The New York Herald Newspaper, December 6, 1853, Page 4

ETE OS A SS NEW YORK HERALD. ~ ~~ ~ | BPFICE ©. W. CORNER OF FULTON AND NASeAU STS. HE DAILY HERALD 2 cents per copy—81 per annum. Fue WEEKLY HER LD swery Saterday’ ct bu conte per copy, or & per annum, the European Edition $4 per aw. | num to ony part of Great Fritain and $5 to any part of the | Eontinent both to elude postage ‘ALL LETTERS by mail for Subscri;tions. er with Adver- Pisements (0 be post paid, or the postage « ill be deducted frova SOW PRINTING ececuted with neainess, cheapnest, end despatch. ; ee . see tesa BBS | AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. METROPOLITAN HALL—Jvuiiies’s Concent. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery Prorie'sLawver Rac Picker ov Pateis—Sr Cup BROADWAY THEATRE, Broadway --Leye --Lirtie ODDLEKINS. BURTON'S THEATRE, Chambers ctreet—Fox Hunr— xx THocsann Miiavens. NATIONAL THEATRE Chatham strect—Afternooa— Martie Kary. Evoving—Uncie Tom's Canin. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway—GnranprarHer Wrurecncan Love ayo Mongy AMERICAN MUSEUM—Afternoon—Bor Corn. Even- tey—Uxcre Tom's Canin BROADWAY MENAGERIE.—Sramrox Twins aNd Wit Beasts BOWERY AMPHITHBATRE, $7 Bowery.—EQuasrntas PrRronmances CHRISTY’S AMERICAN OPER# HOUSE, 472 B-oad. way.—Eriiorian MeLopies py Canisty’s MinsT Res. WOOD'S MINSTRELS, Wood's Minstrel Hall, 444 Broaé way. Eruvovran MINSTRELSY BUCKLEY'S OPERA HO 39 Broadway.—Bvow axy's Ernorian Orzna BANV4RD'S GEORAMA Broadway.—Paxonawa ev tHe Bory Laxn RHENISH GALLERY, SIGNOR BLIVZ.—Srvvvesayt lystirure, 609 Broadway ACADEMY HALL, Broadway.—Penuan’s Grrr Ex maition OF THE Seven Mite MIRROR, POWELLS GREAT NATIONAL PAINTING ron tTeE @overxxenr, 6 NOW OPEN at THE NATIONAL AcADEMY ar Devic, 663 Broadway HOPZ CHAPEL, 718 Broatway.—Jowxs’ Payrosoorr FUE WORLD IN MINIATURE—Broadway, comner@f White street — = ea —— ‘New York, Tucaday, December 6, 1553. dway.— Day and Bveni>g Malls for Europe. THE NEW YORE WEEKLY HERALD. Mme royal mail steamship Canada, Capt. Sione, will eave Boston on Wednesday, at 12 o'clock, for Liverpool. Babscriptions and advertisements for any edition of the “Mew Yorx Hmnacp will be received at the following places es Europe :— dzvrsrooi—John Hunter, No. 2 Paradise street. Lenpos—Féwards, Sandford & Co., Cornbill. Wm. Thomas 4:Co., No 19 Catherine street, Parm—livingston Welle & Co., 8 Place de la Bourse, B. E Revoil, No. I) Rue de la Banqua. Fhe European mails will close in this city at a quarter to three o'clock this afternoon. fae Wasxiy Human will be published at half-past nize Pelock this morning, Single copies, in wrappers, six- pence, Se A EA The News. All eyes this morning will naturally be turned to ‘the graphic sketches to be found on our first page of the highly interesting and important transactions im Washington yesterday. The Senate having, at ‘the Executive session in the month of March, elected David R. Atchison, of Missouri, as President pro tem., that body was of course prepared to commence the transaction of business immediately after roli call. The House, as was anticipated, organized by the re-election of all the officers who served at the lax session. There seems to have been considerable dodging on the part of those who supported Linn Boyd for Speaker when they were called upon to vote {yr John W. Forney for Clerk, as will be seen by the names recorded under the proper head. In order to more readily show the strength of parties, we will bere recapitulate the votes cast for the dif- ferent aspirants to office:— THE vorr “whole number of votes cast. Of which Linn Boyd (dem.) of Ky. received J. B. @andler (whig) of a. L. D Carepbell (free oil whiz) Beattered amcng nine candidtes SP Mr. Boyd’s majority... 6.0... THE VOTE FOR CLE Whole number of votes cast. Of which John W. Forney rei Richard M. Young. Beattering.... Mr. Forney’s me jority. Por By the above it will be seen that Mr. Boyd had twenty-eight votes more than Mr. Forney, who ap- pears to have received the ent direct from Mr. Cut ting and other honorable gentlemen of this city, as well asfrom a large number of Southern and other members who are not disposed to endorse the mod- ern. democratic platform, as laid down in Mr. F.’s celebrated letter to Mr. Roberts. The House, being The Boropa has uot yet arrived. She is in ber seventeenth day. It is now very likely that something bas happened which has either compelled | herto put back or to put into some port for fuel. Oer next news from Europe may, therefore, be wrought by the Humboldt at this port, or the Niaga- va at Halifax. If by the latter, it will be ten days later than our advices by the Atlantic. A large number of reports were adopted by the | Board of Aldermen last evening. They chiefly con- sisted of paying bills and awarding contracts. A | communication was rece!ved from the Comptreller showing the receipts of the Sixth and Eighth Ave- nue Railroad Companies for the month of November to have been as follows:— Sixth Avenue Railroad. . Fighth Avenue Railroad... $51,670 98 A communication was received from the Croton Aqneduct Department, containing the following estimates of appropriations required during the year 1854, for the working plan of the department: For Aque@uet—Croton ascount Aqueducte—repairs and improvements, & Croton water rks extension. Water pipes and laying . Sewers—repairing and cl Statistical tables Salaries ....... After a long debate—for a report of which see an- other column. bill was adopted which provides that the Chief Engineer of the Fire Department shall be elected every three years. This piece of legislation was strongly opposed by Mr. Carson's friends, while his enemies pushed the matter through without the slightest compunction. ‘The Board of Assistant Aldermen adopted a re- port for the increase of the police force in the First, Fourth, Sixth, Eleventh, Twelfth, Eighteenth, Nine- teenth, Twenty-first, fand Twenty-second wards. A number of remonstrances were presented with re- gard to the proposed Broadway Railroad, to one of which an opinion by ex-Judge Bronson was attached, showing that the granting of the privilege to the Manhattan Railroad Company to lay a rail in Broad- way would be void if granted. A resolution was passed, directing the extension of the Bewery to Franklin square, in Pearl street. The sum of one thousand dollars was appropriated to defray expenses attending the reception to be given to John Mitchel. See the inside pages for letters from Havana and Porto Rico, and other interesting information from Cuba ; Important Advice to Abolition Agitators Abroad, including a statement concerning high- handed smuggling; News from Bahama; Political, Commercial, Local, and Miscellaneous Affairs, &c. 15,000 1,500 Position of Gen. Plerce—His Best Policy. Neither the country nor the Heratp has for- gotten that General Pierce’s inaugural was entirely consistent with the opinions of the masses on the subject of the compromise laws. The President has never denied that he owed his election to the effect of those measures and to the Union sentiment which pervaded the country; on the contrary, every expression of opinion that he has given to the public contains a formal or a tacit acknowledgment of the fact. It cannot be doubted that the message will speak in a similar strain; and will emphatically re-affirm the Union doctrines of the insugural. In a word, noone €an reasonably question the President’s sound- ness on these all-important points. He reads the Baltimore platform precisely as the Union party read it; and yields nothing to them in his accep- tation of the pledges it contains to support the compromise in its letter and spirit. In this mat- ter, therefore, there is a world of difference be- tween the President and his Cabinet. The former, in every paper he has issued since his inauguration. has taken pains to endorse the measures of 1850, and to profess his fidelity to the Union. The organ of the latter has dis- tinetly.repudiated the compromise, while its masters are laboring effectively to place the Union in jeopardy by forming alliances with its enemies in both sections of the country. A most momentous question, therefore, arises at this particular conjuncture; if the President is unwilling to assume the responsibility of the disunionist work of his Cabinet, and of the re- vival of the’ Van Buren dynasty, what policy ought he to pursue in order to discharge his duty to the country, and to preserve his perso- nal popularity and reputation? He cannot con- tinue for ever to say one thing over his own signature, and to allow his Cabinet and their organ to utter the contrary over theirs; for by now ready for the transaction of business, appoint- ed a committed to meet a similar delegation from the Senate, and notify the President of their organ- ization. The members spent the balance of the £0 doing he only succeeds in discrediting both, and transferring to his own innocent shoulders a portion of the odium which ought to be borne by his Cabinet alone. What, then, should ke do? day’s session in drawing for seats. Col. Benton, we observe, selected a location immediately in front of the Speaker. The notices given of garious bills in the Senate are somewhat indicative of what may be expected to transpire in the conrse of the session. The Iowa Senators are already in the field with propositions to gtant lands for railroad purposes. Mr. Seward 1s Gesirons of ascertaining whether King Kamehameha has proposed to cede the Sandwich Islands to the United States, and if so, what the terms are, and Mr. Fish wishes to devise some means by which the awful mortality on board emigrant vessels may be alleviated. This really looks like business—let us hope that it will be continued, We are informed that the President's Message will be transmitted to Congress about one o'clock to-day, in which event we shall issue it in our evening edition. In addition to this anxiously looked-tor document, to-morrow’s Heratp will contain the most important of the various reports from the departments. One of our special correspondents furnishes a large amount of statistical information procured from the Treasury Department, which will be found very in- teresting. It is estimated that the additional appro priations required to meet the deficiencies for the present and previous fiscal years will amouat to over a million and a halt of dollars, The total appropria- tions asked for to meet the expenses of the fiscal year, ending on the 13th of June, 1555, foot up nearly forty millions. Now, as Speaker Boyd will probably re- appoint Mr. Houston, or some other equally economi- cal gentleman as Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, it is a matter of some doubt whether Secretary Guthrie will succeed in procaring the amount proposed in order to enable him to square up his books. There are various tables rela- tive to the expenses of the different custom houses, the amount of bullion and coin imported and exported Guring each year since 1821, &c., to which the atten- tion of the reader is directed as affording a pretty complete outline of the financial operations of the government. Should the present cold weather continue, the canals will doubtless be entirely closed before the end of the present week. Our telegraphic des- patches inform us that snow fell in nearly all parts of the State yesterday. ‘Two hundred and fourteen persons are reporte] to have died of cholera at New Orleans last week. The American Anti-Slavery Society met in Phila- delphia on Saturday. Some of those present, as usual, distinguished themselves by characterizing churches as hot-beds of iniquity. See the sketch elsewhere given of the proceedings of this asso- ciation. A son of the celebrated Col. Croghan was last Satarday mulcted in the sum of one thousand dol- lars, by a jory at Kingston, N. Y., for an assault committed some months ago upon Neil Benson, the famons anti renter. Onur telegraphic despatches contain accounte of various marine disasters and much other interesting information, to whieh we have no room te nar! pov Teer He should boldjy take the bull by the horns, and request Messrs. Marcy and Guthrie to resign. It is they whe have aroused the storm which now beats against the White House; they who have labored to resuscitate Van Buren free soilism in this State; they who have been the means of calling into life the party which now threatens the stability of the For these things they should We know how hard it is for a man of General Pierce’s temper to resolve on a harsh step like this ; and how much more satis- factory it would have been to him and to all parties concerned, had Marcy and Guthrie come forward of their own accord, acknowledged the detriment they were inflicting on the Cabinet, and spontaneously tendered a cheerful resig- nation. Such a course as this would have smoothed the President's path, and reflected credit on the manliness of the two Secretaries. Unfortunately, they are not men of the stamp required for acts of this nature. They will hold power till it is wrenched from their grasp, and the fact imposes on General Pierce the necessity of following their example, and postponing courtesy to the public weal. He must use au thority where suggestion even might have been superflons; and, cofte qui cote, cut adrift from his sinking Cabinet the leaden weight that is dragging it to the bottom. his is the first and the most difficult task that he is called upon to perform. Some of the appointments of the be dismissed. present administration will need revision. In some cases, such as that of the collectorship of this port, in which a great principle is involved, it will be absolutely necessary to dismiss the present incumbent, and replace him by a tried national democrat. But these measures will follow naturally after the dismissal of the heads of the party. Marcy extirpated, Redfield would probably anticipate the blow by tendering his resignation. The effect of this simple and practical course can he easily described. The very news of Marcy and Guthrie’s dismissal would scatter the Van Burenites to the winds. The day after it had appeared in the newspapers, you would seek in vain for a free soiler among the sup- porters of the administration ; and all that vast crew of brawlers whose support has so nearly been fatal to General Pierce, would be silent as stones. On the other hand, the whole Union party, which, as the President probably knows by this time, comprises the thew and sinew of the people. would rally like one man around the government. There would be no longer any rumors or threats of Congressional opposi- tion from the nationale; convinced that what- fanlis have We mitted in the Garde Pierce is ove pas CHOY Hl BbAlvUs WO purbue @ future poliey in accordance with the true dic- tates of patriotism. The Dickinsons, the Cut- tings, the Bronsons, the Buchanans, the Casees, and all that host which is now pre- paring to organize under an independent banner, would cheerfully forget past differences and give to the government a cordial and ap honest support. This would net be the only benefit that would accrue from the course we recommend. The extinction of free soflism in the North would be immediately followed by the disappearance of secessienism in the South. The latter form of treason is kept alive by the former, and must die when its cause ceases to operate. Extirpate the class which is inces- santly howling for war upon the South, and the South will soon cease to talk about dissolving the Union. If General Pierce were even now to act as he should have done in March last, the free soil army would be annihilated, and immediately afterwards, without any interfer- ence of his, the secession party would tall into discredit and go out of sight. This is the only course of action which can restore harmony to the country. It is the only one that is consistent with General Pierce’s past life and his inaugural message. It has the advantage of being so plain that no one can mistake its purport: it is honest; it is simple; and its effect is sure to be as speedy as it will be thorough. In six weeks from the day on which Marey’s and Guthrie’s resignations were made public the whole country would be tran- quil, and General Pierce would again be the popular head of a homogeneous Cabinet and a homogeneous party. It is quite as easy to point out the conse- quences of disregard to the public will. Ifthe course we suggest is not adopted, the resolu- tions which were rejected on a point of orderin the demecratic caucus will be presented without delay to the Congress. whose session commenced yesterday. A fierce battle between the admin- istration and the national democrats will at once commence: and it is difficult to perceive what benefit the former can derive from the campeign. Six months or go will be wasted in endless discussions and controversies, and no practical business of any moment will be trans- acted. The responsibility of all these evils will rest on General Pierce’s head. The national party will derive fresh vigor from every contest, fresh adherents from every act—every appoint- ment of the administration, and cannot help sweeping all before it at the election of 1856. Such will be the inevitable results of a re- fusal on the-:part of the President to modify his Cabinet. Jt will be strange if he knowingly incurs such responsibilities. We call upon him to support the Compromise, not only in words, but in acts; to be true to himself, true to his inaugural, and true to the people who elected him. They know, as he does, that there is but one living principle in the politics of the day, and that isthe Compromise. No debate on any topic of national importance can take place, no territory can be organized, and no State ad- mitted, without a thorough discussion of that principle. And if General Pierce continues to allow Marcy and Guthrie to lead him astray, if he still identifies himself with a Cabinet which is free soil in the North, secessionist in the South, and traitorous everywhere, on his head be the consequences. Character and Morality of the New York @ress. The greatest rascals have always been the loudest professors of morality, and the most vehement assailants of other men’s cheracters. Tartuffe said prayers twice a day, and plotted robbery and seduction on a velveted prie-dieu. Joseph Surface unctuously reviled his neigh- bor—his own heart filled with blackest wicked- ness, Our New York cotemporaries are illus- trations of the practice in real life. There is no form of s!ander they have not used in speak- ing of this journal. Every calumny that malice could invent—every lie that audacity could forge—bas found a knavish New York editor to write it, in regard to the character of this paper and its editor, and at least a hundred block- heads to believe it. Themselves they have always painted as patterns of morality. They claim a monopoly of the cardinal virtues by special dispensation from above. Not content with assuming an average share of morality, they Cen pray upon oceasion, talk of heaven, Ture up their goggling eye-balls, rail at vice, Dirsembie, fawa, and preach like any priest, What with their own modest self-landations, and their abuse of us, they have rarely space or time left to look after the news. We have seldom the inclination, if we had the room, to reply to their silly rant. The regular readers of this paper do not require to be placed on their guard against the slanders of our rivals ; and until accusations emanate from a more disinterested souree, we can safely con- tinue as usual to pass them over without no- tice. A single deviation from our rule, how- ever, may possibly find an excuse in the key it supplies to the character of those who are daily employed in abusing the Heratn. Some days ago it was known that John W. Forney was again a candidate for the Clerkship of the House. The man’s character was noto- rious. We can safely assert that New York did not contain an adult who was ignorant of the letter in which Forney requested Roberts to in- vite Jamieson to drink, in order to induce him, when intoxicated, to make statements involving the honor of a lady.and calculated to serve as evidence of her crime in a court of justice. At all events, no editor could possibly have for- gotten the Forney letter, for it had appeared in every paper in the city not two years before. Here, then, was an opportunity for these pro- fessors of morality to give a practical proof of their sincerity. Here was a case which called imperatively for the interference of the press. If newspapers are intended to serve any useful purposes, it is surely the punishment of those offences which are not amenable to the law, and the castigation ot those miscreants who defy the police. One might have expected that the whole host of the moral editors would have fall- en upon Forney with virtuous impetuosity: and inlike manner it might have been inferred from their statements respecting ourselves that the Herarp would have defended him. But what was the case? Out of all the New York papers not one but this journal raised its voice against Forney’s election; or, at all events, no objection on the part of any of our cotemporaries has met our eye. One, if not more, out of the number openly espoused his cause, and afforded him a feeble sneaking support in its Washington cor- respondence. The others were silent. The Henatn’s opposition, we trust we may be al- lowed to say, was thorough, consistent, and straightforward. We gave Forney eredit for every qualification which he possesses; and we Uy repudiated any connection with any Whe bau Conuniied one yi dis tis the fact. We know that Louis Napoleon is both willing and able to co-operate with the heredi- tary foe of France against Russia. He has twenty-five thousand men ready to march to the Danube, while the British fleet, now lying full manned and equipped off Spithead, occu- pies the Baltic, and another fleet of ships of both nations commands the Bosphorus. Great Britain has sufficient interest in press- ing the progress of republicanism in Europe to induce her to side with the French Emperor in any movement he might make in Germany and Italy. She would see that if France espoused the cause of the revolutionary party, it could only be for the sake of crushing republicanism hereafter, and extending the dominion of the second Napoleon ; and however distasteful this accession of strength to her old rival might be to England, she could hardly oppose it when the alternatives would be either a Cossack or a republican triumph. If England declares war against Russia, she binds herself thereby to serve Louis Napoleon’s ambitious schemes du- ring the war. She would thus humble Russia, save her Eastern possessions, and stave off a republican movement at home, possibly at the cost of a fresh war with France, and the danger of a second Waterloo. Whether the gain is worth the risk, and whether England will re- solve to run it, the sequel will show. basest acts of which a man can be guilty was un- fit to fill a post under Congress, and that his election would be a disgrace to the country: Tn fact, our attacks have been little more than republications of his own letter. Here, then, we have a practical test of the respective characters of the Heratp and its co- temporaries. The latter, who are constantly parading their rigid uprightness, and reviling the Heratp for its supposed lack of the virtue, are silent when an opportunity occurs of render- ing substantial service to the cause of morality and honor: the Heraxp alone ventures, on be- half of an outraged people, to paint Forney as he is, and to supplicate Congress not to debase the American name. But even silence was not contemptible enough for one of the moral jour- nals, specially recommended to the clergy, and patronized by the church. It could not bear to stand by and see a mean act committed with- out begging that it be allowed to participate in the meanness. It supported Forney, not open- ly, ina manly straight forward way—but feeb- ly, sneakingly, and covertly, so as to enable it- self to retract in case the public noticed it. It hired a Washington writer to puff him by impli- cation. And, encouraged by the contemptuous silence with which we have treated its recent attacks upon us, it boldly ventured to add the following falsehood concerning ourselves :— [Prom the New York Dajly Times, Dec. 6 i It was exceedingly refreshing to see the HeraLp thus awakening, after a sleep of a year or two over it, to the enormity of Mr. Forney’s offeuce; for when the letter first came out, and was at once denounced by the 7¥mes and other journals as 4i eful to its author, the Herap could not regard if in any such light, but found a variety of excuses for Mr. Forney. The journal in question is perfectly safe in as- serting anything it pleases with respect to itself, as the only file of its back numbers now in exist- ence is probably kept by the editor. Of the accuracy of its statement with regard to this paper, and of its general character for truth, the public may judge from the following ex- tracts from the Heratp, the first of which ap- peared two days after the Forney letter had been first published. [From tne New York Berald, Jan. 12, 1852.] Everything****seems to be brought into this trial, to say nothing of the monstrous letter of Mr. Forney, the Clerk of the House of Representatives, at Wash- ington, poly recommending a stool-pigeon opera- tion to Mr. Roberts, of Boston, to procure evidence against Mrs Forvest.****This letter demands the attention of the House of Representatives, if tat res- pectable body has any ed for its own character or the mepaean on of the officers it- appoints to high places. We think it the duty of t House—and particularly of the chivalric and honorable portion of it who come from the South—to clear themselves of the imputation which will lie on their character if an officer of their House,convicted of such an offence, should continue to hold his place any longer—a place of confidence and great responsibility, and wuthy of 8 better occupant than Mr. Forney seems to be. [From the New York Herald, Jan. 15, 1852.] Tue Hovse OF RgPRESENTATIVES AND THE CiEnx.—The House of Representatives at Washing- ton have taken no notice, as yet, of the recent ex- traordinary and monstrous letter addressed by Mr. Forney to Mr. Roberts, of Boston, requesting the latter to get Jamieson, the actor, into a state of in- toxication and procure some evidence from him to implicate the character of Mrs. Forrest. For the ho- nor of that distinguished. and honorable pody—for the reputation of the country throughout the civil- ized world, and in future times—we trust that the Houee of Representatives do not mean to pass over that extraordinary developement without taking some proper and apres line of action in rela- tion to the conduct of their clerk. The man who is capable of making deliberately such propositions ar that letter exposed and made, is not fitto occupy any place in the gift of Congress, or of the goverament at Washington. Private Movements in the British Cabinet — A European War. A rumor to the effect that Lord Aberdeen had resigned went the rounds of the papers on the arrival of the last European mail. No grounds for its origin were stated, and in con- sequence it attracted less attention than the importance of the event wagranted. It was, in fact, discredited. We have private information from London, which may perhaps serve to supply sufficient foundation for its existence to render it worthy ofa little thought. It would appear that on the Saturday previous to the departure of the Atlantic, a Cabinet Council was held, at which despatches from the gover- nors of the Eastern possessions of Great Britain were read. These despatches so far confirmed the rumor with respect to the concentration of Russian troops at Khiva, and the formation of an alliance between the Czar and Dost Ma- homed, as to give rise to a lively feeling of alarm in the minds of Ministers. Enough was disclosed in the intelligence to render it very probable that Russia’s designs upon Cabul and against Hindostan were not a mere feint. Lord Aberdeen was not present, and the Palmer- ston party were ina majority in the council. A warm debate arose between the latter and the friends of the Premier, on the course which Great Britain was to pursue. The Aberdeen party, in the absence of their chief, felt bound to follow his dictates scrupulously, and contented themselves with advocating caution and pra- dence. Their colleagues, on the other hand, as usual with the Palmerston men, thought that the news ought to have the effect of cut- ting the Gordian knot, and that war should forthwith be declared against Russia. It may appear singular that no more authentic intelli- gence of the fact should have reached us; [but we are informed that the latter counsel pre- vailed, and that before it rose, the sense of the council was taken, and a majority were found to be decidedly in favor of war. We need hardly add that, in the absence of Lord Aber- deen, no positive step was determined on, and no actual result had flowed from the dis- cussion on the day when our latest advices left London. It was only conjectured that as Lord Aberdeen is known to be in favor of a peace policy, he would prefer resigning to altering his views. Such a step on the part of Lord Palmerston will appear less surprising when it is borne in mind that the public feeling in England has been wrought up toa very high pitch on the subject of the Russo-Turkish dispute. Despite the sound counsels of the Times, the public has allowed itself to be swayed almost as power- fully in an almost opposite direction by the violent diatribes of the minor press against Rus- sia. Cobden and the peace party are nowhere. A large proportion of the British people are at the present moment prepared to suffer all the hardship of additional taxation, for the sake of giving a little exercise to the British lion, and Tue Iranian Orera rn Amertca.—The his- tory of the Italian opera in America is a record of attempts, of failures, of reverses, of bank- ruptcies, of heartburnings, of embarrassments, of partial successes. perhaps, but not of victo- ries. The eagle may have coquetted with Ma- retzek, (who is the best and most successful of the directors,) but he has never finally settled upon the head of the “ handsome impresario.” The assertion of a celebrated Irish patriot, that “success is the criterion of merit,’ will not hold good with regard to the Italian opera, however veracious it may be in other respects. New York, the metropolis of the Western world, refuses to support an operaas it deserves, while the theatres are crowded, while Jullien gets three thousand people to hear a new polka, and while negro singers ride in their own carriages. The present company at Niblo’s Garden is only fairly supported, while if it received its de- serts we should have every night a packed house; and on extraordinary occasions, like the production of a new opera, there would be as great a rush for places as upon the advent of some newly discovered ‘Swedish nightingale.” Why is this? It is simply because the aristo- eracy of New York is an aristocracy of dress, and no more. Miss Brown goes to the opera to show her last suit of sables; Mrs. Smythe has induced her husband, (who commenced life as “John Smith,” but is now a millionaire and calls himself “J. Augustus Smythe,’’) to send to Paris for a new set of diamonds, “such loves,” and she displays them in the dress cir- cle of Niblo’s to the intense disgust of all her set who do not, for several reasons, indulge in such vanities. The orchestra may be mag- nificently balanced—the crisp recitative, the brilliant aria, the melodious cavatina, may be given with the melody of Chaucer’s lark, whose notes “fell liquid honey on the listening ear,” but while Mrs. Smythe has such a “delightful parure,” their combined excellence paszes for nought, and is unnoticed by the people who ought really to pay the money for the support of the opera--who falsely boast that they do pay it Let us examine the condition of the opera in other cities. Philadelphia will pay for about six operas a year, so that the fashionables may display their new clothes. In Boston, where they make great pretensions to musical taste they will pay for twelve operas, because it is the fashion, and because they desire a serics of réunions that they may out-dress their neighbors. In New Orleans there is a French theatre where operas are given, but they are relieved by vaudevilles and light dramas. The season is always short. In Havana operas are given occasionally at the Tacon, but there the love of display is not sufficient to support musical entertainments alone; the witcheries of the ballet and the ennobling sport of bull fighting is introduced to relieve the “mono. tony” of Bellini, Verdi, Rossini and Donizetti The masses will not patronise the opera, be- cause they have no taste for it. The parvenu aristocrats, who cause the opera houses to be built, tighten their purse strings and refuse to support the opera after the novelty an1 the excitement has passed away. They have no taste for it—they pretend to a great deal. With all these facts, drawn from the experi- ence of the last ten years, is it not singular that we find capitalists investing their funds in opera houses to “seat comfortably” any num- ber of persons, or at least a much greater number than can be found to pay for the seats- The opera house in Fourteenth street is nearly completed. It is begging for a lessee— The smbitions youth that fired he Ephes'an dom Oa‘ lives in fame the pious fool that reared it. And the rash individual who shall undertake the management of this house, so commodious, s0 carefully planned, so secure against fire, and “provided with stock scenery for the pro- duction of four standard operas,” will ‘de- serve well of his country,” though he may not beable to pay his debts. No, the affair is a failure before it has been tried. This may seem parodoxical; but the opera is too uncertain to be judged by any fixed rules. Who knows anything about the new opera house? Who cares anything about it? Where are all the “enterprising managers ?’’ Where is Maretzek? Where is Hackett? Where is Marshall? Where is Barnum? Ah! we fear that the “Academy of Music” will have hard work to find a lessee. A similar spectacle is presented in Boston andin Philadelphia, In Boston they have an incorporated body called the “Boston Theatre Company,” with a capital of three hundred thousand dollars. They have a build- ing similar to that in Fourteenth strect, and as neartocompletion. It is a first class opera house and theatre—an edifice constructed with especial attention to the laws of acous- tics and optics. To be sure, all the three humbling the pride of the Russian autocrat, | hundred stockholders are entitled to ad The bulk of the intelligent classes see clearly | mission on every performance; but that enough that England’s interests demand peace; | is only a trifling drawback, because (as it is said,) they are the “solid men of Bos- ton,” and distinguished for liberality. Well, there is no lessee for this temple consecrated to St. Cecilia, Melpomone, and Thalia. Have the shrines no worshippers? Are there no am- bitious brewers, like Delafield, who will spend a million or so from pure love of music and de. votion to the foot lights? Or have the mana- gers learned wisdom from the experience of other people, and knowing that the aristocratic patrons of the opera will be very likely to retreat and leave them without money, without credit, and without friends, do they prefer to cater for the middle elass, who will pay for things which tivey gan uuderstwad, and wily but we all know that there are moments when tae calm voice of reason is drowned by the cries of passion. A declaration of war on the part of Great Britain would thus not seem so entirely im- possible as might have been supposed; and when we recollect that by the terms of their mail contract, the Cunard steamers are bound to place themselves at the disposal of the Gov- ernment in case of necessity, it will be seen that other causes besides the weather may have ope- rated to delay the arrival of the belated Europa. It will be time enough to speculate on the reenlte of a declaration of war by Great B When we receive move autheuti¢ information of which they are amused? There can be but one answer to these questions, and that in the af firmative. The wealthier class, then, will not support the opera—-they will only use it occa- sionally as a medium for the display of their vulgar love of show. and the middle and poorer classes will seek cheaper and more congenial amusements, We claim that we have given above a true picture of the state of the Italian opera im America, and that we have analyzed the causes which have led to its present condition. Now, gentlemen managers, you can propose for the leases of the New York, Boston, or Philadel- phia opera houses with your eyes open. Inisn Jovrwatism 1s New Yorx.—We under- stand that the friends of John Mitchel advise him very strongly not to deliver lectures in this country, but to establish a new journal here, and make it the organ of Irish nationality both: in this country and in Europe. Mitchel has re- markable talents as a journalist; he exhibit- ed those talents ina remarkable manner during the disturbances in Ireland in 1848; and we are persuaded that he could not employ them. better than in ajournal which should advocate here the cause of Irish independence. If the enterprise should be commenced, suck a journal would immediately sweep out of ex- istence a variety of weak, sickly Irish news- papers, and at once end their imbecile struggles for life and prosperity. We are not sure that such a journal would not materially affect the organ of Archbishop Hughes—the Freeman’s Journal, as it is called—and we should like to pit John Mitchel against the Abbé McMasterg in the advocacy of Irish wrongs and Irish rights: —Irish picty and Irish saintship. We think. much information might be gained, and much good might perhaps result from a tourney be- tween these renowned knights of the quill. The Abbé McMasters never agrees with any~ body, so he would be sure to fall out with Mitchel. who is not a son of the church which St. Peter founded upona rock. Withthe Crusader, Secchi de Casali and Padre Gavazzi on one side, and John Mitchel on the other, the Abbé McMasters would have plenty of work. The columns of the Jrishman, the Felon, and the Nation, form an index to Mitchel’s style. The Irish who believe in Mitchel, O’Brien and Meagher should have an organ in America, and: John Mitchel is the man to give it to them. Organization of Congress. SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES SINCE THE ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION IN 1789 TO. THE PRESENT TIME. Congress. Speaker. \—Fred. A. Mublenberg. Pennsylvania 2—Joratban Trumbull, Connecticut. 8—Fred. A. Mublenberg, Pennsylvania 4—Jonathan Dayton, New Jersey. = Do. a lo. 6—Theodore Sedgwick, Massachust 7—Nathaniel Macon, North Carolina 8— Do. do. o— Do. do, 10—Joseph B. Varnum, Massachusetts. 2 emty Gay, Kentucky ites. , Kentuel 13— Do. if ¢o. "i 14—Henry Clay, Kentuck: a ae Se — Jo. lo. resigned) John W. Taylor, New you’ 17—Philip P. Barbour, Virginia. 18--Henry Clay Kentucky... 19—Jchn W. Taylor, New Yor! 20—Andrew Stevenson, Virginia 2— Do. do. 22-— do, 2-- Do. do. John Pell, Tennessee... 24—James K. Pols, Tennesse: 25 Do. 0. do. . 26—Robert M. T. Hunter, Virgivia. 27—Jobn White, Kentucky :8—Jobn W. Jones, Virgin! :9—John W Davis, Inciana 0—Robert ©. Winthrop, Maseachu 1--Howell Cobb. Georgia... 2--Linn Boyd, Kentucky 3— Do. do. Tio, Norrs—In the 5th Congress, ge Dent, of Mary- and, vas, in April, 1798, electec Speaker ‘pro lempore, dirs ing the sickness of the aker, Mr. Dayton In the 286 Hubbard, of New Hampshire, acted as in the absence of Mr. Stevensoa, Ma: 18, 1834, I 8 28h Congres, George W. Hopkins ate as one da; the absence of the Speaker, Feb. 5, Tei8 ee <caa) The political characters of the Speakers have been a8 follows :—Mr. Muhlenberg, Speaker of the Firat and Third Congresses, in Washington’s admisistra- tion, was an anti-federalist or republican, friendly to Jefferson, and opposed to Washington, Hamilton, and other leaders of the federal party. Trumbu!l, Day- ton and Sedgwick were federalists, aud favorable to Washington, Hamilten, and the administrition of John Adams. The repub'ican Speakers, of the Jef- ferson school, were Macon, Varnum and Clay. On the resignation of Clay, who was appointed one of the commissioners to negotiate a treaty of peace at Ghent, in 1814, the administration of Madison de- sired the election of Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, as Speaker; but the federalists and independent repub- licans made choice of Langdon Cheves, a moderate republican, of South Carolina. On his return from Europe, after the peace of 1815, Mr. Clay was again sent to Congress, and chosen Speaker. He resigned in October, 1820, and, after repeated ballotings, John W. Taylor, of New York, a friend of De Witt Clin- ton, and advocate of a protective tariff, was chosen his sacceseor. This was during what was called “ the era of good feelings,” under President Monroe’ administration. At the meeting of the next Con* gress, in December, 1821, Philip P. Barbour, a demo crat, of Virginia, was elected Speaker, over Mr. Taylor and other candidates, after many ba'lottings. There were a number ef bucktails,or anti-Cliotonians, members from New York, who joined tbe South- ern democrats in defeating Mr. Taylor. In December, 1823, Henry Olay being ogain a member, was chosen Speaker over Mr. Barbour, by an overwhelming majority. The votes for Mr. Bar- bour were given by those who favored the election of William H. Crawford to the Presidency in 1824, The vote stood, for Clay 139, for Barbour 42 votes. In the Nineteenth Congress, John W. Taylor was elected Speaker, by the friends of the administ cation of John Quincy Adams, December, 1825. In the Twentieth Congress, the opponents of Adams’ ad- ministration had a majority, and by a small majority elected Stevenson, of Virginia, Speaker. When tifat: gentleman was oppointed minister to Great Britain, by President Jackson, in 1834, John Bell, of Ten- nessee, was chosen his successor as Speaker, much against the wishes of the administration. James{K. Polk was the Jackson candidate, but the dissatisfied democrats and whigs united on Bell and elected him. Mr. Bell had been considered friendly to Jackson, but refused to support Van Buren as his. successor, consequently he became opposed to the Jackson and Van Buren, and finally joined the whig party, where he now remains as one of the United States Senators from Tennessee. Mr. Polk, who afterwards became President of the United States, was elected Speaker by the friends of Jackson and Van Buren in 1835 and 1837. He was succeeded in 1839, by Robert M. T. Hunter, now one of the Senators from Virginia, and a Southern States rights democrat. He owed his election as Speaker to a combination of whigs and Southern States rights men; but, contrary to expectation, sustained Van Baren’s administra- tion. In 1841 tue whigs, being in a majority, elected John White, of Kentucky, Speaker. On the retarn of the democrats to power in the next House of Re- presentatives, John W. Jones, of Virginia, was chosen Speaker in 1243, He was succeeded by John W. Davis, of Indiana, of the same politics, in 1845, The whigs succeeded in electing their spesker, Mr, Winthrop, in 1847, notwithstanding the opposi- tion of some whig abolitionists, and in 1849, Howell Cobb, of Georgia, the democratic candidate, was chosen after many ballottings. He was the first speaker elected by a plurality vote, the whigs and demerrata having eve to an nent for that puryore, to termiuvate a long cvaies. In tue last