The New York Herald Newspaper, January 26, 1853, Page 1

| i HE NEW YORK HERAL WHOLE NO. 7340. MORNING EDITION WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 26, 1853. NEWS BY IMPORTANT CONGRESSIONAL PROCEEDINGS, ‘The Senate and the Monroe Doctrine. Speeehes of Messrs. Soule and Cass. Seathing Denuneiation of the Foreign Policy of the Present Administration, THE NEW YORK BRANCH MINT BILL IN THE HOUSE. BUSINESS IN THE NEW YORK LEGISLATURE, Exciting Debate in the Senate Relative to the Broadway Railroad. City Officials Again Anathematized, Highly Interesting from Mexico. Resignation and Flight of President Arista, The Revolutionists Everywhere Triumphant, &., &e, ke. THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS. SECOND SESSION Senate. Wasinxatox, Jan. 25, 1853, ANMETY TO HEAR MR, SOULE, ETO. Long before the hour of meeting the Senate galleries, und passages leading thereto, were crowded with men and women, expecting to hear Mr. Soulé. The Carr laid before the Senate the annual report of | the expenses of the National Armory for 1852. PETITIONNS—THE GLUCKSTADT STEAMERS, ETC. Mr. Sewarp, (whig) of New York, presented petitions in fayge of Christian Hanson's proposed ‘line of mail steamers from Brooklyn to Gluckstadt, and all parts of Germany. Also, petitions praying further protection to patentee: Several reports were mac MOR¥ ABOUT THE CLAYTON AND BULWER TREATY. Mr. Cass, (dem.) of Mich., offered the following resolu: tion, which was laid over — Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations be instructed (o inqaire and report whether any measures and if any. what should be taken by the Senate, in rela tion to the declaration annexed to the ratification on the Part of Great Brituin, of the treaty concluded between that country and t8e United States April 19, 1850, and to the letter of the Secrctary of State to the British Minis- er, on the exchange of the ratifications. ‘SITES FOR ARSENALS. Mr. Siauns, (dem.) of Mlinois, offered a resolution, which was agreed 10, directing inquiry by the Seeretary \ of War, to report the most eligible sites for necessary ar- renal: on the Pacific, Gulf, and Atlantic coasts. ‘VE BILL TO PREVENT FRAUDS ON THE TREASURY, On motion of Mr. BanGer, (whig,) of N.C., the House Dill for the suppression of frauds in the prosecution of tal members of Gonz ress and others was taken up. s amended, 50 a3 to prohibit executive officers Jiom prosecuting claims for or without compensation; seo amended, so as to punish all attempts to take away any public papers. nendments were made, and the bill was pass ate then took up the subject of UUBA AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE, MR, SOULE’S SPEECH, Mr. Sovix, (dem.) of La., said that what he had in view on a former occasion, in asking a postponement of Tite debate, was to prevent himself from a too hasty ex- pression of his sentiments on so grave and momentous * question. He had some unwillingness to commit his judg- anent wpon mere speculative matters, which, from the emphatic language of the Senator from Michigan, were wo liable, from hour to hour, to be presented to the Senate in a practical form. He had desired time to school ‘his mind to meet the exigencies of the debate, and was now about to submit his views. The Senate would allow phim to express his regret that he had in anywise to dis- saree with the two senators who had opened the debate, (Messzs. Cass and Mason,) in what they had said respect- ing the course pursued by the administration, with re spect to the difficulties with the officials of Cuba, Bethe vpinion of .enators what it may, there could be no denia ‘f the verdict of the people of the country recently ren fered on that conduet. The bearing of his remarks, when this debate was first ‘opened, must have shown that he felt an anxiety lest the premature discussion ‘of this question might place impediments in the course which might be pursued by the incoming administration. Ale hoped no such effect will have been produced. What could have been the object of the call in which this de- ‘inte had originated? it was not to remonstrate against ‘the interference of England and France, for that would be inconsistent with the position assumed by the Senator from Virginia—that the doctrine announced in 1823 did not extend beyond the circumstances of that day and <ceacion. it was not his purpose to condemn the Presi- «lent for his refusal to unite in the proposed tripartite treaty, for that refusal was most proper, and was sus- _ tained by the Senator. Whatever, then, was the object «i the call, it bad resulted in the triumph of the distin- yuished Minister of State, and has, perhaps, thrown ob- cles in the way of the next administration. He had «xpected to hear some words of rebuke addressed to the +o negotiators on the part of France and England, who jad first addressed Mr. Webster, and then Mr. Everett, in ko nguage conyeying a threat. That language deserved a ‘buhe from every American statesman. He had no <oubt bat that the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign } dations, when he should come back with the resolutions «° the committee, would express himself with un ~yaring severity “upon the threatening tenor of those letters. Hedid not unite in the commendations iestowed upon the letter ot Mr. Everett in disclaiming, +n the jart of the United States, any desire for the ac: «aisition of Cuba at this time. France and England in- te the United States to participate in a convention not ve take Cuba, nor at any time assume a dominion over tuba, which invitation we refuse, but at the same time «acculate our refusal, by telling thftm we intend to do peecisely what they ask “us to do. He would not have alone this. He had heard here those ardent and warm vearted. gallant men who were engaged in-so far as results vould give it character—the unfortunate expedition, but hich, so far as the aspirations ot their own hearts were concerned, was a noble one, denounced as “ marauders,” “‘fillibusteron.’’ “ Young America,” with a vengeance, and, judging from the past, we might expect hereafter to jear all who are in favor of progress denounced as ma- vauders. He had heard much of plucking the fruit when it was ripe. pain was concerned, between plucki ripe or before it “had ripened, The common law made uo distinction between the trespass of taking fruit fiom the tree and the larceny of taking it after it had fallen from the parent stem. Let gentiemen be careful that while they wait for the fruit to ripen, that it does notrot. He could not see wh; Senators could denounce the publication of the proposi- tion of this government to purchase Cuba, when they theme!) es, in their places in the Senate, declared to the world tlic ix tmwillingness to do so. He considred the pub- Jication of hat correspondence wrong. The present ad- ministration must have found that correspondence placed away in a secret safe, undcr seal, and to be preserved as a State secret. Senators praised the President for the amanner in which he settled the difficulties with the Cuban authorities. What were those difficulties? In the New ‘York D: Times, of August 19th, appeared a raph -announcitig the arrival of the Crescent City, and stating — “We are ‘ndebted to the purser, Mr. Smith, for prompt delivers oi memoranda.” This was the origin of the dif. ficulty: !t was followed by an order of the Cuban authori‘ies, that if the said purser, William Smith, ‘or any other pervon, shall in future venture to publis!: in the American ied anything relating to Cuban affairs, the vessels having such persons on board shall be denied entry into Havana, and on no ac- count shall Mr. Smith be allowed to return; and the steamer er him on board shall ve dismissed from the port. Here a Spanish official in Cuba denounces and proviles @ punishment for an oitence which, if com- mitted at all, is committed within the territories of the United tates, including in that punishment the dismissal of the sessel from that port. The proprietors of the steamer» determined to maintain and insist upon their righta ax American citizens, and those privileges which they were not conscious of ving forfeited by any act whatevec amounting to crime, Mr. Law, the President of the company, applied to the Secretary of State for light and information as to what course should be pur- sued; anc while he was thus applying for information, the Postmaster General issued an order that no mails of the United States should be sent out in any stenmer having on board Mr. Smith, the obnoxious purser. Short- dy after. Lieutenant Davenport was disuivsed from the command of the vessel. A+ early as October last, Pur- wer Smith. in an affidavit, disclaimed all connection with the matter. This affidavit was eommunicated to the government, and by them it is presumed that it was ‘communicated to the Cuban authgrities, through the nish miniater. In November thi nment of the ited States sus] its contract with the steamship company for the portation of the mails, while five days aficr that order of the Postmaster General was made, the Spanish officials in Cuba expressed themselves ant isfied with Mr. Smith’s af rit, which had a z but shortly before received by them. He could not ive his asent to the course of the administration in sid- with Spain throughout these difficulties. Nor could othe yieli bis commendations to it for its eonduct + towards the American ettizens complaining of bie] Ja the onfortunate exposition of Lopes it would fe found tint ovrorn cf Leas cco lef. wiho..t protec tion, sad not awarded tho-e privileges scoured by treaty, ; ; ‘TELEGRAPH. | He saw but little difference. so far as | it when it was | and that, when Commodore Parker approached the Spanish authorities, to know what course he intended to pursue, the Governor said to him:—‘Why your own Pre- sident has denounced them as pirates; amd when Consul Owen appeared before him, to plead for mercy in thelr | behalf, He wax told :—' You know what you are doing | here is against the wishes of your Prosident."” He was not prepaved to hear democratic endorsements of such conduct. He was not willing to commend the conduct of President Fillmore inthe case of the murder of young Crittenden and his companions. The Senate was aceus- | tomed to hear again and again the opithets of marauders, pirates, &c., applied to thoxe young men, in newspapers which devoted whole columns to the condemnation of all | who sought the acquisition of Cuba, Marauders!—were they marauders, those young men who congregated in a Southern city, and who embarked upon an enterprise expecting to be met and sustained by an army of twenty- five thousand men? Were they marauders whom Spain, to this day, has not been able to pronounee as having been guilty of any delinquency? Mr. SeWanD, (Ireesoil,) of New York, asked if those persons had been termed pirates in any official document | of this government? Mr. Sovie said that General Concha did not attend very strictly to terms; he selected the meaning of the dooa ment. Declare a man to be beyond the protection of tho law, and whether he be called pirate, outlaw or marauder, he isdoomed. Was young Crittenden a marauder or & robber, who, when told to kneel, said, “I never knelt but | to God?” Was he a robber who said, “ You may kill me, but you eannot kill that hope which is within me, and which tells me I shall arraign you for your cruelty | at the bar of the futuro?” He read from the Pro- sident’s message his reasons for being, at present, opposed to the incorporation of Cuba, and said | that the same reasons were repeated in Mr. Everett's | letter to Mr. Crampton. The reasons are, that it would | be hazardous, at this time, for domestic reasons, and on account of the condition of the inhabitants of tho is- land. What were those domestic reasons which now should prevent the incorporation of Cuba into the Union, and which hereafter may not constitute any obstacle to that end? He would tell SouthernSenators to ask themselves the question, but they need not answer now. He did not in. | tend to become a commentator upon the language of the | President, but he intended to place before the Senate startling facts which might have some bearing upon the question. It was admitted by all that Cuba was bound to Decome ours, but not now. ‘The Senator from Virginia was for letting the fruit ripen and fall to our lap. The President was willing to purchaxe—but not now, for do- mestic reasons. He read aletter from Lord Palmerston | to Lord Howden, dated Oct, 20, 1851, to tell the Spanish government that the slayes of Cuba formed a large por- | tion of its population, and any steps for their emancipa- tion would accord with the wishes of England, and that if they were freed it would create a powerful element of resistance to the annexation af Cuba to the United States. If Senators wait, and if England has any controlling power or influence with Spain, they will see what condition the island will bein. It they waited much longer, they would discover the condition Cuba has in the meantime been placed in. He read also, from the Heraldo, of Madrid, that it is well for all to know, whether native or foreign, that the island of Cuba can only be Spanish or African. When the day comes when the Spaniards should be forced to abandon her, they will do so by bequeathing their sway to the blacks. Let Southern Senators weigh this. But were Senators on his side serious when they speak of purchasing Cuba? Did they mean that they would purchase it at any cost, | and under cny circumstances? Statesmen have assert. that they would purchase Cuba in any emergency that would mike it evident Spain could not preserve her do- minion over it. He was against purchasing Cuba. Who- ever knew anything of Castilian pride must be aware that Spanish government can never be brought to soll it. It seems strange to speak of purchasing it, when Spain says she is unwilling to sell it, Indeed, some of her min- isters have said they would prefer to sce that beautiful possession sent to the bottom of the ocean than fall into the hands of any other power. If any exigencies of the home government should render a sale advisable, the wrong mode to accomplish it is to publish it to the world. | It would be humiliating, also, to the suffering Cubans, who, though unfortunate, have their pride and ambition. He would not offond them. The idea of purchasing Cuba is therefore an obrolete one, and must be abandoned. From the gerrounding cireumstances he thought its pur- chase woulll be attended with equal danger as taking it. England assumes now that under no circumstances should we take possession of Cuba, and we are called buccaneers for desiring it. England had not always been so scrupu- lous on the subject of taking possession of that island. As early as 1730.0 British project for getting, possession of that island was planned. He read it. The land forees were to be raised in the American colonies, rendezvous at Charleston, take San Augustine, land at Matanzas and in- vest Havana. A fleet was to cut off supplies by sea, and thus reduce the city before intelligence could be sent to Spain. The Senate would see that our fillibusters and marauders, who have attracted the attention of the world, had a precedent, and it did not become England to denounce them ‘when she had entertained a similar "project: | In 1740, Sir William "Poultney wrote to Rugland, recommending her t0 take and hold Cuba, for that was the principle of the day. Some six ears ago, General Flores went to Spain, when the Queen other, Christina, furnished him with funds to enable him to organise a strong force, and be enabled to con- quer Ecuador, there to establish a monarchy. He was ‘urnished with troops, money, and transports, by Spain. A similar expedition, in behalf of Flores, was ‘fitting out in England, and two steamers were in the Thames belong: ing toit. The cabinets of England and Spain disagreed on other matters. and the expedition dropped. Messrs. Crumpton and Sartiges, in their letters to Mr. Everett, ray that ifany attempt, like those already made against Cuba, should be made ‘again. the peace and harmony | existing between the United States and France and Kng- land will be endangered. This wasa threat that, if any expedition of lawless persons against Cuba should pro- ceed from the United States, the latter should be held responsible by Franee and England for it, This threat had not been answered by the Secretary of State, or any Senators. These ministers admit that the ' United tates are in no way responsible for the former expe- ditions, but shall be held so for any future ones. Why was this language used unless because they felt en- | couraged to do so in consequence of the submission to their interference in the Gulf last year? What interest can these powers feel in this question to induce them to take it in hand and press it on us with such threatening language? Mr. S. read the correspondence to show the identity of the language used by the two governments, and the perfect understanding between them on the sub- ject. They further say that the interest of England and France in Cuba at this time is os great as that of Spain herself. This has not been answered by Mr. Senators said remain still, Be assured our stillness will be paid for dearly. He referred to the taking of the island of Amelia, in Pensacola Bay, and ‘read from documents to show that the policy of the Executive then was not to wrest the province forcibly from Spain, bat only to occupy it with a view to prevent its falling into the hands of wny foreign power, and to hold that pledge, un- der the existing peculiarities of the circumstances of the Spanish monarchy, for a just result in an amicable nego- tiation with Spain, The United States would not, of course, be guilty of any improper interference to disturb the rights of others, but, at the same time, the world should know the greatest’ of all rights was that of self- protection; and it was impossible to say what that right vould demand in advance of the occurrence of eireum- stances. He understood that the doctrine so ably enforced by the Senator from Michigan was obnoxious to some who supposed that it was originally circumscribed to the spe- citic question it was intended to affect. He agreed with the Senator from Michigan, and read from the message of Monroe the declaration that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power. If there were any difficulty as to the bearing the Monroe doctrine was intended to have, it has so infused itself into the American mind, that it has ceased to be a principle and has become an axiom. To prove this, let it be at- tempted to root it out, and it will be found to be too deep- seaied to be removed. In the same message, Mr. Monroe said, that any attempt by any European power to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere would be considered by the United States as dangerous to their peace and safety. The only reason for this declaration given waa the unsettled state of Kurope—that the allied powers had thought it proper to interpose by force in the internal concerns of Spain. It was not known how mach was intended by that interposition, nor how far it would extend. To the statesmen of that day, the question was not whether the threatening cloud arose in Europe or America, but whether it was likely to burst upon. us. Mr. Adams said that the men of that day consulted their rights and duties, and not theirfears. One of the objects of the Panama Co ss was to consider the principle of non-colonization by European powers. ‘This doctrine did not originate with Mr. Monroe. Rufus King, in 1801, being in England, and hearing that Frange intended to obtain Louisinna, started first the opinfon that our policy should be to take care that it remain with Spain, quoting Montesquieu, that it ishappy for trading powei that God has permitted Turks and Spaniards to be in the world, since, of all nations, they are the most proper to possess anerpire with insignificance. Mr. Livingston, then in France, advised that this government may avail itself of the pretence Spain had given it, to take posses- sion. It would be best to treat with the subject in our own lands. He thought there was much recommending buceaneering in the President's message and Mr. t's letter. In them it was maintained that the condition of Cuba was an American question—necessarily implying that no foreign power but Spain has any interest in it, and that it was the duty of the United States to see those American rights sustained. Five distinct circumstances were stated by Mr. Everett, under which it would be no- cerxary for the United States to take Cuba. The change of the circumstances applying to the domestic relations: the consent of the inhabitants of Cuba; on arrangement vith Son in; lawful war, and an overruling necessity, were there five conditions, What was this ove ruling necessity? Let Spain ask herself the ques- ton, and ponder well upon the anawer, Spain murt be aware that it will be impossible for her not to be drawn into the vortex of human events. It was aquestion for Spain. He wished the incoming administration to stand ontrammeiled on this subject. When the govern. ment of this country should be placed in other handa ina short time it would be, let Spain be careful not to trample on American rights and privileges, individual or national. Let her make a friend of the United States. Let us exercise justice and generosity towards Spain, Bet she should remember that in resigning to England or France a tutorage over Cuba, she has surrendered her primary title to dominion. Those islanders will be free, There are vistue and principle among them, and the day will arrive when they will ‘all Spain that the misfortunes of the past were the misfortunes of the day, and not of their aspirations. Let Spain remem ber that it is impossible to possess a nation unwilling to aul England rejected the counsel of her best friends, al aith Lee colvmies wad ta tag enemy. Let Spain proat eid Sul by the ex \ ample. Let her face the future as she must do. She cannot prevent it, by. armies, or garrisons, oF gar- rotes. He had abstained from indicating ‘what he thought the policy of | this government, "present or future, should be. It was no matter of his, Let those who hold the reins of government decide that. When the Monroe doctrine was announced, no foreign flects were op our const. Now, the British have ome at Havana, the*French one at Samana, and Great Britain has colonized the Bay Islands and the Belize. So long as Spain presers faith with us, we will do nothing to disturb her rights; but let her take counsel of the past, and let her follow the advice of Canning, and calla new nation into being. If she do this voluntarily, she will find it, perbaps, to her advantage to seck, by 'treatics, commercial relations with Cuba. “She will, pethaps, find her regenerated child willing to bear a part of the heavy burden she now endures. Behind this, he disclaimed all idea or notion of acquiring Cuba by any meaus unknown to the strict requirements of the law of nations. He de- sired Cuba. He sincerely trusted that the American go- vernment would at all times enforce and maintain the rights of its citizens, under all circumstances. SPEECH OF MR, CASS. Mr. Cass followed Mr. Soule, and spoke as follows :-— For thirty years, the world—at any rate the American pertion of it, anda good deal of the European—have talked of the Monroe doctrine, and every schoolboy thovght he understood it, and that it was founded upon a great prineiple—that the destiny of this hemiyphere should be controlled by the people inhabiting it, and that Enropean influence should be excluded'from it, as far and ay fast as existing colonial rights would permit, Mr. Monroe, in 1823, presented, in a message to Congress, his general views of the relations of the-powers of Europe to this continent, as well with respect to their interference with its independent States, as to. projects of new coloni zation, To be sure, as has been, remarked, these two 4o- pies are to be found in different parts of the same mea- sage, but merely because each connected itself more ¢ rectly with different practical measures ; but both together ed his doctrine, which was fonnded on the great ipleadyanced by Mr. Jefferson, that ‘‘America—North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own, She should, therefore, have a@ system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe ;” and by Mr. Polk, ‘that the people of this continent have the right to decide their own destiny.” Mr, Polk, in 1848, when the “Holy Alliance’’ was a matter of almost remote history, in a message toCongross on the subject of the applica tion of the government of Yucatan for aid against the Indians, re-affirmed the Monroe doctrine, and observed that, ‘according to our established policy, we could not consent to a transfer of this ‘dominion and sovercignty,’” either to Spain, Great Britain, or any other Kuropoan power. In the language of President Monroe, in his mes- sage of December, 1823, ‘we should consider any at. tempt on their part to extend theirsystem to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.” “Our own security,’’ continues Mr. Polk, “requires that the established polley thus. announced should guide our conduct, and this applies with great force to the peninsula of Yucatan.” It would be a mere waste of time to com- ment upon these views of Mr. Polk. They speak for themselves, with equal force and clearness, and they were avowed more than a quarter of a century after Mr. Monroe had promulgated his doctrine, thus considered by Mr. Polk as the permanent American policy. ‘tho prinel- ples, it asserts, are perpetual in thelr. obligation, and the ‘policy itself challenges our attention and enforce. ment, in all time, present and to come, It is now said that this Monroe doctrine, so far as respects the inde- pendent States of this continent, embalmed, as it was, and is, in the hearts of the American people, instead of being a great system of policy, as enduring as our po- litical condition, was but a temporary measure, appli ble only to the anticipated designs of the Holy Alliance, as it was unholily called, to restore the recently emanci- pated American States to the dominion of Spain. Instead of being a great principle of action, worthy of this repub- lic, it would thus become a mere expedient, passing aay with the oceasion that called itinto being. Whether this be 80 or not, is a question which does not touch the subject before the Senate, for that must be determined npon its own merits, and not upon the authority of names—aevec, however, to be slightly regarded; but it touches the fame of Mr. Monroe as a practical and enlightened statesman, for such he truly was; but upon this construction of his views he did not comprehend the consequence of his own positions, and could not see that the grounds of his policy extended beyond the single case then more immediately before him. “His principles were, unquestionably, called out by the peculiar danger of the Spanish American States, und by the elaims of Russia on our northwestern coast. These circumstances led him to this investigation into the principles of our position with respect to this continent; and the result we have in this far-famed message. And generally it happens, in the policy of nations, that particular exigencies call forth the discussion and a tion of great Principles: but while the former disappear in the march of eventa, the latter remain, to be re-assert- ed and maintained umfer all the circumstances to which they are applicable. As the foundation of his doctrine he ‘assumed the then existing status or condition of the “continent, disclaiming all intention of interfering with existing rights, but maintuining principles which denied to the powers of Europe the assumption to interfere with any independent State at any time thereafter, or ever plant or establish new colonies in America. Upon these general principles European influence might decrease in this hemisphere, but could not increase, for independence once obtained, then and thereafter the State so obtaining it passed from the danger of European subjugation, aud would be beyond the reach, not of Spain merely, but of France or England. or any other trans-atlantle power. And I may remark here, as a proof that Mr. Monroe con- sidgred both of these topies. in his message, but parts of our plan of policy, thatyjn the anti-colonization passage he makes no reservation’ of existing colonial rights, but declares that these would be respected, in that part of the message where he protests against the re-subjugation of the Spanish States, thus showing the intimate relation of the whole subject in his mind. This inquiry into the origin of this doctrine, belongs in truth to the‘domain of history, and not to that of our perma- nent policy ; for the nate of the doctrine, whether Mon- roe, or Polk, or Jefferson, or yet better, American, matters litthe—the true question being whether it shall be enforced now and hereafter. But Mr. Monroe, in his message of December, 1824—a year after the one containing the views referred to—renewed the subject. and in such language ns leaves no doubt but that this doctrine, in his own view of it, was perpetual, and to be made part of our national code of policy. ‘Separated, as we are, (he said,) ‘ope by the great Atlantic ocean, we can have no concern in the wars of the European governments, nor in the causes which produce them. ‘The balance of power Letween them, into which ever scale it may turn, in its various vibrations, cannot affect us. It is the interest of the United States to preserve the most friendly relations with every power, and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable to all. But, in regard to our neighbors, our vation is different. It is impossible for the Furopean governments to interfere in these con cerns, expecially in those alluded to, which are vital, without affecting us Indeed, the motive which might induce such interference, in the present state of the war between the parties—if a war it may be called—would ap- pear equally applicable to us.”’ Now, it willbe seen, that these principles had then no peculiar relation to the Holy Alliance, as it is contended those of the first message had, but they extend to all time and to all the European goy- ernments. Indeed, we learn from Mr. Clay, in some remarks made in the House of Representatives, in June, 1824, that the feur of the action of that alliance upon the liberated Spanish American States had given way, and that if ch a purpose were ever seriously entertained, it had Deen relinquished "* Mr. Monroe, in fact, in the passage from which the above extract is taken, considers the con- dition of these States much improved and strengthened, and his observations evidently bear upon future diflicul ties, not then foreseen, but which might happen, and would then have to be met. We may yet have to meet them. Mr. Monroe, it is well known, was in the habit of con- sulting Mr. Jefferson in all grave conjunctures ; and fortunately he consulted him on the subject of this doctrine, and we have the sentiments of that pa triaxch of the demoeratic faith in relation to it. There ure to be found in a letter from him to dated October 24th, 1823—a few days » message appeared—written in answer to Mr. application for his opinion, ‘The question,” said Mr. Jefferson, “presented by the letter you have sent me. is the most momentous which has ver been offered to my contemplation since that of independence. That made us a nation—this sets our compass and points the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time. And never could we embark on it under cireum- stances more auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe—our second, never to suffer Europe to intermed dle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. We should, therefore, have a sys- tem of our own, separate and apart from that of Europe. the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism— our endeavor should surely be to make our hemisphere that of freedom.’ Can one man de found who will con- tend that these noble sentiments—worthy of him who uttered them, and now become a precious legacy for the American people—can one man, I say, be found, who will venture to contend that those words of wisdom and pa- triotism are temporary in their force and application, be- longing only to the passing hour, and confined to the etlort of a league, which, Ipbelieve, died before the writer, short, even, as was his tenure of life? Thus to narrow down «great national principle is wholly to mistake the liberality and far-reaching policy of this the greatest of Americsn statesmen, after the first and the dearest Washington. ‘ His ocean of time opening upon us,” was bounded by no such contracted limits. It was'a true ocenn, and not a mere duck pond, And this same letter of Mr. Jefierson exhibits, in a still more signal manner, the vast 'mportance he attached to this principle of never wufleving ‘Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs.’ Why. sir, he was actually ready, even then, to go to war for its practical maintenance. He was far ahead of all of us; and I must con- fess thai I have seldom been more gratitied than to find myself thus, not only supported ‘but antici. pated, by a name which will live in the hearts of the American people as long as they cherish areverenee for real patriotism, true democracy, and the highest qualities of our nature, ennobled by a life devoted to his country. I ean now stand proudly — this brain Lead to Mc. Jetterson’s declaration that he is willing to fight, even alongside of England, in such a cause. “Not that I would urchase,”’ he says, ‘her amity at the price of war; ut the war in which the present proposition might en. gage us, should that be its consequence, is not her war, but ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the American system of keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never, (not to-day.) of newer permitting those Of Larope O tuimemedoie Will Uae daukite Of OUF MAtOus, ft is to muniatala our own priucipie, noi to depart frou i : 't."" Apy question of the justico or expediency of the first of ‘theve resolutions, i may hereafter consider question between the objector and Mr. Jefferson, and not one between the former and myself. ‘The opinions of Mr. Adams, who of course, eould not but under stand the views of Mr. Monroe.'as he was then Secre. tary of Mate, and of Mr. Clay, who took a decp in terest in this matter, and introduced a joint resolution into the House of Representatives on the 29th of Janua ry, 1824, affirming the non-interference doctrine of Mr. Monroe, are distinctly shown in the instructions of Mr. Clay to Mr. Poinsett, dated March 25, 1825, wherein M, Monroe's message and principles are referred to, and their existing force asrertedand assumed. Mr. Clay” while re- porting these instructions to Mr. Adams for transmission to the House of Representatives, observes, “that all apprehensions of the danger to which Mr. Monroe alludes of an interference by the allied powers, (otherwise the ‘Holy Alliance,’) to'introduce their political systems into this hemisphere, have ceased.” But notwithstanding this, in these instructions to Mr. Poinsett, he is told, that the great principle of non-interference * was declared in the face of the world, (by Mr, Monroe,) at a moment when there was reason’ to apprehend that the allied powers were entertaining designs inimical to the freedom, if not to the independence, of the new governments. There is reason to believe that the declaration of it had considerable eflect 'n preventing the maturity, if not in produeing the abandonment, of all such desi Both principles” (this and the anti.colo nization one) “were laid dawn after much anxious delibe ration on the part of the late administration. The Presi- dent, (Mr. Adains,) who then formed a part of it, con- tinues ‘entirelyto coincide in both, and you will ury upon the government of Mexico the utility anid expedi of asserting the same principles on all proper occasions, What principles? “Not a single one so narrow and tom porary as to be confined to a mere momentary occur renee-—to a league which had as inuch passed away from any operation on this continent as the Grecian league for the destruction of Troy. If Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay did not wholly misunderstand Mr. Monroe's doctrine, it was recisely the doctrine enunciated in the resolution before the Senate. One fact stated by Mr. Clay, upon the thority of Mr. Adams, shows that this declaration of Mr. Monrce was a cabinet measure, fully considered, and no doubt amply discussed. Indeed, without this authority, Judging from the cautious character of Mr. Monroe, it would have been safe to conclude thit so important astep would not have been taken by him without consultation with his confidential advisers; and especially as it is known that his messages, before being sent to Congress, were always read, and, if occasion required, discussed paragraph by paragraph at cabinet meetings: and such, indeed, was the practice of his predecessors. Mr. Clay states that the declaration of Mr. Monroe had been use- ful. Still its efficiency was limited by the considerations already adverted to—that it was the act ouly of the exe- cutive department, which could not pledge the nation to any particular course of policy. Congress alone could do that, and the propriety of its action was so obvious that both Mr. Clay and Mr. Voinsett introduced resolutions into the House of Rep- resentatives affirming the doctrine. It is probable that the reason given by Mr. Clay for not pushing the one pre- sented by himself, ‘to a final vote, operated also on others; and that was, that the appreiended danger from the “Holy Alliance’ had disappeared, and, I suppose, then, as now, the difficulty of carrying such a measure in. creased’ as the cause of apprehension decreased. Wo stopped short in our true work, and waited for another expedient before proclaiming a principle. Mr. Jeferson, alro, with his sound practical wisdom, saw that M Monroe’s declaration, in order to attain its object, nee ed the support and authority of Congress, and he ‘there fore recommened to him, in the letter already referred to, that ‘‘as it may lead to war, the declaration of which requires an act of Congress, the case shall be laid before them for consideration at their first meeting, and under the reasonable aspect in which it is seen by himself,” (the President). With respect to Cuba, I ain glad to be able to fortify my position by the opinions of both Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Clay. Noman will now accuse either of those distinguished statesmen with being influenced by any other motive than a love of country and a desire to promote her interest ina spirit of justice. ‘“Tcandidly confess,’ said Mr. Jefierson, in the same letter, * that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of Statos. Th trol which, with Florida Point, this island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and isthmus bordering on ft, as well as those whose waters flow into it, would All up the measure of our political well being. Yet, as Iam sensible that this can never be obtained even with her (*pain’s) own conseni, but by war, (he means a war with England, from her opposition to the measure), and its independence, (that of Cuba,) which is our second interest (and especially its independence of England) can be secured witnout it, Ihave no hesitation in ubandoning my first wish to future chances, and ac- cepting its independence with peace and the friendship of England, rather than its acquisition at the expense of war and her enmity.’’ It is due to Mr. Jefferson to state, that, at the time he wrote this letter, free institutions through the world seemed to have much to apprehend from this ‘‘ Holy Alliance; and believing that Hngland was really desirous of thwarting their views, he was therefore the more willing to act in concert with her. Vhirty years bave produced a wonderful change in the world since these remarks of Mr. Jelferson. They have a nope in our interest and our desire to procure ‘uba, when-We van ab it justly, nor in our ness that it shouid @ independent. But as to any fear that England would oppose us in taking pos- session of Cuba under a voluntary arrangement with Spain, or uncer other proper circumstances, it is a feel ing which will never, I trust, enter into our public coun- cils, certainly never into the hearts of the American peo- ple. Events, since that period, have augmented our power in a mighty ratio, and have taught us to use it when our honor and interest require the exertion. Mr. Jefferson, when he wrote this letter, undoubtedly sup- posed that Cuba would follow the example of the other Spanish provinees, and become independent. Mr. Clay appreciated the importance of Cuba, as well as Porto Kico, for we find that, in a letter which he wro' Mr. dieton, on the 26th of December, 1825, that minister directed to inform the Russian government that “we low the transfer of these islands to a: ‘opean * and the same determination was avowed, ia still stronger terms, ina despatch to the American Minister at Paris, to be’ made known to the French government: “That we would not consent to the occupation of those islands by any other European power than Spain, under any circumstances whatever.’” Now, sir, I shall pursue this topic no further, satisfied that these ‘resolutions are not only just in themselves, but that they assert a system of ‘policy sanetioned by the opinions of some of the highest names in our political history. It will ap- pear, in looking back to the extracts I have made from the letter of Mr. Jefferson, that T am supperted by the veight of his opinion in the following propositions, em- bodied in or connected with these resolutions:=- Ist. That European powers should not be permitted “to intermeddle with cis-Aflantie afi meaning thereby those affairs relating to the political condition of the peo le of this continent, and accepting the reservation of Mr. Monroe, that existing colonial rights should not be interfered with. 2d. That this doctrine should be adhered to, even at the expense of war. 1. That the United States have deep interest in the acquisition of Cuba, and that, if we cannot obtain pos session of it, without too zreat » cost of blood and trea- must be secured (especially from the control of giand,) by its independenes. And we may add now, since circumstances have much changed, ani the imme diate dangers then impending over the island have passed away, that it may with safety remain in possession of Spain so long as she can hold it and takes no step to con- vert it to our injury 4th. ‘That it is proper (hat upon these subjects declara ns should be submitied (o Congress, i r to procure be fruitless. 5th. In addition to these propositions, there is another opinion advanced by Mr. Juiierson in his letter, which Teonfess Ihave read with unmixed satisfaction, for it confirms in full the propriety of the proposition’ I sub- mitied to the Senate at our last session, to declare our protest against the atrocious violation of the rights of na r co-operation, a8 without it such declarations might | | tions, by the interference of one power—the Emperor of | Russia—in the internal affairs of another, the Hungarian | kingdom. Mr. Jetierson’s words deserve to be held in perpetual remembrance. Here they are:— Nor is the occasion to be slighted which this propo ion offers, of declaring our protest against the atro cions violations of the rights of nations, by the inter ference of any one in the Internal affairs of another, o tiogitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by ually lawless alliance, calling itself holy.”’ Here we have the principle distinctly asserted of the pro- priety of a national protest upon such an occasion, and we have the authority of the very author of the expres sion “entangling alliances,” so triumphantly appealed to last version as ” reason for our inaction, for denying its applicability to the case, which, indeed, ought to have been obyious énongh without this exposition of his own doctrine, unless it could be shown that we could form an alliance without allies—unless allies are created by a mere protest against an assumption to prostrate a great principle of public law which protected the freedom and [idependencs of nations. But. we could not keep on the line of political knowledge, and shrunk from the respon- sibility Imposed upon us by our position as the great ro publié of the world. We now know that Mr. Jeiterson woul have voted for the proposition had ho then been « member of this body. That is honor enough for those of us who found ourselves in the minurity + Mr. re the floor, when, after the reference of ‘some?House bills, the Senate adjourned House of Representatives. Wasmaron, Jan. 26, 1853 MESPAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT RELATIVE TO FRAUDS ON THE TREASURY, ETC. ‘The Srraxen laid before the House a message from the President of the United Staies, in answer to the resolu- tion calling upon him for. the names of officers of the treasury, for: r+ nd present, who have presented claims for extra cou} cn ation, ete., and he gave as his opinion that no further legislation is necessary to protect the treasury from unjust claims, or to secure to claimants against the treasury their just rights. Mr. Staxtox, (whig) of Ohio, made a few remarks to show that in his opinion legislation is necessary. ‘The message was rferred to the Committee'on the Ju diciary. "cnt OF WAY FOR A RAILROAD IN MISSOURI, Mr. Danny, (dem.) of Mo., introduced a bill, which was passed, granting right of way te the St. Louis and Iron jountain Railroad Company. THE NEW YORK BRANCH MINT BILL, The SrrakeR announced the first business in order to be the New York Branch Mint bill, the question being on its rejection. Dir. HeYROUR, (Uem.) of New York, resumed iis ce marks in advoorcy of the Dill, He eardestly pressed the | will prebably end the maite inaportance of having a mint in New York. to coin not only the millions of bullion received from California, but the foreign money brought over by emigrants. A bill was passed by the House to establish » mint in New York, and was defeated by @ small vote in the Senate. Another bili was introduced here since that and defeated. The reasons for this were known to all, and he would not, therefore, re at them. The powerful argument of Secretary Wal er in favor of the measure was made anterior to the re ceipt of the goldew harvest from California, He, in con clusion, moved the previous question, which was sus tained, by ayes 76, nays 44 Mr. BRooxis (whig), o€ N. Y., havin; proceeded, under the rules, to ma He said, the gentleman from ler.) had resorted to # must extraordinary process of legislation to defeat the bill under consi gentleman contrived, vy some sort of parlis legerdemain, which he (Mr. Bros Was unable to com- prehend, to take the floor from him white he was address- ing the House, interposing himself between hin and the Chair, and intreducing an argument in favor of bis (Mr Chandler's) own views in opposition to the bill. By what process the gentleman had managed, like the spiritual rappers, to place himself on a table and raise him into the air, and, after an interval, drop him (Mr. Brooks) into his seat, and himself on the floor, he had not been able to comprehend, although he had employed some parts of five days in studiously examining our curious rules. ‘The argument of the gentleman was characteristic of his modus operandi. It divided itself into two parts—rhetori- cal and logicat—but the sum and substance was an at tempt to create a prejudice against New York, and there- by to save the bauble of a mint for Philadelphia. As to the rhetorical part of the gentleman's speech, he uttered a crying denunciation against New Yori and represented” her as a beggar soliciting alins— as possessing unbounded ra) nd like the daughter of the horse leach, cons erying out, “give, gi give!” And he further ente a general denun: tion of British brokers a rs, concentrate . in the city of New guve a finality by say ig that a threat had been le outside of this House to bribe the members to ihe support of the bill. Now, by what means the persons who are thus alluded to scented the gentleman out, he (Str. Brooks) would leave to be settled between t nd the gentleman, No one of them had ever approached him in such a connection. Mr. Capen, (whig) of Pa., rose and asked leave to explain. Mr. Brooxs refused to give way, saying that the gen tlewan the other day took the Hoor from him while he was addressing the House, and he owed the gentleman no courtesy. to let him interpose a speech within his (Mr. Brooks) own. It was a bad practice, at least, and he declined yielding the floor. ‘The sort of rhetoric, he would merely say, was more in character with the pur lieus of Blilingsgate, Cripplegate, and Newgate, than the piliared halls of this Capitol. This being the’ rhetor the logic is equally difficult to grasp, and quite as di cuit to answer. ‘The first argument was the competency ofthe Philadelphia mint. He denied this alleged capacit, He said California gold has ubout eleven per cent of silve ‘io work quick, two years ago, under the demand for a, New York mint, five per cent of this silver was approp ated as alloy, and thus the depositor not only lost that, but was charged five cents for parting besides, a work never done. The mint appropriated the silver to make haste, but made the depositor pay as if for work done, Vefore he concluded the morning hour expired ‘THE DEFICIENCY APPROPRIATION BILL The House went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union on the bill to supply deficiencies in appropriations for the year ending June 30th, 1853. Among the amendments adopted, was one ‘appropriat ing $20,500, in addition to the $72,000 heretofore appro. priated, for completing the repairs of the library of Congress. An ineffectual attempt was made to givo Clark Mills $20,000, in consideration of his ercetion of the Jackson equestrian statu Without disposing of the bill, the committee rose. OVERNMENT FOR THE TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA. Mr. Sivarr, (dem.) of Mich., reported a Dill to establish the territorial government of Columbia, which was re- ferred to the Comittee of the Whole on the state of the Union. ‘The Houre then adjourned. reported the bill, the closing speech. delphia, (Mr. Chand a tl an! wk, and Highly Interesting from Albany. EXCITING DEBATE IN THE SENATE RELATIVE TO THE BROADWAY RAILROAD—NEW YORK AFFAIRS @ RALLY—DOINGS JN THE ASSEMBLY—CANALS AND RAILROADS — MOVEMENTS OF THE LOBRYITE: THE JERRY RESCUE CASES—CHARGES FILED BY COL. R. C. MORRIS AGAINST GEN. SANDFORD AND COL. WARD, ETC. SPECIAL CORKESPONDENCE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD. Atpany, Jan, 25, 1858. The Broadway Railway was up in the Senate to-day, and the discussion consumed the session, but without coming toavote. Mr. MeMurray made a speech denouncing the thousand and one abuses of the Common Council, but pre- ferred to celay action upon this bills few days. There were other evils which needed attending to. leasing of ferries, piers, and the manner of making contracts, among many ather things, required correction, apl as ilere were ceveral persons engaged in meking and revis- ing the City Charter, including al! those matters, to be presented {o the Legislature, he though! it vest to take up all the subjects together. Mr. Cooley was for prompt action in this Broad Railway affair. At any time he would aosist in remedying all the evils which are complained of. Mr. Babcock feared that delay might give the railroad aseociation time to make a direct contract wit’: the cor- poration. which, by the constitution, could not be im paired. An effort was here made to go into executive it was presumed that nominations were ready to be sent in. On taking the question to rise and report progress for that purpose, only the following Seugtors were found in the affirmative, viz. :—Messrs. C port, Jones, McMurray, Pierc Nineteen member opposed an Harbor Masters must wait another week. f The debate on the railway was resumed, and Mr. Conger spoke with great eamestness, in favor of the road, wntil the hour of adjoursment. This is the first speech yot made directly in favor of it. In the House, the bill for the protection of pattern ers was summarily rejected, as there is now suffi nited States patent laws. mb with « view of sei the interminable canal controver-y, sent in a petition to the House, offering to buy them, but Mr. Champlin, one of the committee, reported against cutertaining the pro position. veral Episcopalian clergymen aquinst the passage of the Maine law the pioneer of reaction. The largest railroad lobby ever known Several in the city have determine: to kill > bill when it reaches the House, cerned with the Central Line, i ti ‘The Erie lobby will not a 1 {0 impose tolls fs taken up. : ‘the case of Fnoch Reed, a colored man, one of the wed Jerry rescuers, is set down for trial to-morrow ning, by Judge Hall. Col. Robert n, as a 8. So the ave This remonstrated is noticed « reference to consolida. ive until Mr. Champlin’s New York, has filed charges and «yecifications aga ndford and Col. Ward He alleges that the the court martiat be fore which he was tried, and by which le was convicted and sentenced to be cashiered, were altered after the court adjourned. He also petitions the Legislature for redress, ‘The Colonel, it ed, will find all his efiorts in vain, having bee ed of bis commis n by the approval of the eommantor-in-ehief, That FARE REDUCFD ON THE HARLEM RAILROAD. Atpany, Jan, 25, 1853 The Haslem Railroad Company have agreed to cs yaseengers between New York and Albany for one dollur arcy ae The regular report of the proceedings in. the New York Legislature will be found on the last page. From Washi wt LETTER POST yN—THE VIN Jan, 25, 18; ‘The Postmaster Geueral publishes an official notice ordering that on all letters to and from France throng! England the single rate of United States postage be twenty-one cents, and on newspapers four conts—sach portage to be coliccted in, and veiained by, the United States. The following appointments by the Presidentave been confirmed by the Senate, in executive session Ephraim F. Miller, as Collector of Salem and Beverly, Massact setts: and Beverly C. Saunders, as Collector at San Fran cisco. In the Supreme Court, this morning, Judge MeLean dy livered an opinion, in the case of the trustees of Ving, nes University vs. the State of Indiana, reversing wt decree of the Supreme Court, and wenring’ to. tyne versity two townships of land which were in «ft a portion of which the State had appropriated * wes. Justices Taney and Daniel dissented, ss irehaaivaaes A re Congresstonal Nominations yeeniee ie ImeRAT, SPECIAL CORLESPONDENCE OF 1H Coxconn, Jr Hon, Harry Hibbard, the present Cougress, fr tovlay unanimously re-nominates { gr Bog Third district, at the convention ) testion, wan't AN Aaron P. Hughes, Postmastey || Convention, held nominated at the Whig Congy jy os adil fr th yhigs and free soflers, against Mr. Me Ohad catteriny. one voles, Ira Periey fifteey = “* * . LOH My P.M umbeu!, a aa 4 mee, de. Fire tn 7 pxoviexce, Jan. 2%, 1853, dia styeet, near Fox Point, was A large building OF, day, and noarly destroyed, to: ret on fire about n¢ : frtion of its contents. It was owned gether with a latyjumber dealers, and occupied as a hy Mowry & Stefgies and other lumber, oil, &c. The siorehoure for dy insured, but to what ‘amount could property is PMG. The amount of lose is aise duknown, Hor be Hecer Ys delightfully warm and pleasant. ‘Due weat)’ Highly Important from Mexico. ATION OF PRESIDENT ARISTA—TUE REVOLO- TIONISTS EVERYWHERE TRIUMPHANT. New Onreana, Jan, 26, 1868. We have received inte and important intelligence from Mexieo. President Arista resigned office, amd left the city of Mexico on the 6th inst. Senor Cleyallas, Judge of the Supreme Court of Justice beeomos President ad in‘erim General Miaon, with the government troops, had beem beaten in a regular battle. ‘The revolutionists were triumphant everywhere, and all were looking for the return of Santa Anna. Interesting from the South. THE REVOLUTION IN VERA CRUZ. DIAN DEPREDA- TIONS IN TEXAS, ETC. Barrimons, Jan. 26, 1868. ‘The following account of the ‘pronunciation '’ of the city of Vera Cruz and the Gastle of San Juan d’Uloa, is copied from La Union of the 29th ult :-— " Cruz has seconded the plan of Guada ovement began the night before last, im the Castle of San Juan, among the tr ops which were to | embark for Tampico. Certain parties in the eity had an | understanding with others in the Castle, and ti arranged was the extinguishment of the light in the lighthouse. Accordingly, no sooner was the Hight put out than people began to move throughout the city, givi nals usual on such occasions; and it resul i ion of the authority of the supreme government. General Ma and Colonels Robles and Urriza have not joined the promunciamen. dos. ‘The military command of the city is ex. erci-ed by Senor Gamboa, and the Castle is commanded by Senor Tamari: Cordova had joined the Vera Cruz movement, and advices to the same effeet were momen- expected from Orizaba. The garrison had been sed by recruits to nearly 1,600 men, and the Koo sta es that the most energetic measures were being taken | by the new authorities to place the fortifications of the city in « state of complete repair. Advices from the theatre of military operations present but little st. No active movauient has taken place on either side, The papers of the City of Mexico speak in terms of se- vere satire of the government troops. Advices from Tehuantepec state that that de) had pronounced in favor of lan of Guadalaja: desired a separation from the State of Oajaca, Gen. Uraga had received 1,000 muskets and seven pieces of artillery from Mazatlan. Galveston dates to the 14th have been received. The Indians had renewed their depredations in the vicinity of San Antonia. The Liberia emigrants on board the brig Zebra, at Sa- yannak, were doing well at last accounts. Forty deaths in all had occurred. Allen Thomas has presented a petition to the yess Legislature relative to a fugitive slave, couvicted of felony in New York, and pardoned by Governor Hunt, three days before the expiration of his term of imprisonment. toamend the charter of the Canton Com h sed to a third reading in the Senate of Mary! John Cassidy, captain of Phi phia oyster © #l Hero, is likely to die at’ Annapolis, from wounds recei whilst resisting the officers who seized his vessel. The Virginia House of Delegates have Letaea eninge propriating a million of dollars for the construction of a railroad from Covington to the Ohio river, near the mouth of the Big Sandy river; also, a bill increasing the stock’of the Manassas Gap Ri a the Baltimore Typo- oa John W. Perego, President of graphical Society, died to-day. We no mail bey ond Wilmington, N. C. to-night. tment. and ead dave Later from Hav: New Onueans, Jan. 24, 1853. The steamship Empire City has arrived at this port, with Havana dates of the 20th inst. The news generally is unimportant. Martin Galliano, the socretary of the Captain-General, had been removed, and his successor was expected from Spain by the next steamer. From Norfolk. OF THE RAKITAN—MARINE DISASTER— COUNTERFEITER ARRESTED, ETO. Norrouk, Jan. 25, 1858. ‘The U S. ship Raritan, Commodore McAuley, ninety eight days from Callao, has arrived. Lieutenant Benham died on the passage. His remains were preserved and . brought home. She spoke, Nov. 23, ship Danube, from New York for San Francisco; Dec. 26, steamship Sierra Nevada, from New York for Rio Janeiro. Jan. 18, fell in with the wreck of a brigantine, waterlogged and abandoned. The name of Belfont only was distin- guished. Owing to the prevalence of the yellow fever- the Raritan stopped but one day at St. Thomas. The dis, ease was subsiding. The U.S. Consul had died. Schooner Henrietta, trom Wilwington, N. C., for New York, aleak on the 16th, and ran ashore at Carttuek Beachy near Pamus. The vessel is a total saree The crew reached here will be sold on Thursday next. safely to-day. Arrived, steamer Roanoke, New York. A man, named Horace Wilson, was arrested on Saturday for attempting to pass a $50 counterfeit note of the Merchants’ Bank, Burlington, Vt., and was committed te H ARRIVAL vaary Meeting of the Methodist E; copal Chareh Soctety. ‘age Burraro, Jan. 25, 1883. ‘The anniversary meeting of the Methodist Episcopal Church Society was held here yesterday, Bishop Janes, of New York, in the chair. The principal speakers were, Dr. Durbin, the Corresponding Secretary of the Society in New York; Abel Stevens, editor of the National Maga- ine; and Bishop Janes. Tho affairs of the Society were reported to be in a fluttering condition. Three new foreign missions were undertaken during the year, in $1,200. ‘The meeting was unusually interesting, and largely attended, and passed off with triumphant success. About thiriy ministers from abroad were present, The session closed Jast night. From Boston. RECEPTION OF MR. MEAGHER—-INTRODUCTION TO IERCE—THE AMAZON SURVEYING EXPEDI- TION. Boston, Jan, 25, 1863. Thomas F. Meagher met with a cordial reception im Boston to-day. He was received at the depot by a com- mittce of arrangements, and conveyed to the Revere House in an elegant carriage, drawn by four horses, where he was formally welcomed in a speech by J.B. Harvey, Esq., to which Mr. M. responded, He was intro- duced to General Pierce, who is now here, and several distinguished citizens. This evening Mr. Meagher delivered his lecture on Australia, tonearly three thousand people, in the new Musie Hall. ' Mayor Seaver presided, After the lecture, he partook of dinner with the committee of ar rangements, at Dooley’s Hotel. Captain Conway, of the Water Witch, arrived at | anew rsports that Lient. Gibbons, one of the officers tach to the United States corps of survey on = river, arrived at Para about the 20th Dec, He had not ‘en heard from for about eighteen merths, ‘and some had been felt for him, He weld probably take in the next vessel for New Ye® : . marles Hotel, dé. Completion of the St. J) iaixa, Jan. 28° 1868, Tho St. Charles Hotel is" Unished, and opens for the n of company te," and e Fatr Railroad Accident. | MNGMIELD, Mass, Jan. 25, 1853, of this city, in endeavoring to get aauane ‘hia morning, while the cars were in mo. T the wheels, and was instantly killed, . ied XY horrible manner, Bish Steamers, Salling of Californ New ORLEANS, Jan. 23, 1853, (i. steamships Daniel Webster and Philadelphia. sailed terday, the former for San Juan and the latter for sspinwail, carrying 700 passengers en route for California. Michael Bor! i ‘The Marion at Charleston. CHARLESTON, Jan, 25, 1863. The U. 8, mail steamship Marion, Captain M. Berry, arrived here at nine o’elock this morning. Markets. New Onueass, Jan. 22, 1863, The sales of cotton to-day were 4,000 bales, at previous rates, the Europa’s news having no effect on prices: atriet « 9)¢e.: good middling, 10c. Sagar and eady. Rio coffee is firm; the sales of the 26.000 bags. at SMe. a O46.; the stock om band ix 54,000 bags. “Freights—Cotton to Liverpool ia jaken ut fe-eiguths of a penny; sight exchange on New York, is at 4 «i per cent discount, . New ORukaNS, Jan. 24—Noon. Cotton is firm; the sak this m have been 3,000 bale Saturday's rat ators are parm the Arctic’s advices. Sugar is active, and has advanced Me; ini sells at 4340. a 4%. ‘ ‘ew ORLEANS, Jan. 25, 1868. * An active demand exists for sugar on plantations, The sales of the last four weeks are estimated at 30,000 bhds., mostly for shipment west, but partly on speculation. Prices have ranged from 4a 4¢., but higher rates are now asked. Civannati, Jan. 26, 1853. The Price Current has a statement of the the number in Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky, increase this year of 296,274. Provisions are deoli Mees pork sells at $15 50; bulk sides, To. Prime Ia Wee. tor barreied, wd Iv gc. for kegs. Flour lus dee clined to #4 25.