The New York Herald Newspaper, November 5, 1853, Page 1

THE NEW YORK HERALD.- WHOLE NO. 7616. MORNING EDITION----SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1853. THE VAN BURENITES IN OLD TAMMANY. (MEETING OF THE YOUNG MENS’ DEMOCRATIC CLUB, JOHN A. DIX’S OPINION. John Van Buren on the Syracuse Resolutions, Surveyor Cochrane’s Explanation, &., &, &. Last evening a meeting of the Young Men’s Democra, tie Union Club, of which John Cochrane, Surveyor of the Port of New York, is President, was holden at Tammany Gall. Every effort was made to secure @ large attendance. An immense bonfire was lighted in front of the Hall, the celebrated Empire Club gun was used to fire a salute, ‘which commenced at seven o’clock, anda band of music was engaged in playing national airs. The doors of the Hall were thrown open at twenty minutes before eight o'clock, and the crowd was only sufficient to-fill it about two-thirds. The rostrum was ornamented with the American flag, and the flags of several States were disposed in various parts of the room. Two original banners were displayed, the first as follows:— @99000000000000000800000000g 2 .The Union and Democracy 2 9 Must and shall be'Proserved. s Po00000000000000000000000009 Another:— 02290006005 900000000090000009 . Adder-mantines, S ms ‘Treason—Malice—Falsehood—Plunder. s $ [Device of an adder in flames.] ¢ m4 Disunion—Nine millions of dollars, bs : Destroyed by their own poison. 9 ° 2229000000000000000000000000 At the end of the Hall was placed a banner bearing the Bames of Seymour and Pierce, and the State ticket, head- ed by Isaac A. Verplank, for Secretary of State. At fifteen minutes before eight o’clock, Mr. Joun Coon- nave, President of the Club, arose and said:— Fellow Democrats—In the name of the Young Men’s Demooratic Union Club, I, as their presiding officer, take the liberty of calling you to order, inviting you here to hold counsel with us in Tammany on the proapects of the tio party in the ensuing election—on the position which that party occupies now—on the means and mea- sures which have been taken to place us where we aro— te take our bearings at this intoresting poriod of the struggle, and to learn whether, as democrats and aa citi- fens, we are doing our duty towards ourselves and our Guty towards our country. It may not be inapt that I cubmit to yon briefly a few words in reference to the Club, or association, under whose auspices you have convened, ‘and whose invitation you have accepted. Coming into existence at a time when union was the tie and the motie of the party, from an early period in the history of our united-action in the democratic party of the State down to the present day, the Young Moen’s Democratic Onion Club, assuming union and harmony as their motto, acted iz the ranks of the party, and has been in- strumental in achieving victories for that common demo- eratic pte @ (Some cpalcee): It is they who, standing in the front rank of the battle which has been fought, plished. It was their pr: ‘entertained by you all, that by their assistance we elect- ed to the Prosideney Franklin Pierce, whom you ‘all honor. (Slight cheers.) They dated their position from ‘the beginning of the annals of reason and of democratic taking their departure from ths Rome Convention, in 1849. They adjudged that it was union and harmony which the party and the country desired. The judged— and aegurately, too—that those who assembled at Rome Seoposed the union and co-eperation of the different of the party. “They looked to Daniel S Dickinson— looked to those gentlemen who now are opera it us—as those stars of the democratic firmament wi light should point to them the correct path to pur- gue. They followed in that path and 1d poor en the democratic platform of Baltimore in 1862. ogee Seg rages was it that they entered into ‘the con! as united, firm, and consistent democrats. Tt was then that, actilig as the Club of the city and county of New York, they extended their operations far over the Btate. It was then that those ramifications were adjusted which enabled to act in concert with their brethren of the sister counties. It was then that that course of action was taken which was so lauded in the columns of which was so firmly established in the fational Democrat, which was so firmly and widely applauded by ihe editor of the New York Herarp. ‘It was by taking that course that they estab- o victory that was accom- in common with the pride a PRICE TWO CENTS. down by Thomas Jefferson, And aratic National Canvontious ot 1600, Sotho Rosolved, That we support the administration of Frank: lin Pi ne « orcad reliance in it oapacity b n, and wi American honor abroad, will'also vindicate natio home, and faithfully support those compromises of tl tution which alone can cement and the Stater. Rerolved, That in the honest and ratio Seymour, our Governor, we ate intere d line demo: consti: Porpetuate the union of mding course of Ho- deep and affection- PROF tee of g Adherent to the time- f the democratic party, hia o esa have won for him the esteem, the the admiration of every true national demo- of New York. Resolved, That the “hard” faction in this Sta ois tional” only in its dosigns upon the national treasury, and faithful to” no other ‘compromise’? than the compro- miso between public justice and the impeached plunder ers whom they would elevate to office. Resolved, That the Syracuse ‘bolt,’ and the opposition to the national administration, is a faotious effort to disturb Public tranquillity, unsettle tho relationship of the demo- cratic fewily throughout the Unio: pen the questior settled ‘he compromise measur: nd ro-agitate tl question of slavery, in opposition to the Baltimore resolution of 1852, and in opposition to the opinion of the demoaratio Party of the State of New York, since thon repeatedly ex- pretied in convention and the polls; and that such a tion, represented by James B. Cooley, and in the absen 1 political principles, compelled to res-rt to attacks upon the private character of tho Chief Magistrat of the Union and chosen leader of the “whole demooracy, deserves the abhorrence of all good men, and ought to be igpally rebuked by the national demonracy of thie State, ‘esolved, That we consider overy truly sound sud national democrat bound, for the honor and prosperity of tho party, to sustain its regular nominations, by supporting the tickot headed Robert ‘Kelly and Trane A. Verplank, and. t secure an honest administration of State affairs, and a constitutional completion of the canala—the work te b given, not to George Law, Croswell & Co., but honestly and Publicly to the lowest bid Resolved, That our Judicial and Senatorial nominations are unimpeachable for the honesty, oapacity and demooratic antecedent of the nominoes, sid the g thereby offered of an ablo discharge of their duties, hfal re- presentation of the best intoreste of their constituents. Kosolved, ‘That, wo contemplate with unmixed contempt 16 C] torand conduct of those who, at the very moment When they aro fawning upon the administration, and crying pAitbaul Eranklin Pierce!” arv covertly, sincpening the knifo of the assassin, and watching the opportunity to plungo it in bis bosom; and’ that we cannot bring ourselves to be- lieve that any sane man in the State of New York will aid or abet them in their unboly efforts Resolved, That in the course pursued by the administra. tion of Franklin Pierce thus far, every patriot has reason to Fojoice, The flag that swept the seas in 1312, and beneath which Hull, Ps d MoDonough won immortal fame, and wreathed the dof Amerioa with laurels “ torn from the brows of val genius of England,” is again brondly given to the breeze of heavon, and whorover it flios, it says to Ameri zens, a8 Commander Ingraham did to Martin Do you demand my protection? ‘Then you shall —And wo will stand shoulder to shoulder, an un- wavering column, bi ranklin Pierco and his administra- tion, in their glorious determination to make Amorioan prin- ciples and the American namo terrible and respected in every quarter of the world, to quench at home every smouldering ember of faction and'fanaticism, and to unite the whole m ‘acy in one faith and one purpose—our motto alway. “The unity of the democracy the safeguard of the Consti- tution.” = The resolutions having been adopted, the Pausinyyr said:—Gentlemen: You are crowded now, but in the course of the evening you will be more so; for half th® wards have not yet arrived. (Applause.) You will be addressed this evening by John A. Dix, John Van Buren andothers. Gentlemen, I have the pleasure to introduce to you tle Hon Jobn A. Dix. Mr. Dix was received with great cheering. He said:— Mz PRESIDENT AND FELLOW —Though Iam a member of the association by which this meeting was called, it is the first time I have had an oppertunity of taking part in any of its proceedings, I come now at the invitation of your committee, not for the purpose of addressing you at large on the politi- cal condition of the State or the Union, but to testify, by my presence, that I participate with you cordially in the part you have taken in the recent unfortunate, and, as I think, unwarrantab!e breach in the ranks of the de” mocracy of this State. I did not come here to impugn the motives of those who have separated themselves from us as supporters of the State and national adminis. tration. Ieoncede to the great body of them honesty and sincerity in the convictions under which they act. I think they have listened to selfish counsels, and have been betrayed into am error which the democracy of the whole country will condemn, and which they themselves will have great cause to regret, The dizect tendeney of this breach is to throw the government of this State into the hands of our political opponents—to neutralize, an far an we are concerned, all the gaod results of the tri- umphant victory ‘achieved ‘last year—a victory won, as;I can bear testimony, by the most laborious and persevering exertion. Now, I appeal to you ail to say whether the fruita of this labor and perseverance should oe Bas od et ‘shee te success of the a (poilcy, we Ma rly a our Hves in y ahould be put at ested Wiehe the administration of our State and national ailairs shall be embarrassed, and perhaps defeated in the great objects common to beth, by disunioa in our own ranks? For mytelf, though J"have been incapaciated by th duties of a labgrious and most responsib takipg apy active part in the political movements of the last six months i mergensy in which very plain one; and that is to sustain the State and nation1! administrations as long as they shall give evidence, in their measures of Yished for themselves the reputation of young men, uni- ted, P vray pag consistent as democrats, and entitled ‘themselves to the respect and applause of all to the party. It was at this pericd, also, that they elevated to preside over their councila a EE heener who has since left them—who has since act against them—and why? Because that he might deem it con- sistent with his conscience and his principles in the future to act against that Club, that Club being devoted ‘to the interests of the ad: ition at Washington, and & welfare of @. (Cheers in honor of a a ent it migh' tly attaek Genera !Pierce in person—was it that James T. Brady resigned the presidency of the Club, end was elevated ‘r that resignation to be the presid- ing officer of another club, whose principles and proposi- Leer ete before you iol pored Lo ea Caper ire tion, posed to i iy why Imay aejou now, here, that this gentleman would have so abandoned the tion which he had taken? ‘Why is it that he should forsake the platform on which F he stood? Why isit, that now their organ condemns that platform as a wretched tray is it that the man whom we assisted in elevating to the Presidency is now defamed and abused by foul and filthy vituperation? fs it because he bas proved ‘false to his principles? ‘Is because he bas falsified his inaugural address? fo, No.) Isit because babbling threats and violence we been employed to rend asunder and destroy the the which was so thoroughly cemented be- ne plea that this is the case or could All that has been uttered in respect to vio- #o much vain andempty babble. They who the proceedings which are claimed and cl ve been violent, are they who can attest, and who test, it all such asseverations.: They who claim ‘that Gen. has departed from his pi fon et oe ey who cannot adduee the evidence of the fact. claim that he has departed from the character of the falsify themselves and stultify their fellow citizens, Saas les eet geet att as m does, sinment, his notlor such gentlemen as Jas. The nius, yet in ite vacillation. ‘The gentle- that evidence of caprice which cannot be excluded in proof before a committee or a commission end tilit; eatoais rpestion versatility, e cal pan farnishes be his el as commission of lunacy. Now, in order that these |-mouthed epithets which have been uttered by one of those gentlemen proposed for your snffrages, should ‘be hnown to you, it became necessary that I should refer you to them to teach you that they Fey hearty 4 condemnation. These are the principles, if principles they may be called, which have dissevered and disunited the great democratic party. A principic and a cause te and confoim themselves oe : ie oe an _proseription for the sake of office, claiming that one pai of the dsmocratic party should be nowhere considered, while another part of the party should be every: where considered—claiming in the same breath that the party is not nor has been divided, and ‘therefore it is that they stand in a position which thus they have aspired to—none else the position of political traitors. Fellow itizens:—These are the reasons which place us before you as the Democratic Young Men’s Union Club of de, see County of New York. S where we bave tood, we occupy the tion which you occ th this attivade is it that have invited you here to mass m to-night, to listen to what ‘faay be to hear what may be uttered by gentlemen said, gent ‘who hitherto have claimed your confidence, and who to- res will give sdditional evidemee of having merited it, Ae, @ President then introduced Mr. Horamio P, Carr, who nominated the following list of officers:— VICE PRESIDENTS. David Banks, Jr., C, J. Cambreleng, A. K. Maynard, Menzo Diefendort, Henry 8. Lincoln, ‘Wm. H; Farrell, ©. L, Van Zandt John T, Cairns, John Mulholland, John G, Henry, Geo. H. Purser, Benj. J. Pentz, Maloolm Campbell, P. G. Maloney, ur Woods, John Kelly, J. W. Sleight, Henry Fenno, John B, Bonny, John’A, rt, ‘Warner P. Smith, Jaco Windmuller, A. Hamilton Pride, Miles B. Andrus, James B, Sikman, Wm. D. Kennedy, Robt. Grant, A. R. Herrick, Gilbert M. Spier, Victor Le Gal, Robt. A. Adams, Henry E. Reil. Sena alol 3, Eiggleato Cornelius Carnes, iel J. Eggleston, Robt. Johnstone, W. W. Saxton, John H, Harnett, D, Jones Crain, J. Meech Henry, Benson B, Smith. The Pruupent put the question, and these nominations ‘were ratified by the meeting. Mr. Spencer H, Conz then read the following resolu- tions, While the resolutions were being read a delega- tion from the Fourth ward appeared, with banners bearing the names of their candidstor, and headed by « band:— democratic it ot New Fee cevbledeed tustaia ond coset oun tbe aud » icy, that they are guided by democratic principles, Bod that they exe laboring honestly to promole the tras integesta of the country and the State. I sea, nothing in onduct of either calculated to raise ‘any donbt on this subject in the mind of any disinterested man. I have no feeling in this matter, except that which should be common to all—to uphold’ the democratic standard, to maintain the true intercats of the country against open and sécret exemies, and as indispensable to these pur- poses, to strengthen the hands of those whom we have clothed with the authority of the people for the purpose of carrying out the public policy which we believe to be vital to our prosperity, present and prospective. In a Wantrenitations high’ Y oddredeed/toron the opening of your new club house, I alluded to the im- portance of your organization, if maintained in a spirit Of elevated and disinterested devotion to great principles, in respect to the influence it may exert on the political concerns of this and other State: An association of young men, placing themselves upon the broad grounds of duty to the country and to the free institutions under which we live, and guided by an unwavering determina- fon to be tris to both, without repard tov persousl o¢ temporary interest, cannot fail to become prominent and influential. Such, gentlemen, I am sure is the feslivg of every one of you; and I, therefore, the more readily leave the excitements of the day to take care of themselves, and ask your attention to some considerations which I con- sider of peculiar urgency in the admiaistration of the gov: ernment. I have on several recent occasions alluded to the fiscal condition of the country, as one calculated to pro- duce a deal of uneasiness in the minds of reflectin; men. It is certainly an unusual cause of Le seal I grows out of a superabundance, and not a deficiency of revenue. We have about twenty-five million of dollars in the treasury, and with every prospect that the current receipts of the present fiscal year will be a¢equate to the necessary expenditures of the government. Wé ny be said, then, to have a clear surplus of twenty-fivi Hons of dollars, The Secretary of the Treasury, as I think with an enlightened and praiseworthy regard to the interest of the country, has been purcl ing the pub- lic debt at very long liberal rates, giving for the la: stocks, redeemable in 1867 and 1868, a premium of per cent, for the privilege of paying them off fourteen ears before they are due. t a comment is this on @ successful working of our institutions! While the ernments of the Old World are litterally staggeri: Ster the burthen of their peeuniary Cops neti and their subjects are drained of their hard ea: by tex- ation, to support armies and uphold useless estab! ents, ours is not only deriving from s comparatively moderate system of taxation the means necessary for all its wants but has actually accumulated a surplus exceeding one-half of our entire public debt,and is now offering more than one- fifth of the whole principal, in the shape of premiums, for the privilege of paying it before it is due. Une of the highest evidences of good government is the lightness of ita ree in the way of pect exaction, on the t ay of the people—on thore who gain their subs KA P labor, and whose earnings ought, on every } ofjartice and humanity, to be oomsecrated to the eup- port of their families. Tried by this test alone, saying nothing of the largest liberty we ovior, there is no gov- ernment on the face of the earth as well adapted as ours to necure the Prosperity, happiness, and independence of thone who live ita protection. But I am di; from the aubject to which I desired to call your attention. With all the efforte of the Secretary of the ‘Treasury, 1 doubt whether he will succeed before the opening of Cyn- gress in making much reduction of this surplus of twenty-five millions. What is to be done with it? This I an the most important question before the peoplo— nay, I consider it vital to the Gharsater of the a¢ministra- tiop, and to the democratic policy ef the country. I think this monty ought te be appropriated to the pay: ment of the public debt, and that future surpluses should be guarded against by reduction of the rates of duty on foreign imports, nod by making free of duty articles whieh axe not Produced at home, and do not, therefore, compete with our own industry. Great efforts will be made to defeat this appropriation of the surplus revenue, Formidable combinatiogs will be created to get e8- sion of it for local and personal objects—for new lines of steamships, railroads, and improvements, (as they are called, ) of all sorts—and to keep up'present rater of taxa- tion for the purpese of accumulating future surplusses to promote the same objects. If we hear nothing of these movements now, it is because they are carried on wit the silence which is deemed most favorable to their 6 cess. The meeting of Congress will break this universal stillness of th ments, and let in the storm upon both houses in fullforee. One of the best hopes is that the competition for plunder will beso active as to involve all These schemes in a common self-destruction. But I have another and a stronger hope--that General Pierce will set his face resolute) ainst these designs upon the treasury. I found this as- surance upon knowledge of his public life— upon his votes in ss, and upon the declarations in bis inaugural address in favor of an economical adminis- tration of the government. In no other way can he satirfy the reasonable expectations of the democracy of the country, and executewith the fidelity they require that guatdianship of the public interest whieh they have committed to his . That he will encounter » power- ful and embittered opposition all the \dica- tions clearly manifest; but he will have littleto fear from itif the | ad measures of his administration conform to democrat if and 4 he distribution of office the people are aatls tained. In 3 fied if they feel assured that the President intends to # | t hument, faithful amd ; aad large alts Toes ore sltays wide tor Re want ck portend awe. ledge of individuals which, in a coustry ao extended as ours, is a serious embarrassment in the exercise of the appointing power, The weakness of the seosssionist in this State arises from the fact that itis founded con- fessedly upon the manner in which the President has mace appointments to office. No smosoatfal op- ition to an administration can be built upon foundation so narrow and selfish. The great’ body of the democracy look to measures ard to the course of an administration in respect to the essential in- terests of the country; and if any individual wrong or in- justice has been done, they are much more likely to re- pair it quietly themsetver than to embark in an opposi- tion which endangers the ascendancy of the party and puts the success of its principles in peril. For this reason it seems to me the leaders of the secession movement have committed a double error: frst, in supposing that they will carry the sympathies of the people at lai along with them, and second, in forfeiting their claim the kind feeling’of the party, by throwiag the govern- ment of this State, as I fear they will, into the hands of our political opponents, Besides, gentlemen, there are, I trust, higher and better feelings, alive among us than those which muke the support of an administration do- ndent'on the degree in,which it m/nisters to eur personal interests, The demecra'ic cause can only be permanent: ly upheld by a disinterested regard to the public ends in- volved in its success. The moment we begin to inquire in what manner our private interesta are to be affected by sustaining the administration—or, in other words, what are to gain by it personally—we make the honors and emoluments of offiee, and not principle, the test of our elity. Vorcx—That is the very thing that is doing. Gen. Dix—I am afraid some of the leading men who are taking ground against the administration have put this inquiry to themselves, and that they go into opposition Decauée they eannot ans ser it satisfactorily, A Voicr—Yes, and they want to go into the spoils too. Laughter.) Gen. Inx—But as I began by saying I did net intend to impeach motives Iquit this topic, and ask your atten- tion for e few moments to another ‘public matter of great interest to us and the country. I mean the opera. tion of the subtreasury, as it is familiarly called, and as I shall call it, to avoid cireumlocution, ' No- thing can exemplify more clearly and forcibly the salutary operation of the system recommended to Con- gress in 1837, and finally adopted in 1840, of col lesting and disbursing the public revenue in specie, and keeping it during the intervening time in the hands of public efficers, than the condition of this city during the last six months in respect to its pecuniary affaire. On the 17th of May last, when I took possession of the Assistant Treasurer's office in this city. I receipted for $6,731,885 59. This amount ran up pretty steadily, sub- feet to, occasional considerablegiiuctuations, and particu- rly about the Ist of July. when the five per cent loan of 1842 was redeemed, to $10,202,516 70 on the 23d of September. To-day it 'is only $6,497,311 88. From May to September there was a prevalent bias to overaetion in almost all business, legitimate and illegitimate—in trade, banking, stockjobbing, and land speculation. Under the impulse’ given to commercial enterprise the Treasury balance in this city, as I have stated, ran up from less than seven millions of dollars to more’ than ten millions (an increase of three millions and a half of dollars) in About four months. This rapid accumulation of coin, and the enormous sum of ten millions thus withdrawn from the reach of operators, checked in a very salutary manner the general tendency to overaction. Speculators could not command the money they requirea to carry on and extend their transactions. Merchants were compelled to limit their orders for foreign goods. Debtor banks pressed for balan:es, were obliged to contract their discounts; and as the flood of specie poured into the sub-Treasury, the channels from which it was drawn were nearly ex- hausted, and some of the bolder adventurers were left high and dry by the receding tide. pte Who ‘hus done that better than Azarish C. Flagg ? Gen. Dix—This was the first good influence of the sub-treasury system, gracually drawing specie into its own vaults as the banks extended their operations and stimulated the spirit of enterprise and speculation, and checking the tendency to excess by a law as certain as those which gorern the material world. The second good influence of the system was as salutary as the first, and was the result of the same infallible law. The accumulation of ten millions of coin in the sub-troasury here, made money scarce and valuable ; most stocks feil in price, and the interest paid for the use of money rose rapidly ‘and to enormous rates, In all such cases, hold- ers of stocka which maintain their price, are: tempted to sell for t e purpose of realizing the higher profits of other investments. This was the case with the stocks of the United States. The government had offereda high premium for them. The holders surrendered them and took the surplug coin in the treasury in exchange. By this operation, then three millions seven hundved thou- sand dollars were drawn out of tne sub treasu:y in six weeks, and thrown into Wall street to relieve the pressure by preceding excesses in ryectlation and com mercial adventure, It is indeed the only reliet Wall street as ha thi 1 wsidl y would have been scarcely less severe than that of the ten millions of coin accumulated in the sub-treasury had been in the vaults of the banks, they would have constituted a basia for discouata to five or six times that amount, and the reaction would have produced a shock which would have involved banks, speculators and legit mate dealers, in a common ruin.’ This, thea, has been the two-fold beneficial action of the rub-treasury system, to draw specie to itself, as speculation has been inordi nately extended, and to pour it back again into the chan- nels of commerce when it was indispensible to sustain the reaction. The ebb and flow of the tide of specie has been alike salutary—it was a saving influence without which the enterprise of the country must have sustained a severe, if not a fatal ‘shock. No huwan agency could have regulated its operation so wisely and surely.as it has been regulated by the law of commerce. Thus, while in- dividuals hard pressed for money have for the last two or three months been complaining of the accumulation of coin in the sub-treasury, it has been silently werking out acure for the prevailing evil of overaction, which no other remedy could have reached. Sitting at my table every day during the last six months, watching the influx and efllax of specie, knowing where it came from and where it went, I have been able to appreciate bet- ter than eny other person possibly could, the salutary ac- tion of the aystem; andas a New Yorker, [could not help thinking, now and 'then, that it was a New York President who gave it to the country, and staked his public reputa- tion upon its success. (Great cheering.) Iam unwilling to conclude what I have said on this subject without Dearing testimony to the promptitude and unscrupulous exactness of the Secretary of the Treasury in my- official intercourse with him, which has been constant, and em- braced a variety of the most important matters, some of them not strictly connected with my office. I have not only felt the assurance that he has been guided in all his publie acta by an earnest desire to promote the best in- teresta of the country, but that he has been. actuated by an unwavering determination to carry into his own de- partment the strictest conformity to law, and the most rigid economy regarding the administration. of the finances in the existing condition of the Treasury, as the most important function Gen. Pierce’s tion will bave to perform. I. think it’ fortusate for the country + the department through which this public duty is to be executed has fa'len to one who has £0 just an appreciation of his official responsibilities. ‘The administration. of the State Departwent is equally creditable to the govorament. In the Koszta case principles have been asserted in regard to right of self-expatriation which command nearly the universal approbation of the country, and which have been proved by unanswerable argument to be in accord. ance with the public law of civilized States. No man can doubt, with this case bofore him, that oar relations with foreign States will be managed by tho administra. ion with firmness and ability, or that individuals of foreign birth, who have united ‘their destinies to ours, will reesive the same official protection as native born citizens, (Applause.) There is one subject, on which I wish to raya single word—the compromise measures, The democratic party in this State has declared its spproba- tion of them asa settlement of the slavery question, which is not to be disturbed. The declaration made unreservedly and in fait. We intend t» abide by it; and I will ssy for myself, as know you will allow me to say for you, in the lan- age of the Baltimore Canvention, that we will Giccountenance all further agitation of the ques. tion, “in or out of s8.’* And now, fellow citizons,| will only trespana farther on your attention by a brief al- lusion toa topic which I take up with great unwillingness, ut which connects itself 40 inseparably with the ocow sion, that it deserves, from public consideration, to be referred to. T allude to a speech madéat Syracuse on tae Ist inst. by Mr_ Cooley, the candidate of the secessioninte for the office of Comptroller, the most important official ition in the State. The whole character of this speech vielent and denunclatory in the extreme; but theze are periions of it, which, distasteful as they are, I deem it roper to read to you, ard to incorporate with what I Eave to ay. Ido 90 that they may go to quartars which they might ibly not otherwise reach, as proc? of the malignity with which the administration is opposed, and the private character of the President is assailed. Voi1ce—Three groans for Cooley. This call was responded to by one of the most unterri- fied in such a ludicrous voice that the audioace laughed heartily. Gen, Dix—The President is designated by Mr. Cooley as ‘a fifth-rate country court treacherous pettifogser of New Hampshire, who, by accident simply, happened to reach an exalted position only to disgrace it and cover himself with infamy;” as ‘naturally, and of his own voli tion a black-hearted and ungrateful traitor;”” and of har. anguing the “ multitude in a noisy, pompous stu upeech, denominated the President's Inaugural.” Suc are the epithets bestowed upon the Chief Magistrate of the Union by the principal nominee en the secession ticket, and upon his inaugural addvoss, which haa met the general approbation of the couatry. Vorcr—A groan for Cooley. Axotner Vorce—He is a dirty Milow. He is not worth groaning. Timp Vorce—How is it with Bronson? Gen, Drx—uch are the desunciations of the President by one of the prominent sepresentatives of those who profess a friendly regard for him, while assailing his cabi- net. There are other imputations too gross to be noticed or repeated, all manifesting the same istempernte hoa- tility to the President. There is no pretence that he has in any great measure of his administration, departed frem the principles by the influence of which ho was cle- vated to honor. ‘The opposition to him, and tho bitter- ness with which he is aasailed, all grow out of disap- pointment in the distribution of office. Vo1wk—Three groans for Cooley. Here arore « soone of grosning and howling which baf- "r+ Aosoription, followed by profound applause. ou, Diz—ls the head of an administration brings for ward & publie measure layoly og wromg principles o¢ fraught with ‘ical danger to the interests of thie oun- try er ite institutions, itis the duty of all good cittsena €0 expose its evil tendencies, and to denounce it in any term” of reprehension known to fair and marly controversy. But in matters not involving great public interesta there are considerations connected with the pside every man should feel in the good name of hia chiof magistrate, whieh, if he has no enmity in bis heart, will counsel bem tos friendly silence. If the President had, as his accusezs charge, “forgotten what is due to his own character as an honorable man,’ itahoulé have been the part of the friend- ship they profess for him to conceal it for his sake, It would have been the part of patriotism to conceal it for the sake of the country, If sny one of you, gentlemen, just entering, as most of you are, on the theatre of politi: ‘al life, should have cause, in after ears, to fool that your chief magistrate, inany matter not affecting injuriously the great interests of the republic, has dealt unfairly with you, then I aay to. you, cover it ap, hide it deny {t if you will, bury it in ‘the inmost recensses of your own heart, and proserve, untaraished, the honor of your country, which cannot be entirely disconnected from his. But T rejoice, fel'ow citizens, that the opposi- tion to the President has taken a shape’ so personal and 80 revolting as to ensure its reaction, with a force which will be fatal to it. No man can vote for the Cooley ticket without identifying himself with the imputations to which Thave alluded. I had hoped to see them disavowed by the meeting of his political frionds at Metropolitan Hall last evenirg. | But it wiil be in vain to disavow the imputa- tions while sustaining their author, and seeking to clothe him with the influence and the authonty of the most im- portant official position in the State. Lentreat all fair men to consider this before they connect themselves in- dissolubly with a movement which has now stamped it- self with a character of hostility and personal bitterness beyond the possibility ef misapprehension. The Presmpent said:— Gentlemen—You have given three groans for Cooley; three cheera now for Mr Guthrie and the sub-treasury. (Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah !) There were cries for ‘Van Baren,"’ when ‘The Presipent said— Gentlemen, you will have Mr. Van Buren ia good time. Mr. Lorenzo’ B. Shepard will now address you. Cries of “no, no, let’s have Van Buren, Van Buren— Van Buren,” and great uproar. The audience at last became stilled, when Mr. Sia- PARD said:— Mr. Chairman and Members of the Young Moa’s Demo- cratic Club—I am glad to be permitted to address you on th's occasion, because I desire to do one thing, which [ con:eive to be somewhat important in the contest. I de sire to clear those friends of General Cass who-have stood by the national administration and the Baltimore plat form, from the unfoundéd censure which has been heaped upon the integrity of their motives and the wisdom of their actions. Fellow citizens, at a meotiog held last night at Metropolitan Hall, and also at a committ ing at Stuyvesant Institute, where the abolit “mummies” congregated, resolationa wore adopted, claiming that those gentlemen were: the peculiar and dis- tinctive friends of Genoral Cass—that they had stood by him when no others stood by him—that all Cass men who did not stand with them, and subscrite to thone resolutions, were guilty of treachery to that noble column to which T’ belonged in the noble fight of 1845. Now, fellow-citizena, I utterly deny that their resolutions are adopted upon a right view of this great question. We all remember well the events of the contest of 1848, Early in 1849, the chaizman of the Caes- Central Committee of the State*of New York, with the assent of Kd- win Croswell and Mr. Beardsley, and every friend and supporter of General Cass in this State, met and proposed to bury the diferences of 1848, and to unite the demo- cratic party into one consolidated column, in order that we might cleet a democratic nominee in 1852. Although none of us foresaw at that time that Franklin Pierce would be that nominee, we knew well that some standard Dearer would arise and require our services, and.that the vindication of our principles demanded nothing. tesa than his election. | (Great applause.) | That proposition re- sulted in the oalling of a convention of the friends of Cass at Rome, and a convention cf the friends of the other section was also called. Then met two Cor ventions, and there met rome of the most leading gentlemen in this very controversy, and there a union of the sections of the Party was proposed. There was Mr. Peckhans, the Chair- man of the State Central Committee, and’ Daniel S. Dickinson, and Robert 8. Champlin, and'B Mitchell, and Francis B. Cutting, of this city; and Samuel Bowne, and my friend Ward, of Westchester. They made a great va riety of propositions to the other convention. they made a great variety of propositions, to which it is scarcely ne- cessary to allude, all of them tending to show the earnest desire which they felt to accomplish the union.of the d mocratic party. They passed the following resobuti vention havins exhausted all honorable means to conciliate aud harmonise the differences which nave unfor tunately distract sd the domooratic party, and tie conv tion et the Baptist Church having rejected the over*u made to them with a view to secure that nies 4 and thie Peeks ARE Y chocomndlas Sane Maes dt rod hy the great tody vt to adjourn, therefore, be it t We ap} n throughout the State on behalf of the sincerity and earnestness of our exer- tions to heal existing dissensions, and we cordially invite alltrue democrats to lay them aside, and unite with us upom the principles declared by this coavention Well, we came to Sy racuse and considerd the propost- tion cf union. That union I voted against, Other gen tlemen of New York voted in its favor, and I, as a minority man was bound to sustain it. You may judge of my surprise when I saw myself denounced for quiescing in the union by the very men.who made the union, (Laughter and applauss.) Thet union was, however, formed in Tammany Hall. It wae.focmed at a meeting ‘at whioh Mr, Charles O'Conor presided. Resolu- tions were adopted congratulating the whole country upon the union of the demoeratic party in the State of New York. Now, upon what ground, I ask, whether of honor or of manliness, could any man abandon that union? How could a Cass man be asked to go against that union? Allow me to say this.ef the gentlemen who did go against that union after they had sclemaly agreed toit: They were the friends of General Cass in Tam- many Hall, but, when they got to Washington and arrived at Baltimore, they suddenly experienced a change of feeling. Then they were aot for General Cass, but for other candidates. This is a matter that all of you know and are perfectly acquainted with. (Applause) Tcould name a number of gentleman who were guilty of that act of duplicity. Why, then, upon what grounds should reproach ba cast upon those who stood by Gen. Cass? The action was pro- ductive of results to the democracy of the whole Union. At the convention of 1360 resolutions were read Mr. O’Conor, which were no doubt satisfactory to himself. Twenty-seven gentlemen in the convention voted against these resolutions. In 1351 these same re- solutions were adopted. Let me read you some portions of these resolutions. (Here Mr. Shey read the extracts referred to.] What is it that the South requires of the democt of New York? The South wishes us to recog- nise sitaply her rights. She does not want that recogni. tion confined to a small party clai to be her iar friends, but she claims that the whole State shall unani- mously prove true to their eompact, and consider the rights’ of every one of her members. My friend Brady, who produces his effects by the light shades of credulity and by the dark shades of prejudice—a man whose heart is good, but whose judgment is mistaken—pursues a po- licy which is calculated to do great mischief to those very interests which he di 38, to protect. He couches his lance agaimer democrats as true and faithful as ho has ever been, and immeasurably more consistent. He has couched his lance in many eon- tents that were only personal contests, ard not tho.con- tests of the democratic party. I have stood by Lewis Caes in 1848, and I have cause to lament these per- sonal contests as well as hia defeat. This union has been productive of a majority of between twenty-fvo and thirty thousand votes in behalf of Franklin Piarce, of Now Hampshire. That was the effect of the union in this State ; that was what the devoted democra;s of this State, who maintained this Union in good faith, desired to accom ‘and they did accomplish it. Well know well that there was a section in this State who dosired to divide the ticket for Governor in the last coutest from that of President. There is no mistake about that. ‘They deeired to overthrow our candidate foz Governor, | and many desired to save the vote for President. That waa a favorite idea with some gentlemen; but General Pierce, with a constancy which did him 1 xn credit, intimated to those gentlemen that the ti 8 must fe together, and treachery to one would be regarded by him as treachery to both. (Applause.) From. that time to this these gentlemen have continued their gross assaults upon the Governor. At first they dared nat attack the Pre- ident, and delayedit for a little time. surrounded the White House, and watched closely 2o catch hold of a retext for aseauit. Appointing, as he did, a great major- ity ef gentlemen to office from the Ussa’ section of the democratic party—from those who ware devoted to the Fugitive Slave law, and to the suppezt of that provision of the constitution—his actions were censured and his admiaistration attacked. Mr. Cooley, on the 4a cf June, made, in the Senate, ef virulont 6] h against him, and my triend Brady attacked hira.in correspondence with Young Men’s Democratis.Club. Brady has latoly gone so far as to ol him with utter treachery. Trea- chery is the word. it now he.finds it convenient to say 8 few words of praise, and claims to be a friend of, the President of the United States, who has been denounced no lately as & misguided and incompetent gentleman. Such, I believe, were his sextimonta, aa I infer them from | the tenor of bis speech. Isthat the way to support the ! administration? Why not stand by it with choers, and enthusiasm, and fresh greeting whenever new and worthy | principles emanate from it? y undertake to cast cen- sure upon the conduct of the administration for writing the Korzta letter? Fellow citizens, they complain that Mr. Bronson was removed, Mr. Bronson supports Cooley, and that ia enough. Mr. Bronson gay Tit cuppost 0 not ro stiong that thay can stand of ebarges which a themselves. Wh. «7 that man in office, sir? Was it be- causethe is descon.... som the main pozty, and decause of his great abilities: No, sir. It is nansonse to say that he was one of the great ‘supporters af Franliin Wierco; and the great masses of the democraay will not look ligt ly upon him who is treacherous to sho admiaistration, by attacking tae good name of the President I know that there is nota man in this room who would not rather have thosmallest and mort isignificant stone in this building for a monument ‘yan to support a man who would fous assail the faig fame of the President, and have the first stone in the land for his headstone. Who now stard in Ta:omany Hall, and do now as Mr. O’Conor did in 1851, I aay to that man that he wanted to throw overboard a Oays man. It was done in 1851; it was done for the friexds of General Cass, and done for the South. I can ima, him saying, “Gentlemen of the South, I have tleoted a Southern ts man; I have creat- ed schizza; I have left nothing ui ” and in that glo- thous content of achat were Mr. Dix and Van rea, who done theiz 2 lin Plerce, did not act as this man did. Fellow citizens, it beboves us all not to stain our success by saying loa thing that would hurt the feelings of that man whostat at the head of the administration. Fellow-citizens, there has been a strange attempt made to split the dewooratic rty in this State; and that made by the frequenters of sNtuyvesant Institute too. Who brought up the bill for t.e admission of Texas into the Union! Phere was a 80- cre t circular signed by seven men—a circular for the admis- sion Of Texas into the Unior. §Mr. Isaac Townsend, now one of thw Alma house Governors, was one of that party ‘This \ vas the way they stood by the constitution, was it? Our x en is a Cass and Butler man, and therefore he will not do them. [A voice in the crowd—‘Who defeated Caxa??] Iwill tell you who defeated him: free soilers; they wer ¥ the men who defeated the democratic sty 1348, fa voice in the crowi—Three cheers for Cass and Butle.””) (Loud cheering.) Is there any man in thas room \vho thinks it advisable to direct the admivis- tration‘ a vy of their affairs? [Cries of “No, no.”’) The State of New York is sound, an says has sound; but he poped Ghat every effort would used to heal up the difficulties shat separated the democratic party. We never bolted; \ve never sent twenty-nine men to defeat the ticket for G evernor; we never hired amaasins to throw menovt of windows. No, we never done anything like this. (Cheers.) No, we stepped up to the polls and voted like men. (@heers.) Awd we are all of us obli to then: for their conduct. Was theirjcondust anything like Union men? I think not. They have played the gameof “heads I win, and tails you lose.”? The uproar for Van Buren arose again, and the Prasi- dent ennouneed that 28. Van Buzsn had not returned. He would introduce Mr. Scrogham, of Westchester, But Mr. Scrugbam shook hi» head, au@ Mt. MAYNAID was Snally introduced. He said :— Mr. Chairman, my domoeratic friexda and felloreiti- zens—I am not one of the announeed speakery for thia evening, nor am I going to inflict a speech tyon you. I am’ only shoved in to fill » little vacuum, Ull Mr. Van Buren returns, (applause,) and T shall r: have time to make a speech ; and,’ therefore, I w.!l not begin one, but Iwill way a few words that ‘present themselves to'me now, aad that may apply to some within the bearing of my voice, and I will do so by call ing your attention to a text once takon by & waggish minister of my acquaintance. His ‘text was—'* Adam where art thou?” and hi text, he said, naturally divided itself into three parta: Kirst, we are all somewhere; second, we are ailtravelting’ somewhoro; third, I fear some Of us will Gad ourselves whero'we shall wish we hadn’t been. Now, permit me to say, in relation to this secession, that the leaders in this eecossion phalanx are oid fashioned federalists, whom I used to fight—for my hair, you see, is gray—thirty years ago, Thyy came into our ranks; they stayed with us while we had the loaves and fishes; but the moment we began to feed the husks to them they took up their pack and wended their way home, and I wish them God speed upon their journey; and I'hope the fatted calf will be killed, and tle famlly circle will be mace memy. Now for the application of my text:—If some of rey young friends who have looked upon them as democrats, should happe® to stray off and follow in the wake of my federal friéads, you will find yourselves in the end where you wish you hadn't been. (Ghiee of * Van Buren,” and “Go on.) {mi desired to Cocupy this place till he comes, and { merely desire to thank you for your kindness to me, hoping that some other time I may have an opportunity of telling Atty ‘ter. Mr. Joux Vay Bunn came forward and addressed the audience as follows:— Futrow-Cirmays:—It gives me pleasure to meet you again, fo socn after the glorious meeting we had a fewovenings since, This grand assemblage satisfies me that terest of the democracy of this State, instead of flagging, is on the increase as the day of election approaches, shall detain you but a very few moments, in the remarka I propose to submit to you to-night. I thank you most sincerely for being so kind as to cailon me; and I shall make a few suggestions in respect to some of the ques- tions which are now agitating the public mind. In the first place, as we are the Young Men’s Democratic Union Club, it becomes us to drop a tear over the memory of two of our Presidents. Daniel B. Taylor was the first—we have lost him; (Laughter ;) James T. Brady was the second. We lament his loss. (Slight cheers, and a voice, “Ho is a better man than you.”) Iam glad to see that though he dces not meet with us here, he bad a meeting last evening at Metropolitan Hall, which was called to discuss his claim to the office of Attorney Gane- ral. He was the chief speaker on that occasion. He has forgotten an old adage of our profession, that “he who pleads his own cause has a fool fora client.’ (Cheers and laughter.) He did, however, assemble a meeting in Metropolitan Hall, with a vast hanabill, announcing.that Gen. Cass, Mr. Dickinscn, ard about five and twenty other prominent men, were t> address the meeting. But when the meeting was held, it turned out that the hand bill itself was large enough 'to cover all the speakers who presented themselves to advocate the hard ticket. Ex- cuses were plenty—bobody was on hand. Tae territied democracy were stricken with additional tercor—excuses Were i085) AUUNGANE, ANG Iv Lowiwded wwe uf that great man’s feast, which Mr. Dickinson wouid tell us esont if be were’ here, where ali, with one consent, began to make excuses.’ Nobody was forthcoming. One tal married a wife, and he could not coms. (Laughter and applause ) And various other excases were made by the individuais invited to speak cn that occasion. Martia Grover’s coumel were on the grouad in numbers; his friends are here prepared to support him at the polli—at the election to come off on Tuesday next. (applause, anda few voices, ‘We aro.”) Now, great importance has been attached to the fact that when [ attended the Syracuse Conver tion I did not assent to or disseut from the resolutions which were there proposed. Let me say a word or two to you in reference to the position which I have occupied in the contests which have gone by. For fifty years prior to 1848 the democratic party of the United States refused to discuss the slavery question. We had slavery in the District; we had a fugitive slave law; we had slavery in several of the States; yet the democratic party absolutely refused to” discuss that question, In 1848 a new. proposition was advanced—that slavery should be extended. I resisted that. It has not been extended The question has been settled. Labide by the compromise, aud shall be ons of the last men to resist it. But it was deemed expediont by the Syracuse Convention to go somewhat further, and a new resolution was introduced, which I had not bi opportunity to see. That resolution was in these words Resolved, That undor the sacred pledges of tho coi tion, our sister States possossing tho institution of arc entitled to efficiont remedies to enforce their constit tional tights to she surrender of fugitive slaves, a right Which the demoosgey ot New York unhesitatinsly teoognito and are ever read} hobeetly to support, and that the lawe to enforce the eamo should be respoated and oboyed, rot with 2. relutance encouraged by abstract opinion as to their propri- ety ina different state of society, but cheerfully aad accord ing to the decisions of the tribunal to which their exposition longs. Resolved, That the democratio party will resist all at- temsts at renoving, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever pretext the attempt may be made, During the reading of these resolutions there was some noise produced by scuflling at the far end of the room. Mr. Ven Buren resumed—I had had no opportuuity to read that resolation, and it will undoubtedly grati! 3 to know that now I havo time to read it, I assent, cordially and cheer- fully, to that additional resolution. I believe that the constitution provides for the surrender of a fugitive slave; I believe that it is the'duty of every citizen to live up. to the constitution; that there is no law bigher than the constitution of the United States; and when I have a.duty to perform Iperferm it cheerfully, whether that duty is to rurrender a fugitive slave or to dust the jacket of a bolting adamantine. Martin Grover assents to that revo- lution. Now I hope Mr. Brady will support him. ig pre- ference to Ogden Hoftme.s, the whig candidate, whocr he recommended to his friends as most worthy of support. This being the case, having adjusted all the difieulties between the. democracy, union being rettled and. of, thers. nothing which sh continue. the strife which hi exiat in the democratic ranks dur- ing tho fiur years. (Cries of ‘ ” We were. united in 1862 ; we ought to be umited now. And, fellow-citizens, let me = to you one word further in explanation. We had a difference with Genera] Cass. We differed with him in reference to the organization of the party. The democrais of Tammany Hall who were sent to the Baltimore Convention were excluded from that convention. We had a ditference with him in respect to tne question of slavery as it then existed. That 4 over and it. We have no difference now with General Cass, and no bad feeling towards him ‘hould exist im the ranks of the democracy. It was not owing to the opposition of our people that General Cass was not nominated in 1352. He failed to receive that no- mination, but like a true jdemocrat he came for- ward and supported Franklin Pierce. He bas done more. Since that time he has faithfully supported the ad- ninistration of Franklin Pierce. ‘Since that time his organ, the Detroit Free Press, has sided with the regular democracy of the State of New York, as repre- rented in Tammany Hall. I, therefore, say to yor, that these diferences. have so far gone by that in st to myself, mot a trace of them remains. Persopally I never had an unkind feeling towards him. I have an- joyed the intimacy of that great and good man, in foroign ‘countries as wall as at home; and I regard him now as among the cherished leaders of the democratic rarty. I bave no means eae Neer tao be Ge wae views in regard myself; but nowing and regard. fog him a8 one of the great Meaders of the democratic pe leall on you bere to unite with me i tag three cheers for Tawis Cass, of Michigan. ee loud and enthusiastic cheers answered tne call; then three more.) Now, said Mr. Van Buren, if the wind, were from the east, the old man could hear that at Detzoit, and it would do his heart good. Here there was somo noise, and interruption to the speaker, and cries of “Put him out—pry him out,” in reference to the gentleman who was, supposed to be kicking up the muss. Mr. Van Buren resumed—aAll} diffegences having thus gone by on the subject of slavery, I would like to know why any body persists in agitating it in the State of New York. For more than a year I have ceased so to do. The democracy of this State has been cordislly united on that as well ag en all other questions, And I confoss I do not take the slightest credit to myself for the fact that I was an unyielding opponent to the extension of slavery. So long as it was proposed to extend it I resisted it; and I ny that Curing that campaign a broad and noble posi- tion was yaya those who took that ground. But the quertion is ended. It is settled, The free soil team has Teen put up; we have pat the horses into the stable, locked the door, and brought the key to Tam 5 We bave given the key to father Measeroe, the father of the Sechems, and I would like to know what business my friend. Tompkins has to get up this free soil teem again. owards the election of Frapk _, bad biteh on « mongrel colt from New Hampshire, ang 2 British pony from Canada. He had no business to it; there is no reason for it in the city. But he should hitch his horses to the hye po one-horse shay, or elxe put him before the abolition dog oart. Why should he do it, when he recollects the men who supported father against De Witt C.inton in 1819? Why should use New England federalists in that rE , when Pics, ot gee recollects that in the glorious war of 181: the head of the New York democracy, formed the bond which held New England to the States of the confeileracy when treason was plotted at the Hartford Conven- tion? Why should he do it, when he remembers that in 1819 there was an onslaught made upom hia father, with De Witt Clinton at tae head Greene C. Bronson at the tail. (Cheers and laughter.) In those days, the men here assembled and the deme- crate of the State, headed by Heman J. Redfield, stood Tompkins in that perilous crisis, in our cause. plause.) And new there i not « Tompians in the: that will stand by the Clintonian ticket. kinses, without exception, all o by the regular democratic ticket, and put te vote. Now, fellow-democrata, I attention to an individual who is making me the object of incessant attack—I mean Horace Greeley. (Roars of iat ter.) He accuses me of inconsistency. II had always been an anti-renter, and then supported candidates of the opposite side—if I bad al been an anti slavery supported the slaveholders’ platformer cam Bi & ddaton it hod or posed oup- jaten— alwaya been 0} to war, aud ted a military ‘chieRain, eceaie iin whigs supported im, and, without any segular nomiaation of the '. placed bis name ow the ticket when he was yet on field of battle—if D opposed Christian Sel Judge Daly, and voted against them, notwith- efunding their baviag received the the moe rsinations of the democratic party—then, indeed, 1 might be accused of inconsistency. Fstow- we have great oids to e-tounter in this contest, but the dew ecrats of the city ana county of New York never fear odds, (Applause.) The-fayprite mode of aasailing us is to oxcite jealousies in the j for instancs, to stir the people upagainst the Van Buren dyxasty. There is only one man that ever suzgested that, and that is my old friend Cuttivg. Hoe insisted there would be @ Van Buren dynasty, I said the thing was impose sible, becouse impracticab’e. The elder Van “Burem had ‘long since passed away from public life, and I hoped the youpger would nevor get into it. (Laughter. But he was deaf to ali my argomenta and remonstranicem, and still insisted that the dynaxty was to be. Well, one morning I waked up and found ‘nthe New Yorx Hera that the Van Buren dynasty hed actually been restored. ‘The Heratp is apaper to which 1 once used to look for news, but now a paper which for some reason or other is the constant assailant of Genera’ Pierce and his admime istration, So zealously and perseveringly does the edi- tor pursue his object, that he negtects to get the lates® news, and the 7ime beats him in early intelligenss, and even the True Democrat. People say the reason of this hostility to Gen. Pierce und his Cabinet in because they vould not give Bennett the mission te France: I do-not believe it, for it is at variance with all his antecedents and previous history. He used to be a g004, iftlustrious man— Votcr—X¢ is good still. Mr. —I had the honor of being gazetted te France myself, and it cost me so much that I had to oom. mence the profession of the law to make up the loss, (Lavghter.) I would therefore recommend friend Bea- nett to pursue his old industrious course, and make hie paper niore of a newspaper than it has been of late, and no longer continue growling at Gen. Pierce, but leave all this to the dtrty dominie of the New York National Deme- crat. Great efforts have been made to throw ua into = minority, An effert hus been made so show that the union made at Syracuse was dishonorable, and Dam Sicklee—— Vorcr—Where is Fanny White? (Laughter.) Mr. Vax Benen (laughing)—I did not inquire. (More Janghter.) In 1849 we not only lost Sickles, but some respectable black men, who quitted us on the ground that we wnited with ‘Sickles. (Roars of laughter.) If you look to one of the numbers of the ia. Novemker, 1849, you will find George T. Downing, talking. in this way.—" They served us in the last election just tm the same way that they broke off from the old loco fooes in ‘Tammany Hall. No party ever so degraded themseivem as they did'by uniting with Sickl Another black ead Sickles was too low to denouner ought rather te denounce the recen’ free soilers. ut Downing returned to the charge, and said that ‘He was lower than the beasts, and nothing, surely, was lower than that” (Laughter.) Ihave always found that the black men fm variably vote for the federal ticket. My father once had am old black coachman, named Hyer, and he had attained te such dignity that they used to call him Mr. Hyer. always voted for the federal ticket, and though he live ten years with us he ever voted against my father and my brother-in-law. 1 got tired of this man always going in bis rew clothes to vote for the federalists, anc one ¥ followed him to the stable, and said: “| you ways vote for the federal ticket.” “Yes, og t I suppose Lean vote fer what ticket I please.” “Yes, there is a ticket aow that agrees with your ines you could vote for that—the abolition tieket.”’ He said, “Is not that the ticket for letting the vote! “Yew,” I replied: ‘won't you vote for that? “Oh, no, no,’ w: reply; and I never could get hime even to eplit his tick He voted for the regular Uedret atl theangh, No doubt a great effort has ade to take away from us tue vole of the adop zens. But the meeting of the Germans the oiker ev which I regretted 1 was unable to attend, showed this portion of the citizens cf foreign birth was not wits them. Prominent Irish leaders have been great efforts to divert the Irish vote. But I hope they will not succeed; and I trust that the Irish know that the friends of liberty, the true democrats, are their friends, a8 they have always beem. Whatever may be said of their leaders, it is due- to the Irish themselves, to say that they have been al- ways true and faithful to the democratic cause. They have been always abandoned and betrayed by their ersat home and abroad. They were abandoned by Caa- tlereagb, and a vandoned by Grattan, in their native lam@; and we do not forget that they were abandoned here by a- Sampron anda Macnevin, On looking over the waste, the eye lights but upon one family that has bees true to them, and they do not and never will forget the (Applaure.) This campaign ‘ank Pierce. The object la prostrate the democracy ‘ew York, emi g the Seward-Weed party into power. The scurrilous tacks on General Pierce are most inopportune, te way the least. It has been said of Washington and Jagk- son that Providence decreed that they should be child~ less, in order that they might be the fathers of their coum try. It would seem as if Providence had fitted Franklim. Pierce in the same way to be the father of his oountey. ¥ou ail recollect the sad disaster that took away the child of Pierce; and these assaults are aimed at him. now, when his grief ought to be respected, and whem it might be hoped that the assassins of Silas Wright would sink thelr daggers as they beheld a wee ing father. kneeling over the grave. of his o on which the grass had not yet grown. But this expecta: tion has been disappointed, and we find President Pieroe and his friends the object of the most calumnious sa- eaulte ever aimed against a citizen. But the democrate of the State of New York will support him in his noble ition, and cover him with their shield. They gave him, in this city 11,000 majority. Let them, swell that now. It is true we misa some friends. From our ranks we nies Mr, Dickinson, who made one speech for us in the last cam, paign, and now will make nore. (Laughter.) I see his present activity with mingled pleasure and regret. He ured to give an. an exouse for his absence from the demo- cratic struggles, the state of Mrs. Dickinson's» health. I hope from his present activity, and the number of speeches he has recently made, that Mr’. Dickinsom is better, though his business is worse. (Great laughter.} In the last campaign he came to this hall three days be- i i i olti- family of Robert Emmet. is not made directly against to fore the election, and made a spsech, in which he took no exception to the union of demecrats then formed, but rather endorsed that union We miss Charke O'Conor, who made one speech when General Pierce waa nominated, and then retired to business. His excuse now for not making 5; is that he holds an offies, and canact quit it to attend publig. meetings. We were told by same.of the gentlemen, Yhat while we f side by side with them agairst the common they ought to get all the offices. Accordingly, we allo Dickinson to get the Collectorship and O’Conor to the office ef District Attomey, while I was contented to be & private citizen. We shall miss Mr. Brady, le one & that lost us five thousand votes, (great laughter) by attacking Governor Sewarl’s private character. (rith a rich Irish brogue)—He agsailed Bishop A face Hughes an ir. Vay Burex—Worse than that. He assailed the departed Duke of Wellington, and the dead mother of Seward. He is, in sbort, for his assaults on the dead, and he onlp followed the living with half the might that he pursues the deceased, he would bea very able public persom |, (Langhter.) We can suffer them to meet at the Siuy- vernnt Institute as they do now. I understand ae ae at the dissecting roora in that building; and L they ought to feel indebted to General Pierce for decapitating J bo gronr oxder to afford them a subject. (Cheers ond great mg org Fellow'democrats, 1 have di i in I intended. I hare addressed observations without preparation. 2 sto go to Brooklyn to-morrow evening, te the Som @ sister county. The erats of this sity are alive to the cause, I attended a meeting last evening of the h ward, seven miles from where I now stand. There was there assembled as large and as enthusiastic a meeting as that which I now have the honor to addreis. The interior of tho State ie fully swake—it is up and doing, and there division hardly known. I could name twenty counties in which there adamantines will not get a single vote. We b+ the assistance of men who will not it the peor yd ten P men who do not Ln that stealing is a party question, We have also sistance of men, who wore distingutsbed supportet 1 tol more advocat the regular democratic tic! “pf | yeu, therefore, that there is no doubt about the Tomy ae the contest if the democracy of the ity, in the does its duty, This in to be the dal = A to say whether the coming olection, and it is for you erent 4 miniktration of ‘President Piérco shall 6 se aan Ka whether this State ia to be prostrated £8 tht ae the woolly headed whigs. Tet you of Tammany, f arouse, and come forward to the fight like men, Tighted Word for it, victory more brilliant than oe upon your banner will crown your exertions (loud cheers.) When Mr. Vax Borax had concluded the Pres aan sald — cnet. I wil ityou note sident Pierce avd groans ‘This request having bees complied disool ved, are cow Exociostes with, the mesting ,