage I have gained and the com- mon reprobation which the committee fee? for such con- ct ia @ sufficient punishment, I daresay such » thing as never done before. I never associated politically with » gentleman’ who would make a reference of that sort. The gentleman even undertook, in reviling me, to cast the responsibilty of the utterance recollection of this. Ido not find the word in my notes of the remark on me. | have courted no controvers has been forced on me. But he cannot eseape by - tlety and ingenuity, and thus place himself in a fag po sition. The sooner he stops that game the better. Ifthe tleman is « friend of the Nebraska measure there will Beabundant opportunities for showingit. No one hasa right to challenge his honesty: but it ia the duty of » sentinel to call attention to a course calowlated to put the dill to death. Ishould be happy to vote with the gentle. man for the bill; but I shall vote for it though I should not have the support of the gentleman. Mr. CornNe—Are you through’ Mr. BurckENKupGE—I am, sir Mr. Corrinc—I have given the gentleman an opporta- nity to reply, but a more unparliamentary amd personal assault was never made on this floor. 1 offered to give the gentleman the floor while his rage was boiling ,over to let the hot words roll out. The day after the gentle- man made his speech, a colléngue from New York ob- jected, and prevented my getting the floor. I charged ‘the gentleman with assailing my motives. The commit- tee have heard his anawer. I ask whether he has not hurled an imputation Ly ania me for making that motion’ How can he disclaim any attack when he follows it up by dectaring my intentions and motives were to de- stroy the measure to which I had not declared myself? —Does the gentleman say I called tention and motive? I did not intend tful, but alluded to the effect of Mr. in question his in anything dis motion. Im e itleman to point to the oocasion bag aa it his intention and motive to destroy the bill. Mr. Curring—I submit it to the committee whether nd scope of the gentleman’s remarks ittack on my motives for making the nm (i ie et ceetta meal et imputation. ere, not n equal, paving for myself a reputation equally as dear if not so lofty as that of the gentleman. I stand sentative of nowmmtteney of whom I am the impereean and purposes, T hw inaigeation deserves ar motives of the gentleman, Whole on the State of the Unien. Titi gave the friends and ma- oor | The language and | I do not intend to into an argument as to the motives; I will leave it . There can be no two opi- | | daze the mewsbes. 0° wuvdertake’ to. cteast ome va ‘onda Mor A measure wna a sem, PS it to the foot of the calendar ? (i Sara ie ws Unio. | ir control tl which the,” intended e find esca of the cal And whee the State of House iil, he retreats bill at the foot : mia, “ising hastily, sa din an earnest tone: Lask the gention af $0 withdraw eam gention aw the last words . CUTTING (with emphagi')—I will withdraw not What F said 1 have agid in a %8wer to the most viola gna personal attack ever made °U 8 geatleman oa this Br. e—Wher the he says whut is false and knows i [Great eacitement—inembenr Ge meee aes ree. Ir. COTTING—I not answer remarks’ auch ay gentleman has‘thought proper to’ employ. They hao toa different region. Iam not here to dese, rate my Uj by answering in such a tone ari’ manner. The gont man said I to be more’ Southern than the South itself. I owe nothing to the South, ver do £ curry favor with section of the country. My desire is to let the South understand what my interpretation of the'previsos in the-fenate bill are, so that Ce epee arise hereafter. I wished to piace the Ba pot amendment on a principle that all can under- wantno move'afterclaps nar caventa against nierpretation. 1p eas from Kentueky was vindie. tive and full of calumny because this Senate measure Was taken frous the table. He says it'was there safe and snug.and thers-we hadit. What docs he-mean by eafe and mug, and under the control of. the committee or certain members of this Mouse? wanted was that ntieman rays { wlculle, it. uneasy in their seats, F as to place it out of the power of previous question on it and stop free i Mr. Buscxrxnmas—{ never sald under the control of certain members... Itis FY , bat Iname Mr. Corrnc—Under control of ‘the friends of the bl I want full, fair, open, frank discussion—I want resort to, parliamentary tactics. Now, I to good sense and £1 of the committee what posslide reason could there be forsuch a rash objeetion to the course which wasadopted? Why keep the bill on the table when the strictest parliamentary rules were resorted to? Itisneither in the power of this administration, nor in that of the gentleman from Kentucky, nor any portion of this House, to drive me froua the discussion ot a principle | deermright. But when I did that, I looked with considence fou support, or, at alhovents, for an ab: rence of ill fecling on the part a gentleman esteemed st home asa ‘friend. When I'found him, umes. sailed making am assault on me, Fri ana unattacked, | T thought he woud be the last man guilty of the act, es pecially when ‘be knew my fricads are his friends. E Fegret that wy colleague, (Mr. Walsh,) entirely outside of this question, should say what he did. I had sup- posed the gentleman from New Yauk, from the intimagg which subsists between us on public matters, would have goucurredas to ihe propriety f sending the’ Senate but to the Cammittes of the Whola an tho State of the: Union, understood to. assert that discussion was necessary, and that it would be pro- er to take the bill from the Speaker's table to avoid. the cussion being brought 40,8 premature close, and we and fally. I, therefore, counted on the support of w; ; T do not mean to let articles writton by tho Olerk of the House, in the Union newspaper, or any other writing, throw me off the position] occupy. I will seek to put the measure in, that shape which will give the. most satisfaction to the eountry, and put at rest the. fanaticism and outcry which now provail throughout prevented from giving our views freel the land. It is my desire, again to accomplish a returu to peace aud harmony; and | would therefore a1 it te. gentlemen who are anxious for the of this bit that itis not (he best mode of accomplishing it to’ as- sail those » are friendly to the principle and the inal outlines. If they desire success they should turm Re. atte es on the enemies rather-than on the friends of the bill, The Committee rose, and the House adjourned. ‘The Release of the Black Warrior, Mosrz, March 25, 1864. Aletter from Havana, to the owners of the Black War- rior, states that the cargo was released, as well as th» vessel, upon the payment of the $6,000 fine. She was te sailfor New York, with her cargo, an the 24th inst, The Fugitive Slave Affair at Auburn, Avsury, March 27, 1854. Yesterday morning at half past eight o'clock, the fugi- tive slave, George Washington, was liberated free | } | | | The flames were I came here not by the aid of money, but against | | | | } | | i} prigop, and no arrest was attempted. Some two or three nundred people were sent, and of postession of the fugitive and marched supposed en route for Canada. It is ¢ that his master has not been bore at all, alt! so reported. Great Fire at Bir near Pittsburg. rrrspuRG, March 27, 1864. A great fire occurred yesterday afternoon in Birming- % this city. It originated in house and owing wns, jane Sane the fire raged ive hase Mais eae ste nd ‘orcs, a by bouseless. down some houses. About forty,of the Dulldinge were ait- uated between Grosvenor and Mec! and some sixty others on Bradford street. It is impossible as yet to estimate the loss, which is supposed by many to reach: $200,000, while others think it does not exceed $50,000. About one-third of the property was insured. Thomson's. loss is $12,000, probably covered by insurance. Greggs” lead factory and saw mill were amongst the buildings de- stroyed. Fires at Petersburg and Weldon. Bavrimorm, March 27, 1854. New Orleans papers of Tuesday last are recelved. Afire at Petersburg, Va., yesterday afternoon, dos- troyed Messre. Thompson & Tucker's tobacco factory, and damaged tha Merchants’ Exchange. ‘The warerooms of the Seaboard and Roanoke Railroad at Weldon, N. C., were destroyed by fire on Saturday. Loas $6,000. ter Departure of the Ottawa. Boston, March 27, 1864. ‘The screw steamship Ottawa sailed from Portland for Liverpool on Saturday evening, taking out a few passem- gers, a full freight, and some mail bags. Marine Disaster. DISASTEY TO SHIP COLCHI8—SEAMAN KILLED, ETC. Haurax, March 27, 1864. ‘The ship Colchis, from Boston for Liverpool, was dis abled in the gale of March 19, and put in here yesterday ina leaky condition. One seaman had been killed and several others injured. SCHOONER PANTA RUN INTO BY A STRAMER. Norrorx, March 27, 1864. ‘The schooner Panta, from New York, bound to James River, in ballast, was run into by the steamship James- town on Sunday night, and had her bowaprit and all her head rigging carried away. Gold for the Mint, &. Paiapenrata, March 27, 5 P. M. ‘Tse steamers Emprel and Eclipse, both from New Or- cans, arrived at Louisville on Friday night last, each with $500,000 in gold dust, for the Philadelphia Mint, where it safely arrived this morning. Business is very active, and the city is thronged witt: Southern and Western merchants ; some pleasure seek- ing, but the majority to purchase goods. Markets. BavrimoR®, March 27, 1854. At our cattle market to-day 860 head of beeves were offered, of which 800 were sold at prices from $4-50 2 $5 60 on the hoof- Oe ade 6 net. a . Hoge—sales were made at $5 THREE DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE. HALF-PAST SLX O'CLOCK, A. Mf. The steamsbip Africa is coming op, and will reach her dock about nine o'clock. Full details of the foreign news will be publish ed in cur afternoon editions.! Supreme Court—Clreuit. Before Hon. Judge Mitchell. TWO THOUSAND DOLLARS DAMAGES AGAINST THE HUDSON RIVER RAILROAD COMPANY. f Mancn 28.—John Luby and Wife vs. the Hudson River Railroad Company.—The plaintiff in this case brings am action against the defendants for injury inflicted on his wife by the alleged carelessness of one of their drivers of a four horse car, Damages were laid at $2,000. For the plaintiffs, Messrs. Dillon and O'Gorman produced tes- timony to show — on Aen A A ba dhreneienl ba Luby was crossing the track in West street, with a child in. her arms, ove of the. defendanta’ four horse cars came down rapidly, an being able to avoid it, was jammed against a pile of tam. ber, by which she sustained severe injuries. Her spi was hurt, some teeth knocked out, and her ear cat. Persons pascing by saw the danger, and called to the driver to stop; but he did not do so, and some of the peo- fe'rurhed forward and seized. the Dy the head. The driver was arrested, and said he could not atop the car in time, a8 the break was out of order. Mrs. Luby was removed to the hos |, Where she was confined about three weeks. For defence Mr. Fullerton ap- peared, and submitted that there was not die caution observed by the plaintift’s wife. There was alo vet ae general denial ot the tions. jury be a verdict for the plaintiffe for the full amount sought— $2,000. SMaLLrox is Virainia—l he smallpox has he borhood of cases have ocourred Soa end of last week, ta flalo, on the 26th inst, the weather was very eo Bator wae falling. Detroit, same day, the mercury was at tem degrees above zero.