The New York Herald Newspaper, February 22, 1854, Page 4

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NEW YORK HERALD. SPPICE X. W. CORNER OF FULTON AND NASBAU STB. TERMS cash im advance. THE DAILY HERALD 2 cents per, copy, ST pe THE WEEKLY HERALD tery 8a ny a came Sete tan part ef rere tritiny and # fo wey part af te Hinent both to include postr oe wuh aad 3 mail for Subscriptions or ¥ er deere neti aids or the postage will be deducted from Bie BRINTING executed with neatuess, cheapness, und witch . c VOLUNTARY, CORRESPONDENCE, containing ixsper FOLUNTARY CORR. hit Moy oyrem ey = OREION ORKESPONDENTS 1 eanum. 64 conte BOWERY THEATRE Bowsry.—Uncix Tox # Canin. BROADWAY THEATRE, Sroadwey—A Miosvmwcs Byowr’s Ream Tue Renpezvovs. seers THEATRE, Chambers street—A umm Bscur’s Daxam- Bi a MaTIONalL THEA’ aad Bveving- Uvore Tom's Canin WALLACK’S THEATRE, Brosdway—Exvevrive —~Temr ‘warix. AMERICAN MUSEUW—Aftornocn and Kvening—Ari wmar Gurrs ens 18 nov Goin. BROADWAY MENAGERIE—Sisumen fwors amp Wop ‘Dsarrs. CHRISTY’S AMBRICAN O7 EKA HOUSE, 671 Broad ‘way--Brurorias MuLopies sy Quaserr's Mineraais. WOOD’! MINE TLALS— Wood's Mingizel Hall, 44 Broad Wis- Rrmoriay Mivern stay. BANVARD’S GEORAMA, 696 Broadway—Panonamas ov run Hoxy Lanv. RHAEAISH GALLERY, 666 Beoadwey—Dsy and Bvenias WOFOR BLITZ—Srovvesant Inersrurs, GS Broad way. ACADEMY HALL; 068 Broadway—Panuan's Grrr Bx- @mnrrrons o Tur Sevxw Mice Minnon. ssp GALLERY OF QOHRISTIAN ART Bresd- New Werk, Wednesday, Feb 22, 1854. Malls for Kurepe. HE NEW YORK WESKLY HERALD. — The Ounard steamsbip Africa will leave her doek at Dereey City to morrow, at 2 o’clock precisely, for Liver> ‘She New York Wrexiy Henarp, containing am account ‘ef the storm and the latest news, will be published at 9 @’elock to-morrew mornivg. Price sixpenee. The News. ‘Whe Nebraska-Kaneas question again occepied a eonsiderable share of attention in both branches of @ongress yesterday. When the Senate proceeded fo the consideration of the subject, Gen. Cass arose ‘nd made a brief explanation with regard to his position on this important subject. He reiterated ‘his opinion tha: Congress had no constitutional right to interfere in the matter of slavery in Territories, ‘He was followed in a lengthy opposition speech by Mr. Sumner, which we publish in full,and upoo which we have commented in an editorial article. ‘The debate on the subject inthe Senate is believed to be drawing to a close. The four leading. free soilers in that body—Messrs. Chase, Wade, Seward, ‘and Sumner—have been heard, and as there will pro bably be little further opposition te the bill, itsfriends ‘wit hardly consider it worth while to waste ‘mmunition upon game that is already in their bands. In the House, Mr. James C. Allen warmly advocated Judge Douglas’s mea. @are, upon the ground that it proposed nothing More than was justly due to the people of the Terri- tories, and also because it would effectually put to gest the agitation of the slavery question in the halls of Congress. He showed that the free soilers, who fare now exerting themselves to perpetuate the Mis- gouri compromise, had always hitherto opposed that ‘act to the utmost of their ability; and also remarked hat no man had been more grossly misrepresented with regard to this matter than the late Henry Clay, who was neither the author of the act, nor fa- vorable to its principle, but was induced to give it his sepport for the purpose of adjasting # difficulty which, at that time, as well as in 1850, threatened to Jead to a dissolution of the Union, and would so have @ene had not the schemes of the agitators been ‘thwarted. In the early part of the day, five petitions in favor ‘of establishing territorial governments on the non- eimterveution principle, were presented to the Senate. Judge Douglas was appointed a Regent of the Bmithsonian Institution. The bill for the construction of six steam frigates was reported, and notice given ‘that early action would be asked for. Senator Foot made a speech in favor of the bill granting lands to “Phe several States for the support of the indigent in- sane, in accordance with the project of Miss Dix. A ‘bill was reported appropriating six huadred thou- sand dollars to complete the Treasvry building and gfommence the construction of a similar edifice for Qhe accommodation of the War and Navy depart ments. Mr. Warren made » personal explanation inthe House relative to the bill granting bounty lands to ‘the soldiers and sailors who served ia the last war with England and in the Indian wars, subsequent to 1790, in the course of which he stated that if passed it would not ovly relieve us of one-half our public do- main, but take ten years to carry its provisions into effect. The b'l! was referred to the Committee of the Whole. Speeches were madein favor of the Free Farm Dill by Messrs. Grow, Dawson, and Gerrit Smith and against it by Messrs. Dent of Ga., and Smith of Va. Mr. Dent contended that Congress had no constitational right to distribute the lands among pettlers, railroad speculators aniothers. If the lands must actually be divided, it should be equally and fairly among the States, accordiag to their legitimate Tepresentation in the national councils. Judging from the speeches, the friends of this project rather Jost ground yesterday. It is gratifying to learn that our legis‘ators at Al- bany are beginning to evince a disposition to atone for their past dilatoriness, by going to work in earnest aud earning their money for tae balance of ‘the session. Unfortunately, however, some of them cannot forego the habit of speaking on subjects that ‘are neither profitable nor useful. For instance, on Monday a spirited and protracted debate took place ‘on a roll of petitions respecting woman's rights. From ‘the sketch furnished by our correspondent it will be geen that the remarks of the different gentlemen ‘were exceedingly spicy, and some of them elicited oonsiderable hissing from the galleries; but, then, why the necessity of debating the matter at all? It was perhaps well enough to refer the petitions to a select committee to ascertain whether our laws really with hold from women any rights to which they are con stitu'icnally, morally end socially entitled; afier which the Senate should have waited for the report. But the strong minded ladies were present in fui! force, and we suppose the grave Senators deem »d it higbly proper to let them know what they though Of them. A bill has been introduced in the Sens ‘te more effectually equalize the system of taxation in this city. A proposition to take up the resolntions requesting Congress to purchase Mount Vernon Mailed by a vote of nineteen to eleven. A bill to di vide the Sixth Judicial district of New York was ordered to a third reading in the Assembly, and variety of miscellaneous bnsiness was transacted in both houses, to which i: is unnecessary to refer par ticularly. This day being the annivéreary o the birth of the Mastrious Washington, will be celebrated by balla parties, feasts, gatberings and displays in al the country. Both Congress and our State ture have adjourned over aytil to-morrow members of the latter body will commemorate the oc @asion by diving with the citizens of Troy. ‘The endden activity imparted to our stock market appears to be fast enbsiding. Prices fell off yester- ary Flour, on the contrary, advanced a trifle. Whether theve ftuctuations are owmg w a reconsideration of the news brought by the Baltic, or to the snow storm, or both, it would be dificuit te tell. Those who have their warehouses packed with breadstuffs may be in- prissed with the belief that the heavy fall of snow— ful detwils of the effests of whish are elsewhere giv. en—may tend to greatly retard the opening of navi- gation, and that they are therefore safe in advancing their rates, It is.pretty well koown, however, that large quantities of flour, grain and provisions are awaiting an opportuulkty to reach the Hastern mar. kets from the West; that the Ohio andeeme of the other Western rivers are already open, and, con- sequently, before the lapse of many weeks, the prices of there articles may come dowa ata rate that will astound the holders. So far as beard from nearly one million two han- dred and-sixty.six thousand hogs have been packed in the West this year, being am increase over last ‘year of almost two hundred and ninety thousand in number, and of five per cent in weight. The Board of Aldermen met last evening and adopted the minority report of the Committee on the Law Department, which declares that under the amended charter no appropriations of money can originate in this Board. A resolation-directing the city railroad companies to cart from the streets the snow removed from the tracks, was referred. A minority of: the Committee on’Reilroads, ap- pointed by the Board of City Councilmen, met inthe chamber of that body iast evening. Complaints of citi- zens against, and documents of the iate and present Boards of Common Council, referring to the mauage- ment of the Third Avenue, New Haven, and Hud son River lines, were considered. The commitiee will soon repert to the Board. We publish the re- ply of the Hudson River company to a communica: tion of the Boerd,-with regard to the putting down of the grocved rail in the. city track. James Saunders, Marshal of the Ancient Order of ‘Hibern‘ans, was convicted yesterday in the Court of General Sessiong, of having been a participant in the Fourth of July siotin the Ninth ward. The case had oecupied thetime of the Court for more than a week, and was only concluded at five o'clock yester- day afternoon. The jury recommended the defend: ant to the mercy ofthe Court. He will be sentenced on Friday morning. A number of persons convicted of fraud, larcenies, and burglaries, were sentensed to various periods of imprisonment in the State prison at Sing Sing. Besides a large number of advertisements, ¢o-day’s inside pages contain three very interesting letters from Washington; Anti-Slavery Lecture against the Nebraska bill, by Rev. Theodore Parker; proceed- ings of the Military Court of Iugniry; Coroners’ In- quests; Commercial and Miscellaneous News, &c. ‘The Opponents of the Kansas- Nebraska Bull. The speech of Charles Sumaer in the United States Senate, which will be ‘found in another colums, may probably be regarded as the last gun from the anti-slavery fort, or the expiring | groan of a moribund faction. We have now be- fore us the whole array of the force that has been marshalled to oppose Senator Douglas and his bill. Each section of the army has wheeled into line, and opened its batteries. Public meetings in New York and elsewhere have de- nounced the scheme as demoralizing, infamous, unparalleled; members of the Senate have preached by the hour against it; local politi- cians and stump speakers have abused Senator Douglas; and enthusiastic assemblages of red hot free soilers have passed very energetic re- solutions in support of the Missouri compro. mise. Let us run our eye along the motley line of these doughty champions of the North; let us weigh their mettle and sinew, test their armor, and estimate their spirit aud endurance; let us try to discover whether they are in truth the sort of men who win battles, and command suc- cess. The scrutiny may provide us with a tolerably safe prognostic of the issue of the day. At the very first glance, we notice that the anti-Nebraska host is composed of two distinct parties, viz.: aspiring politicians, and open re- volutionaries, typified on this occasion, we will say, by William H. Seward and Henry Ward Beecher respectively. The first of these cate- gories comprises all the men who are opposing the Nebraska bill in order to make political capital at the North. Such are old Sam Hous- ton, William H. Seward, his friends and tools, a few other Northern Senators, and in a certain measure, Edward Everett of Massachusetts. He, as well as Mr. Seward, is looking forward to the Presidency, and is cautious lest any of his Northern whig competitors should steal a march on him during this Nebraska controversy. Lacking the moral courage to turn round to the people of Massachusetts and say to them :— This is not a question of slavery or freedom, of moral or immoral institutions, of good or bad faith ; but_a mere constitutional question, to be solved by the rules of common sense and gram- mar!—Edward Everett evades the real issue, and dilates at length on considerations entirely foreign to the dispute. He talks about the In- dians, and discourses of the immorality of slave- ry ; ingeniously analyzes treaties, and hunts up old sayings of Mr. Webster ; but on the gist of the argument, the great constitutional question whether Congress has or has not, under the con- stitution, any right to interfere with the domes- tic institutions of new States or Territories, he is as dumab as a stone. It shall hereafter be said of Me. Everett that he was a man of subtle and polished mind ; that be possessed vast stores of well arranged learning ; that his taste was re- fined,.and his.character stainless ; but that the moral courage which fills the heart of great pa- triots was not in him. Upon Mr. Seward, the popular verdict will be less favorable. The spirit of intrigue which bas marked his career from the first is as con- picuous in his last effort as in any of those which raised him to the position he now oc- cupies. His speech is a collection of special pleas against the bill, thrown together without perspicuity and without order; adorned, like he pages ofa common place book, with scraps ef classical learning conoed by rote: profusely decked with sounding expletives, and remind- ing one more of an elaborate lecture delivered by a pedant before a select andience of dilettan- ti, than the speech of astatesman in the highest branch of the United States Congress. There is another feature in the speech to which we shall presently draw attention; for the present we wish our readers to notice that Mr. Seward like Mr. Everett, bas shirked the main ques- tion at isene, and spent all his efforts on col- lnteral points. Hud he been arguing o patent case before a benclt of Judges enamored of te- gal subtilties, the performance would have een creditable and might have been etfective. As the se 1\ of a prominent statesman on 4 great constitutional problem, it falls far be- neath anything that we could have anticipated. Ordinary rodders lose themselves in the con used labyrinth of special pleas urged by the rator; while he is bringing all sorts of minor uments to bear, they are wondering why in eaven’s nae he does not come to the point at once, and look the real merits of the ques- von beldly in the face. Bat, in trath, there were reaséns enough why he should not adopt #0 dangerous acourse, Had Mr. Seward acted as any plaing common-sense man would have done, he would have taken the constitution ia ‘one hand and the Missouri compromise in the other, and weighing the language of both, would have frankly declared whether or 20 they were inconsistent with each other : if they were—as he would have been bound to admit —he would have ssid honery that the latter must yicld and the constitution be maintained at all hazards. He would have seen at a glance, in the first place, that the constitution recognizes slave ty by granting representation to slave property. He would have seem nowhere in the constitution that any right to establish, pro- hibit, or interfere with slavery in any State or Territory, was conceded by the States to Con- grese; and he would have read in the emend- ments Art. X.— ‘The powers not d oonstituticn nor probibi‘ed by it to the States s:e reserv- ed to the States respectively or to the people. This, it wouldseem, prohibits Congress, in tolerably unequivecal language, trom inter- fering with the rights of the States or the peo- ple respecting slavery. Hit had been pretend- ed, as it has been, that Article IV., Sect: 3, -confers upon Congress the power to establish or prohibit slavery in the Territories, Mr. Seward, had he undertaken to discuse the ques- tion in a plain, honest way, would at once have expored the fallacy ofthe argument. That sec- tion. reads thus:— ‘Tue Congress chall beve power to dispore of and vake all needfal roles and regulations respecting the territory Or ctber property of the Uasited Btates, &3. It needs unusual disingenuousness to infer from these words that Congress has power to interfere.with the domestic institutions of the people settled in organized Territories. The power .granted is obviously over “ the Territo- ries or.other property,”.that is to say, over the Territories as property, not over the peo- ple whoinbabit them. Congress may sell the Territories, or exchange them, or locate In- dians, or.regnlete the right of hunting therein, and this is .what is meant by “all needful rules and regulatione;” but Congress has no more power to make “rules and regulations” for the domestic ingtitutions of the people in the Territories than.it has “to dispose” of the said people. This is-obvious from any study of the section; and Senator Seward must have seen it It did not suit his pur- as well as other men. pose to say so, simply because he.was using the Nebraska question, as he has used the anti- masonry, and anti-rentism, and anti-slavery controversies a8 a stepping stone to fortune. ,He, and every other.man of note, except those mentioned below, who has taken open ground against the Nebraska bill, have been actuated by personal ambition, and have sought, by pet- tifogging objections and trampery special pleading, to blind the country to the real ques- tion involved in the Nebraeka debate. The second class of anti-Nebraska agitators are those who are at open war with the consti- tution.of this country. Such are Theodore Par- ker, Henry Ward Beecher, Charles Sumner, Horace Greeley, William Lloyd Garrison, and the other fanatics whoare popularly known as abolitiotlists. These men have for years been waging war against the foundation of the ro- public. Mostof them candidly avow the ground they take. They are self-confessed traitors: They want to break up the confederacy, to dis- solve the Union. Every pretext affords them an opportunity of declaring these sentiments; the Nebraska debate is merely the last. There are countries where such mew as these would be safely kept under lock and key at the public expense; here, we have such confidence in the common sense of the community that we can afford to let them go at large. But what weight can be attached to anything they say? What respect can we pay to the opinions of men whose object is revolution, and the destruction of all we hold most dear? Is it not enough that we let them rave in impunity? To this claes, in some respects,. William H. Seward belongs as well as to the other. He is ready to kindle a flame of prejudice that will consume the bond of union between the States like @ flaxen cord; and only asks as tif price of such service that he he promoted to the high- est rank in the North. These are the opponents of the Nebraska bill. All who now protest against its passage are comprised under these two heads. They are either aspiring politicians who oppose it disin- genuously with craft and special pleading; or open revolutionaries who seek the subversion of the Union, and care not how it comes about, Shall these men prevail against the country ? The Gadsden Treaty—The Gadsden Country —The Walker Fil bustering Expedition. A writer in the Washington Sentinel—proba- bly one of the lobby members of Santa Anna, Gen. Almonte, Gen. Gadsden, or of the Garay, Sloo, Hargous, or some other company—in his zealous advocacy of the Gadsden treaty, repre- sents the Gadsden country as falling very little short of the Garden of Eden in its beauty and spontaneous fertility. He says, truly enough, that the New. York Haran calls thie country “a margin of the deserts of Chihuahua and So- nora”—‘“a waste and howling wilderness”— and presumes that we have never read the “reports of Captain S.. George Cooke and Lieut. Emory.” Now, it is exactly to these reports, and to Professor Bartlett, of the late Boundary Com- mission, that we are indebted for our judgment of this God-forsaken country of the Gadsden treaty. Let us give here an extract or two from Gen. Kearny and Captain Cooke, by way of illustration :— From Geo Kearny’s official report to Adjatant General Jones 8, A, dated San Diego, Upper California, Deo, ‘The country (the Gila country) is destitute of timber, producing but few oot'oo aot muquite trees; ant thovgh the soil on the bottom lands in generally good, yet we found but wry Wile gross or vgda- tom, in omsrqueno: of ihe dryness af the climate ard the Witle rain which fails here he Pimoslodians who whea', corm, vegetables, So, trrigat from the Gila, as did the Agteos, (the ats of the o ) the remaiun of whoss ¢ canals a by us, aa well aa the ge ands larxe quantity zeqnips, porition of maay ot their of broken pottery and earthenware used by them. If such is the country along the valley of the Gila, what must it be upon those dry elevated table lands of Gen. Gadsden’s “ Aresonia,” on the south side of that river? Let us hear from Capt. Cooke. After leaving the Rio Grande and striking into this Gadsden country from the east, with his wagon train, attached to Gen. Kearny’s column, Capt. Cooke thus reports to his commanding officer :— Polat called San Diego the noun nad confines the sod to che rirer, ant on the arid PP It « * ours; b foam his dresd of it, founde! vin Lodians of thy destituiton of explored twenty fire miles of the way acd insuffigient hole of proieg betwa: he priceipsl 2p0n veene te ae? %, nding an ont 0 marche’ forty miler without water, 1u6 mea. where T bad Roped to ping The battalion wae not pre. pared for 4%, and rulfered mach. Fortamately a large pe he reached tae reoood night, afier = eoatinaeas mareh of thirteem hoors, and where men aad mules were sted to the United States by the | The im the Buro- =e eee Further on, he says. The road led us to & precipitous and rocky descent of catgut sarod Srom our great eight And so on all the way through. Wild cattle abound on the plains within reach of the widely separated streams of water. So they do in the deserts of South Africa, But Captain Cooke calls this Gadsden country, or the eastern end of it, “the arid table land of Mexico,” which means a desert, And he saysit is studded with @ profusion of “isolated volcanic mountains,” which we think are all that is required to make it a waste and howling wilderness. From the scarcity of water along the line of this jour- ney through the Gadsden country, from end to end, the success of Captain Cooke in getting through with his command alive, though it was in the winter season, constitutes that peaceful march one of the finest military achievements of the Mexican war. Lieut. Emory, who travelled down the Valley of the Gila, and every other traveller who has gone by that route, give the same testimony; but the precise and minute information derived from Mr. Bartlett, of the late Boundary Com- mission, i® in itself conclusive. The general character of the country is that of a deeert of dry plains, thickly studded with volcanic moun- tains. No portion of this charming land of “Aresonia” ever has been or can be reduced to cultivation except by artificial watering; and the few scanty streams which rise among its mountains and sink among its sands, (precisely as in the deserts of Afriea and Asia,) are eccu- pied already by, here and there, a starving hemlet of ragged Mexicans or hungry Indians. The fact is, any attempt to palm off this Gadsden country upon the American Senate as a favorable region for cotton, sugar, or any- thing elee agricultural, we ean hardly refrain from regarding as but a thin disguise of some lobby member interested in the fifteen millions -to be paid to Santa Anna, or in the five millions set apart for the settlement of certain Ame- rican claims upon Mexico. The country to be acquired is good for—nothing. It is a humbug, and looks very much like a trick for obtaining money upon false pretences, if the land is re- commended for anything beyond its par value as “a margin of the deserts of Chihuahua and Sonora.” Independently, however, of the desert char- acter.of this proposed acquisition, we object to thie Gadsden treaty upon other and higher grounds. The warlike aspect of affairs in Europe euggests the necessity of immediately putting our scanty navy into shape for the active protection of our commerce upon the high seas. We may possibly be drawn into this generel collision of the nations before this terrible drama of a general European war is ended. It were wiser, therefore, to invest the surplus in the treasury in strengthening and equipping our navy, rather than to waste it for ® selvage of the deserts of Mexico. But even without the necessity which is upon us for strengthening our navy, there is no ne- cessity for paying twenty, or fiftéen, or ten, or five millions of dollars for this land of “ Areso- nia”—this abominable Gadsden country. Capt. Walker is in a flourishing condition. He holds his footing in Lower California, and from the sympathy of the Mexican landholders there, and the active co-operation of the Upper Californians, he will most likely hold out till the independence of his new republic is conceded by, Santa Anna himeelf. This point being achieved, we may next ex- pect him to make a successful foray into Sonora, and the addition of all that department to his republic. The next step-will be the annexation of the whole republic to our glori- ous Union, @ /a thé annexation of Texas. We should not be surprised if s:milar causes to those which effected the independence and the annexation of Texas were at the bottom of this liberating enterprise of Colonel Walker. The New York Custom House furnished the sinews of war to General Sam Houston; and the San Francisco Custom House and government offi- cials have most probably furnished the needful supplies to Colonel Walker. Where else could they have come from? Colonel Walker had no money—his men had nomoney. They were all adventurers, like himself, without money, but ready for any hap-hazard enterprise for liberty from which a geod speculation might be made. Who, then, furnished the money? Not the California miners—they have had none to epare. Not the San Francisco merchants, to any great extent—their means are otherwise invested. The money, then, for Captain Wal- ker’s outfit, and for the outfit of his reinforce- ments, must have been supplied from the San Francisco government officials in the customs, the post office, &c. And it is quite likely that our administration have been as well advised of this expedition, its origin and its objects, as General Jackson was of the incipient move- ments for the revolution in Texas, In this view it is quite possible that the ad- ministration may not be so very anxious for the ratification of the Gadsden treaty after all. Certainly the treaty conflicts with the annexa- tion policy of Col. Walker, which may also be the real policy of the administration for all that we know. The rational course, then, for the Senate is to reject the Gadsden treaty, and wait the issue between Col. Walker and Santa Anna. The clause for punishing the filibus- teros having been struck out of the treaty by the President, the Senate can perceive the meaning of it. Why not, then, reject the treaty? It will save twenty millions of money for strengthening the navy—it will save us from the useless acquisition of a desert terri- tory ; but, above all, by witbholding the sinews of war from Santa Anna, it will leave a fairer field for a free fight between him and Col. Walker. As he has been encouraged to go into it, why not permit Col. Walker then to set- tle the question of ‘ manifest destiny?’ Why not, we should like to know. Ovr AcpERMEN at THe Crry TreasuRY—A Great Discovery.~—Under our new city char- ter, all bills involving an appropriation of money must originate in the Board of Council- men. It appears that, not being exactly satis- fled whether this provision extended to the con- tingencies of our venerable Board of Alder- men, they held a deliberate consultation last night upon the subject, and finally came to the solemn conclusion that even the cash for an sldermanic tea party must come from the Councilmen. Well, the Scriptures say that “in a maltitude of councillors there is wisdom,’’ and as cur Board numbers sixty, perhaps we may count upon # wise disbursement of the public money. fits yt: Coxsvtan Reooawrrions,—The President has of- Goinlly reson nizec Oart F, Ades, ma Gon Gi of Narvau, fo the State of Ohio, Jobm Leppein, aa Consul of Bremen, for the port of Philadelpn a; Carl F. Adse, Consal of Fravkforton-the-Main, for the Stetes of Only aad Ia- diana; ard of Haxeny, for the State of Ohio, ig ANnIvensary or THE Brerepay or Wasu- uxoTox.—We celebrate to-day the hundred and twenty-second anniversary of the birth of Wash- ington. In February, 1800, Napoleon, then First Con- | sul of France, issued an order to his army an- nouncing, “Washington is dead! This great. man established the liberty of his country, His- memory will always be dear to the French peo-- ple, as it will be to all freemen of the two: worlds.” The standards and flags throughout the French republic wore for two months the usual badge of mourning, and after an imposing / military solemnization in the Champ de Mars, a glowing eloge fundbre de We lon Was pronounced by the gifted and eloquent M. de: Fontaines, in the Temple of Mars, in presence of the First Consul and of a vast audience of” civil and military authorities. And while the French republic wae offering this spontaneous tribute to the memory of our Pater Patria, and celebrating the majesty of | his virtues, at once honoring his name and com- . mending the great national principles of which. his mind and sword were the exponents, tle British fleet of abeut sixty ships of the line lying at Torbay exhibited another striking proof _ of sympathy, when, on the announeement made by Lord Bridport, then in command, , every flag throughout the fleet was lowered, half-mast. Other foreign States, by ex; ive confessed their appreciation rt pm oe whose name had already acquired a deep sig-- nificance in the vecabulary of the world’s mots: du guet, We have a powerful national motive for cele- brating our present anniversary, and-for stated- ly reviving and forever perpetuating the thril- ling recollections by which the sacred of Washington is embalmed. The political | principles which he, as the leader of his immor- _ tal heroic compeers, inculcated, maintained, and established, in council and in the-field, are confessedly the principles of ‘the world’s eman- cipation. His name, therefore, may well be | the watchword of all who are or who aspire to be freemen. It isa name beaming with asso- ciations of exalted grandeur and of pure politi- cal morality. It does net glitter with sugges— tions of sagacious though unscrupulous: coups @état; but it awakens ennobling souvenirs of — profound and comprehensive political principles, wisely, fairly, and successfully applied. Itisa _ name that is not merely national, but cosmical. ~ And when the Genius of Liberty, with a view 4 to the enlargement of human rights, shall make | her circuit of the nations, to plant her stand- | | } Pean Question. The quiescent attitude of the European revolu- tionists, in presence of the storm which has been gathering in the political horizon for the last twelve’ months, has contributed in no small de- gree to aggravate the uneasiness with which its advent was viewed by the different governments in whose States occasional insurrectionary out- breaks have become, as it were, chronic symp- toms, The absence of the plots and rumors of plots which usually keep the police on the qui vive in the continental capitals, denoted tee existence of some extensive and well coneerted plan of action, which awaited only the breaking out of war for its definitive execution. Whilst this sudden paralysis of movement at the ex- tremities indicated something like vital euspen- sion, it was known that the heart of the revo- lutionary system was in full activity, and that the Central Committee in London was occu- pied with the details of a comprehensive seheme which was to take simultaneous effect at dif ferent points. In a late letter from one of our correspond- ents, the hopes on which this policy of absten- tion on the part of the socialist leaders in France is founded were clearly pointed out; and it would seem, from the course which the French Emperor is pursuing, that he is fully alive to its objects. He sees that this respite given to the jealous watchfulness of his gov- ernment is only intended to precipitate him the more readily, by the confidence of a false secu- tity, into the entanglement of a general war, during which it is expected that some favorable opportunity will be found for over- throwing him. On the eve of a great popular crusade, which is likely to ab- sorb or direct into another channel the hostility of the great body of the republican party, he might, however; safely confide his interests to the patriotic feelings of the coun- try. A period of war is never favorable to in- surrectionary manifestations, as the local and sectional differences that lead to them become swallowed up in more important considerations. Notwithstanding the force of this truth, which the socialist leaders themselves seem to have lost sight of, Louis Napoleon has been endeayor- ing to secure the ground before him by coquet- ting, through the medium of Prince Murat, with the exiled revolutionists of Italy and Poland, whose meetings and organization, it is said, he has even indirectly sanctioned. In this he ha had a double object. By secking to control and wield the revolutionary clement in the approaching struggle he holds at once ® powerful check over the Ger- man governments and secures the internal tranquillity ot his own dominions. With the popular sympathies that will be evoked in his favor by a war with Russia, there is no doubt that he will soon find himself in a position to despise not only the plots of the red repub- licans, but the intrigues of the legitimist and Orleans factions. Thus fortified, he will be enabled, after a time, to relax the restrictions upon the press which he has hitherto deemed essential to his safety, and perhaps, too, to give @ constitution to France that will be more in accordance with the genius and enlightened character of her people, and that will approxi- mate more closely to the principles of parlia- mentary government. * ‘The same causes will contribute to protect the German governments against the revolu- tionary movements of which they have hitherto lived in hourly dread. The independent po- sition assumed by Austria and Prussia on this Eastern question, and which there is every reason to believe will be followed by the smaller States, must have the effect of con- ciliating towards them the sympathies of their subjects, and ofrendering abortive any attempt to disturb by force their present arrangements, With the mutual confidence engendered by this improved state of things, these governments may be gradually encouraged to relax the se- verity of their rule, and to make such conees- sions to the popular liberties as will secure them against any farther cause for uneasiness. i } —— ards and to sound her reveille, myriads of slam- berers, roused from their long and heavy sleep, will welcome the signal, and catch the spirit of the anniversary we to-day celebrate. The dates that designate the epochs of the life of Washington, and the events that furnish the annals of his history, although attractive .| and interesting, are comparatively of little mo- ment, in view of the surpassing interest awak- ened by the world-regenerating spirit which his exalted character and momentous achievements are naturally fostering in the human mind throughout the kingdoms of the Old World. He has become, indeed, the impersonation of a great cause. His name is a signal, This high dis- tinction he won for himself and for us when his , wisdom, judgment, and firmness were so con- + spicuous at the crisis of our colonial affairs. In our House of Representatives, in the year 1799, | John Marshall called him the chief ofthe patriots | that formed our constitution ; and them said of | him : “ More than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wi empire, and to give to our Western world inde- pendence and freedom.” Let us, then, blend with the inspiriting name of Washington the thrilling sentiments of clyil and religious liberty. And while we celebrate | this holiday in our national calendar, let us | with joy recount the distin, blessings of our civil censtitution, which has tied together . by a sacréd federal bond our leagued, independ- ent, sovereign States, With the elevating emotions of our patriot sage, let us habitually trace the streams of our political and-social prosperity to the Divine Source from whick they so bountifully issue ;-and let us indulge emotions of universal good-will, that would en- courage the oppressed of all nations to burst the bonds of tyranny, and to claim man’s natu- ral prerogative of self-government, so as to be , enlightened, free, and independent. Our own security and glory, we are well aware, cannot be enduring without the co-ex- istence of freedom and national education. Other governments we know cannot perma- nently enjoy the free institutions which we en - joy unless by popular education they be fitted for this high prerogative and great blessedness, _ They must, while they reflect upon the political facts we are exhibiting to the world, learn the importance of being enlightened before they can be free indeed. They must also habitually cherish the sentiment, that they are, indeed, possessed of these ennobling benisons of hea-- ven—education and freedom. And as they see from afar our national bird in his lofty flight, ry they should not fail to discover that he could: not and would not spread his ample pinion thus to soar and bask bad he not learned to appre- ciate, as well as enjoy, his alluring regalement in liberty aud light. Tue Consistency oF THE SENaTE.—The news- paper organ of the Senate says that it has nothing to do with the motives which led to Mr. Sanders’ rejection as Consul to London, and asserts that “that august body (the Sen- ate) is not to be supposed to act ignorantly or maliciously.” This is all very well. We were never in favor of the appointment of Mr. San- ders, though he did occasionally correspond with this jourpal, for we were strongly opposed to the removal of old Col. Aspinwall from a post he had filled with credit to himself and sa- tisfaction to every one for 60 many years. We do not therefore object to the conduct of the Senate in rejecting Mr. Sanders’ appointment. He has his merits, and we are well aware of them: but they were not qualifications for the post of Consul to London, and the Senate did right probably in refusing to ratify him in that offiee. But what a glaring inconsistency there is in rejecting Sanders and confirming O’Sulli- yan, Soulé, Owen, Belmont, Mason and others, who are every way as unfit to represent the country abroad as Mr. Sanders! What better evidence of the unfitness of the former for their offices could we have, than the ridiculous non- sense we have recently heard about diplomatic dress, and which bas rendered us so ridiculous in the eyes of the world? How can the news- paper organ of the Senate explain the conduct of its masters in the cases of these gentlemen ? Will it still say that it ‘does not feel called upon to express any opinion as to the propriety or impropriety” of the Senate vote? Frexen Spowsations—Very Ixreregtinc.— The bill appropriating five millions of dollars for the satisfaction of claims arising from French spoliations upon American commerce prior to 1801, has passed the Senate, and is now before the House. The knowing ones, too, say that the bill will probably pass that body. And we shouldn’t wonder if it did, for we are privately informed that Gea. Caleb Cushing, Paul R. George, and some other confidential friends of the President, are among the most active lobby men for these spoliations, The President says nothing about them, it is true, in his message, neither one way nor the other; but that does not hinder him from signing the bill if it passes. Mr. Polk vetoed the bill; but he was from Tennessee, and that State had very little commerce afloat in the Atlantic prior to 1801, Not so with New Hampshire, which has always been, to some extent, a sea-faring State. The chances, therefore, for French spoliations this time are pretty good, and thus we can use up Steretary Guthrie’s surplus of thirty mil- lions:— ‘ i Are Ovr Mat Sreamsurrs Fir ror Servicr 1N Time or Wan?—The imminence of a European _ war has drawn the attention of the British gov- ernment to the condition of the mail s which receive a yearly appropriation on [- tion of being liable to be used as vessels of war in case of emergency. A mixed committee of officers was appointed by the Lords of the Ad- } miralty to examine the vessels of the Peninsn- lar and Oriental and the West India Mail, Steamship Companies ; their report, which we gave in full on Monday, condemns the whole of them, in consequence of defects of build, &¢., and declares that they are only fit to be troop- ships. It might be worth the while of our gov- ernment to anticipate the occurrence of a simi- lar emergency. and while we are still at peace to eee whether we are prepared for war. We have contracts with the owners of upwards of twenty mail steamships, by which they are bound to place their vessels at the disposal of government to be used in ease of necessity as war steamers. Are all or any of these steamers fit for service? To borrow a hint from the report of the admiralty comwittee ; Would the sharp bow of the Collins or’the Law vessels render it impossible to point and elevate guns in the line of keel? Would their rake of stern reader it dangerous to fire a gun when elevated? Are they undermasted? Would they consume so bor the Galeton te 3 *PGomons | much coal in proportion to the guns they o For Galphin claime 5,000,000 | carry as tobe too expensive? It would be 4 Total. ..ccsccssevsceeeecsesseeeeesseee $30,000,000 | for these questions to be answered at once, as | Aclean sweep. Who comes next? the discovery of the inefficiency @f our mail

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