The New York Herald Newspaper, December 13, 1852, Page 2

THE EMPIRE IN F s for the Restoration of the Napoleon Dynasty. nA FRE PROC! EDINGS OF THE FRENCH SENATE Manifestoes of the French Refugees in Eng- land, apd the Count of Ch. ord, against the Hevement. VOTE OF THE FRENCH PEOPLE - IN FAVOR OF NAPOLEON THE THIRD, de, Ke, Key The vote for the Empire .was cast throughout Franee on the 2Ist and 221 of November. Allaccounts agree that the ceremon y wascon- ducted desorously, but without any particular show of enthusiasm. The returns will exhibit « large mojority—greater, probably, than on any previous appeal to the people. We learn that up to the morn- fog of the 27th, the latest returns, including eighty-three departments, and the army and navy, were:— For the Empire..... Against the Empire. + +7,200,000 ++ 250,000 This result—this great historical fact—will bear | the fullest illustration even to repetition. We will, therefore, give all the dosuments immediately coa- nected with the event. The following’is the r ‘port prepared by M Trop- long, made to the French Senate on the 6th ult., in the name of the commission charged % examine ‘the proposition relative to = modification of the Oonstitution, s0 as to re establish the Freach Ea wre The Report on the Empire. MesstEURS LES SENATEURS—France, attentive and excited, new demands from you a great politi- eal aci—to put an end to her anxieties and to secure her future. But this act, however serious it may be, does not meet with any of those capital difficulties which hold in suspense the wisdom of legislators. You kuow the wishes expressed by the councils general, the councils of arondisrement, and the addresses | oiene of circulasion causoa to terminate in a sole ef the communes of France; wishes for stability in the government of Louis Napoleon, and for retura to ® political form which has struck the world by the majesty ofits power and by the wisdom of its Jaws Yon bave heard that immense petition of a whole people, rusbing on the steps of its liberator, and those enthusiastic cries, which we may almost | eall a plebiscite by anticipation, procecding from the hearts of men, manufacturers and tradesmen. Such meni- festations simplify the task of statesmon. There ciroumsiances in which fatal nocessities prevent with public opinion and with his own reason; there are others whero he requires & long consideration in erder to solve questions on which.the country has Rot rufliciently decided. You, gentlemen, are not ed either to this constraint or to this embar- | The national will presses and suppli- | eates you, and your exalted experience tells you that in yielding to ber entreatiesyou will contribute to replace France inthe paths which aro suitable to her interests, to her grandeur, and to the imperious | meceseities of her situation All this is in fact ex- Plained by the evente which take place before you After it political agitations it always happeas @hat nations throw themselves @ith joy into the arws of the strong man whom Providence sends to ‘th Tt was the fatigue of civil wars which msde &@ moxarch of the conqueror of Actium ; it was the | horrcr of revolutionary exeesses, as much as the ad ot Marengo, which raised the imperial throne. ¢ midst ef the recent dangers ef the country, | this strong man showed himself on the 10th of De | cember, 16s, and on the 2d of December, 1851, and Frazee confided to him her standard, which was weady to perish If she has declared her will to sonfide it to him forever in this m-morable journey, which was only one suite of triumphs, it ia becaute, bis courage and by his prudence, the min has ow imeself equal to the task; it is because, when a nation feels herself tormented by the agita- ions of a stormy government, a necessary reaction Jeads it towards him who can best secure order, sta- Dility, and repose. Bary Louis Napvieon, there‘ore, is in this wonderful situation; that-be alone boids in bis hands these in- estimable gifts. He has, in the eyes of Fraace, his Immense services, the magic of his popularity, the souvenirs of his race, the imperishable remembracce ‘ef order, of organization, and of heroism, which make the hearts of all Freochmsn-beat. He agaio povives in the eyes of Europe the greatest name of modern days, no wore for the military triumphs for which his histery is #0 rich, but for ehaiuiog down the political and sosial tempests, for endowing | France with the conquests of pesve, and for strength- envig and fertilizing the good relations of Stat Both at home and abroad it is to him thatis attech- ed a vast future of pacific labor and of sivilization. That future must not be delivered to the chance of events and tothe surprise of factions. | That ie why Frauce demands the monarchy ofthe Bmperor ; that iste say, order in revolution, aad vale in democracy. She wished it onthe 10:h of December, when the artifices of an inimical oonsti- tation prevented the people from expressing their opinion. She wished it again on Docember 20, | when the moderation of « noble character prevent- 06 its being demanded. But now the pablic seati ment overflows like» torrent ; there are moments when enthusiasm has aleo the vn hag of solving ques- ions ‘For some time past visivle signs announced whs' must be the mission of Louis Napoleon, and the foresecing reason of statesmen put itself in a0- sord.«xee with the popular instinc: order to ix Qe character ef it. After the bitter sarcasm which ; the heir to a crown at the head of the republic, | ges ident that France, still democratic fron her babite, never ceased to be monarchical in her fnstincts. avd that she wished fer the re-establish — ment of the monareby in the percon ef the Prince | who revealed himself to her asthe conciliator of two ‘ager sud of two minds, the live of union of the government and of the people, the monarehical #7 mbol of organized democracy. At tne end of the last cemtury the preponderance | of the democratic element gave rise to a belief in speculative or ardent minde that France ought to mark the new era iato w! he had entered by a divorce between her government and the monarchi- eal form. The republic was bocrowed from the souvenirs of antiqui Bat in France politieal fazed with frivolity, is invincibly attasbed to cer tain vational ideas, and to certain traditional habits, by which it preserves the originality of which it is ud The republic could not acelimatise itself on be French soil. [t perished from its own excesses, and it only went into not in the instincts of the mation. Is was bat an interval tiant abroad, and terrible at home, between two monarchies and bad princes may, at certain intervals, produce At that period giory had raised to power one of in monarchical States, we would reply the: all hu- | those men whe ca dynasties aod who traverse men institutions contain within themselves certain | imperial family is to It is on that new stem whiob yielded to no other in its grandeur and in is wer rtune reserved fifty years afier for » second trial of the repubiican form?” Is it nota striking example af the perseverance of the Frenoh mind in things whieh are jike the substance of ber political life ! {» not the proof complete and decisive ? Tt will be the more so as the imperial monarchy har al) the advantages of the republic without its dangers’ The other monarshical are (che illus trious services of which we will not depreciate) have bern acoured of baving placed the tur from the peor aud the repablic, bo pular ory ne wo far ing of its thousands of sgriculturists and work. | RANGE, | te meqes the om tit | | qualities that it is not aware of its weak points | feels itself variable in its impressions, prompt to be | worked on, and easy to be led away. And because | tude | rective of their levity. | and grasping. living on the civil obeli and distribu- | tiors of food On the other band, tho French demo- | cracy, of a mere masculine aud haughty character, | does not look to the State for the care of its well- | being; it depends on its own efforts for support. and | most joyfully submits te the eternal law of God— | less buman beiogs than the by the By That is what ‘what it asked of you by a country with Utopian ideas, in- credufous with reepect to political abstrastions, and whose genius, a union of sound sense aad poesy, is 80 constitured it only es in power uoder the figure of a or @ prines. Evenif nour of Freasaay, fn monsrdiy Be only a judise, it must be respected; a people can or Fe pis oe) in accordance with its ideas = But it must in particular be respected, because it is ia- spired by the most essential wauts, and the most leyitimate interests of the country "Frasce is a great State which wishes to preserve at howe and abroad the force which # vast territory and thirty five millions of iat@bican's give Skois both agricultural and commercial. Notwithstand- | ing the fertility of ber soil, she would be poor if manufactures were Dot to add immense persoual to reul capital, andif the taste for polite eujoymen’s and moderate luxury did not give to labor i. ment always new But labor, im order to arrive at (he result of its enterprises, should be seconded by se many advances of funds, and such a persevering continuance of efforts, that all success would es cape it if it were interrupted or troubled by the storms of disquieting and suoversive policy. It demands, therefore, stability of institutions, as the source of copfidence and the mother of credit. form can only compromise them. Monarchy is the government of groat States, to which institutions made for duration are marvel- leusly suiteble, as the most volid foundations are required for a vast edifice. The republic, on the contrary, is only the government of small States, if we except the United States of America, which, 6 | their geographical position, form an exception to all | rules, and which, besides, are only a federation; a republic has never been able to establish itself ex- cept in smal] mations, in which the embarrassments | of that difliouit and complicated form of govern- ment are corrected by the small extent of territory and population. Aucient Kome, so far from contradicting this rule, | fully confirms it. The republic was only in the city, | and for the city. Beyond it there was only avari- | cious masters and oppressed subjects. [f ever France | ean be said to have had a sort of neighborhood with | the repuolic, it was in the middle ages, when the pees spirit, extinguished from the time of the Cweare, had become awakened in a part of pene when France was only a chessboard of almost inde- pendent provinces, and when the feudal primcipsli- ties were in all parts menuced by the communal movement. But since that moment all che iaterier action of France has removed her from the republi- can form. She, in particular, separated from it when she gave herself a united territory aad thirty- five millious oi inhabitants, living under the same laws, in the same country, and united by an infinite chain of dependent interests, which the game move- centre. Such a people is not to be shaken, as wore the citizens of a single city, even if called Athens or Rome. A country which lives by its labor, and not by the labor of slaves and presents from the State, cannot be occupied with speeches of the foram, with the permanent agitation of somitia, with the anxie- ties of politics, always in ebullition. This fever, to which democratic republics give the name of politi- eal life, cannot with impunity be communicated te | a pation whose splendor particularly consists in the | pacific develope: he Semest legistator from acting in accordance | and intelligent activity of its pri nt of its wealt! and in the regular te interests. Our fathers learned these truths in the rude school | of public and private mis‘ortunes They compose all | the interior pclicy of the commencement of this vores A (1) Why should incorrigible innovators have, in there latter times, inflicted the too pal- psble demonstration of them upon us? We have seen altars raised to instability and to periodical | convulsions, the two plagues of the sosial body— | we have seen laws made to reduce to solemn pre- | cepts tho febrile and terrible crises which may ruia ® people—we have seen the vessel of the State | launched on an unknown ses, without # fixed point | to guide itself by, without an anchor to cast ont, and uo one can say what would have become of the | fature of France if Providence, watching over her, | had not raised up the man of intrepid heart who | extended his band to her. France, with full knowledge of what she is doing, | intends to return to her natural state; she longs to again find ber real position and to resume her eqai- librium. The French people, in its admirable com- mon sense, is not so infatuated with its paperice t it distrusts the rapidity of a firat movement, it | seeke a fixed point in its institutions, aud desires to be retained on a stable and aolid basis. The French | democracy has sometimes been compared to that of | Athens We have no objection to the comparison as far as politeness and elegance of mind are eoncerned, bat we in all other respects utterly disclaim the simili- The Greek democracies were nothing buts perpetual flux and reflux, never accepting tae cor- They were, besides, idle daily labor. Its speculations comprise the whole world; it cultivates the earth with its free hands; it fi the hty deep with its vessels ; it multi- | plies its industrial sreations, engenders capital, and | renders the future tributary to ite able and immense | | combinations ib | prises on credit and du: Whe nation ib":s founds its enter- bility, when sometimes not jess than half a century is necessary to it to reap the | "benefit of its operations, it is net the institutions of a day that can give it any hope of their sucsesa. It would be senrelees if it did not desire to make the | moving sphere of its interests turn round the mo- | tionless axis of a monarchy. It is true that in France equality is absolute worship, and a monarchy has, in Object of first condition, the privileged existence of these grand and rare individualities which God raises | above their fellows to form dynastiss, and which are jonification of a pao- ple and the concentrated radiation of a civilization. ut equality, such as we conceive it in France, mits wi:hout ely those providential grandeurs, rendered legitimate by State reasons, below whi it, finds its level. At Rome and Athens equality consisted in render'ng each citizen admissible to the sopreme authority; and it is therefore that men contidered ali equality at an ond when Augustus bad converted the republic into » monarchy. (2) In France we considered it as saved and confirmed forever, under the reign of the Duperor. The rea: | son is, that in this country of equality there is no- Our country, although placed high above all private competition 2 w | defects and weaknosses rh @ movarehy suitable to modern times, aud privilege of perfection; it ba Was it not a groat jesson to scem similar , systemof skilfully entrenched itself agsiust | guardians bem in the masses who believed themselves to be | forgotten and overlooked. But the empire, stronger than the republic on democratic groauds, removes | tween a maw and an assembly that objection. It was the governmeat ‘he most thing that is lees supported than the government of one’s equals ; because cquality is there faily satis fied in holding everything in its credit, wealth, and renown, and in having a wide and Span read befors it to arrive a5 everything ex- cept that extreme point of power, that inaccessible summit, which the care of the public tranquility has By that the demecracy wonderfully agrees with the mon- srcby, sad that union is so much the moro solid that common sense unites with the habits of tae people in cementing it. But should cavilling minds, believing themselves chose excesses because it was | more wise than the whole country, bring forword as an objection to the desire expressed for the here: tary ewpire, the inconveniences which minoritica The monarchy has not the simply, for Franses, the merit of am incontestable superiority over the perpesual election, which only offera an everna) series of struggles and hazards end which solves one difficulty only for the purpose of imme- diately lesving another ia suspense. Bome ancient Btates, believing that thoy were improving on the monarchical system, had plased in roveregn and immovesble arsomblies that elo- ment of stability whioh dynasties represent. (3 ) But have not such pmblies aléo had their mo mente of weakness? Does not their history exhibit melancholy instances of yenelity or tyranny? Has not their basenese givea them iusyleaot and seditious And in the point of view of moral re- sponsibility, which is one of the great checks on tho | conscience, there is not the elighvest comparison be- To aaserablies tha reeponsibility of the body effaces that of the indi- energeiically supported aud the most deeply regretod | viduals; aud us a collective responsibility is very y ‘be people Jour d it im their memory to oppose it to the dreams of id and to the strempts of perturbators. On vb and, it ie che orly one which can glo- aify iteelf in the right recognised by the old mon- areby. “that it is to the French nation that it belougs to choose ite king;”’ on the other. it is the only ove which has pot had quarrels to settle with the people When it disappeared, in 1514, it was vot by « etroggle of the nation against its goverament. The chavees of an unequal foreign war brought abeut tbat violent diverce But tue people have Rover ceased to see in the empire its emanation and ite work; and they placed it in their affections far mbeve the repubi an anonymous and tumultuous erpment, whieh they remember much inore by @ violence of its pro-consuls thau by the victories which were the price of French valor. That is why the Napoleonian monarchy absorbed It is the people who have again | pesriy illusory, it comes Lo hi the republic @ first time, and must absorb it a se- | soud time. The on account of the comtract-like character of the in. Mitution, and of the commaprication and express lelegation of the power, by the people plre is super or to the republic, because it is also he monarchy; that is to say, the government of all werfided to ederating action of one, with he- feditery succession as a condition, and stability as Bea consequence. Monarchy has the galiy of yielding admirably te all the ep ld wad sivays ete Woy old oad always modern, a om ¢! republic is virtually in the empire, | | But the | poss boat that responsi tutes the force and alzo the cause of ita In a Prince, om the contrary, the respon- sibility is undivided acd inevitable, and presses with all its weigat on the side of duty. In fine, when evil creeps into # sovereign politital body, it .continuet there as @ precedent, increases as @ tra- dition, sud the thing itself can only be kept up by keeping up the evil. On the coutrary, if evil glides to the throne, it causes alarm only by tempo rary and totermit extenuated by the institution and the modifications which are more easily effected in the case of a man than in that of an assembly. The feeble Louis XII. wae tollowed by the grand Louis XIV. ; and berides, Louis XILL is, in tho eyes of posterity, covered by his minister Richelieu. The general considerations appear to us to prove tvffiviently that the national sentiment which ad- Grevece itself to you, gentlemen, as to sage media- tore between the people and the prince, is neither @ frivolous caprise nor # flecting infatuation Behind the fascination of @ great name, and above the gra- titnde which is felt for the acts of noble and pa ariotic courage, there are grand thoughts, powerfal Bee the rpeeches delivered in the a) - yin 1804, Tribunal on the ‘Taeitus equelitate jussa principis t exuta Boman Benote, for instance. Vaesfmal, T, 4 All these conditions of a regalar and prosperous | | life the monarchy procures to France; any other Free. places, | t perils, which are, besides, | intere; the publ: have the life of a great : riens and sickly existence which wastes away the jal body. During the last four years, whi jected te perilous experiments, to correct, by her good sense, ble situation But it is necessary that such a sita- | ation should be brought to a close. a to the pre- rent time she had beva able to find, in the midst of the tempests which assailed her, only transitory enter the port, to found, “4 means of the fortuaate pilot whon sho greets with joy, the edifice of her prosperity on the solid ground of monareby. Let us now Jook to the details of tho draft of the Senatus consultum. Louis Nspoleon will take the name of Napoleon Til Itis that name which re-echoed ia the accla- mations of the people; it isthe name which was inscribed on the triumphal arches and trophies. We do not specially select it; we merely aceept it from a natural and spontaneous election. It has, bevides, that profound xood sense which is always to be wet with im the wonderful instincts of the psople. It ie a homege to Nepoleon I., whom the people never forgets; and it pious remembrance for ni outbful son, who was constitutionally proclaime: mperor of the French, and whose reign, short as it was, has not been effaced by the obscure existence of the exile. It solves for the future the question of succetgion, and signifies that the empire will be hereditary after Louis Napoleon, as it has been for himeelf. “In fine, it connects the pecal phase to which we owe our safety with the glorious name which was also the safety of past times. Aud yet, by the side of the traditional element, contemporary events preserve thelr proper value and their peculiar signification. If Louis Napoleon is called on at present to resume the werk of his uncle, it is not merely because he is the heir of the Emperor, but because he deserves to be so ; it is on account of his devotedness to France, and of that spontancous and personal action which has ressued the country from the horrors of anarchy. It is not sufficient for him to be the heir of the Emperor ; he must be again elected. fer the third time, by the ople. Thus, the succezsion and the election qill e in accord to double bis . the modern fact rendering the old one {outs igerous by the puissance of a reiterated consent &fd a second con- tract The Senatus-consultum next invests Louis Napo- leon with the right to adopt an heir, io default of a direct suecessor. Adoption, which is » eommon right in private families, cannot be an exception in dynastic families; for, when no natural heir exists, it is a principle in public law that the choice of the monarch belongs to the people. Bat that rule is that of ordinary times, and cannot suit in an abso- lute manner an order of things which agaia resumes ® new course after a leng interruption, and in the midst of the most extraordinary circumstances. _ Louis Napoleon, the depositary of the confidence of the people, charged by it to draw up a consti- tuion, can, on infinitely stronger grounds, receive the mandate to provide for certain eventualities, and to prevent certain crises in which that constitu- tion might perish. The strokes of nature have been often terrible in reigning families, and have set at naught the counsels of wisdom The Frensh people will not imegine that it makes toe great a sacrifice of its rights in aban ioning itself once more to the prudence of the Prince whem it has made the arbiter of its destinies This provision, besides, is borrowed from the imperial constitution. The em- pire which revives aca not to be less powerfal in ite means than was the empire at its commence- ment. And in order to remain within the letterand the spirit of that precedent, the Senatus consultum proposes to you not to admit of such adoption, ex- cept forthe male descendants, natural and legiti- mate, cf the brothers of Napoleon I. The right of unlimited adoption would be in manifest contradic- tion with the popular wish for the re-establishment of the empire, which is the guiding star of our de- libera:fons. In fact, the ease is inseparable from the name of Bonaparte; and cannot be conceived without a member of that family with which the new form of the monarchy was stipulated in France. | very ante ought to remain consistent in the work which we are considering. bove that eombination, solely of a political iter, France places a hope whieh more than anything constitutes her faith in the fature; and that is, that at no distant peed a wifo will take her place on the throne which is about to be raised, and will give to t) mperor scions worthy of his great name andof this great country. That debt was impored on the Prince on th when the cries of “« Vive [Empereur’’ baile: on his pas- sage; and he will accept it yirttally. bee necessarily on the day when the crown will placed en his | head. For, since the empire is established with a view to the future, it ought to carry with it all the legitimate consequences which preserve that future from uncertainty and shocks. Ki In default of the direct line and of the adoptive line, the case of euccession in the collateral line must be provided for. On that point we propose to you ac ause, byes the people should confer on Louis Napoleon the right of regulating, by an organic d3- cree, that order of succession in the Bonaparte fami- ly. By that means our Senatus consultum will re- main more iol in accord with the popular wish, which in its unlimited cenfidence has placed in Louis Napoleon’s hands the destinies ef the | country; it will likewise be more in conformit: | with the political changes which France has ei tered into since the 2d December. The greate: | political genius of Italy, in the sixteenth cen- tury, was accustomed to say that in those rare ; and selemn moments, in which the question is to | found a new State, the will of a single man was in- | dispensable (1) | That is what the nation eompre- | hended so admirably when it remitted to Louis Ne- | poleon the task of drawing ae constitution which governs us. At present, that a capital modi- fication is taking place in one of the very founda- tions of that constitution, it appears natural and | logical to again cenfer on Louis Napoleon a portio | of tke constituent power, in order that, in tm asits-very | special point which concerns most intimately the | | inter of the dynasty of which the nation de- clares him the head, he may fix on_ such provisions asappear to him best 2ppropriated to the publie intercet, and the interest of the monarch. For his family, as well as for the country, Louis Napoleon is the man of an exceptional situation, and no fear must be entertained of adding to his power, in order that, with the acsent of all, he may settle it | by the authority of gle person. We therefore | prepose to you, after a conference with tha orga | of the government, which has led to unanimity of | opinion, thus worded :-— | Anr.4. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte regulates, by an or- | ganic decree addressed to the Senate and deporited im the | archives. the order of succession to the throme in the Boanparte family, in ease he should not leave any direct | or adopted heir. | It is not necessary for us to say to you that in this aystem the formula to be submitted to the Freach pers ought to contain an express mention of that lelegation. It will be meceesary, according to the constitution, that the French people be called on to declure whether it desires or not to invest Louis ee with the power which we conceive ought to be conferred on him. After having thus spoken of the succession to the imperial crown, the Senatus-consultwm carries the attention to the condition of the family of the Em- ror. It divides it into two parts: Ist, the imperii family, preperly so called, composed of the persons who may by possibility be called to the throne, and ef their descendants of both sexes; and, 2d, of tae other members of the Bonaparte family. The situation of the princes and princesses of the | o regulated by Senatus-con- su('a; and they cannot marry without the Emperor's consent. Art. 6 gle age for any infraction ef this regulation of public interest the penalty of losing all right to the succession, with the proviso, however, that in case of the diseolution of the mar: riage by death of the wifo, without iseue, the right is at once recovered. | As to the other members of the are family, who compose the civil family, it is to the Emperor, and not any longer to Senatus-consulia, that it ap- pertains to fix by statutes their titles and situation. ¢ is useless to insist on this distinction, as it is explained by the difference whioh exists between the civil family and that uniting in itself tho doubie character of civil family and political family We have also to request your special attention | to the final Parsgra h of article six, which confers | a on the Emperor full and entiro authority over all the members of his family. These special po were are called for by the gravest considerations, aad | belong to the right generally insticuted for reignin, | families. Princes are placed in so elevated @ posi tion, by public right and nasionai interest, that they are, in many respects, out of the pale of tho com- mon law. The greater their privileges are, the more their duties are immense towards the country. | Montesquieu haseaid: ‘It is not for the irigniog ished, family that the order of succession is estab: bat becauce it is for the interest of the State there rhould be « reigning family.” therefore, to the state thet i They belong, | the yy stricter tics than other | citizens, and on account even of their very grent- ners must be retained in # sort of perpetual ward- dom, under the guardianship of the Umperor, the | defender of their dignity, the approciator of thoir actions, and serving to them as father ea much as guardian, in order to preserve to tho nation this patrimony in fact. | ~ If these reasons do net apply, In all their extent, | to the membere of the private family, thore aro others of not less impor'aice, which are drawn from | the covjoint responsibility imposed by a name which | is the property of the nation as much as of the per: ; tons who bave the honer of bearing it | | Besides, reveral of these persons have the privi- lege of being the only ones inthe State that the Emperor can place by adoption in the rank of the persons who muy succeed to the crawa. But shore (1) Debbest pigtiare questo ama regola generale, ebe ron mai ae rade, woowloe ekvutoume rept ° Tegno, ete aa plo, ordinato bene, re aon + éauno, ti, Remarks on Titus Leviue 1, 9. eub- | gleams of safety, on which no fu'ure prosperity | could possibly be based. At present she is about to | well as mine, it is regard for her future, it ie m; to remind you of—the maintenanee of tho salic law im the imporial dynasty. Im France, the saliolaw is, eo to apeak, incorporated with the monarchy, and, although its origin goes back to the remotest periods, it bas so completely penetrated inte our way of thinking, and is 80 completely in accord with the rules ef French policy, that it is insepara- ble fen all transformations in the monarchical principle Ls Finally, gentlemen, the Senatus-consultum pro vides for the case in which the throne should be va cant; “ifever the nation sheuld be so unfortunate as to experience this affliction, (to use the language of the celebrated edict of July, 1777,) it would be for the natien itself to repairit ” Art 5 formally recognises this fandamental, ersential, and inalien- { ableright. At the same time it provides for the means of preparing a choice worthy of the French peop'e, by its prudence and maturity. In conse querce, ap organic Sena/us-consultum, proposed to | the Senate by the Ministers formed into a Council of Government, with the addition of the President of the Senate, the President of the Legislative Body, and the President of the Council of State, shall be | submitted to the free acceptance of the people, and will give to France a new Emperor. Such, gentlemen, are. the principal the Senatus-consulium, now submit! to you for consideration, and which will prepare the august contract of the nation with its chief. Should you | adopt it. you will order, by a concluding article, in viriue of the constitution, t the people be con- sulted concerning the re-establishment of the im | rial dignity in the perioa of Louis Napoleon, with the succession of which we have just explained to | you the combinations. But, gentlemen, wo may | affirm, whilst pending at present before a publio will which only asks for an occasion to burst forth afresh, that the empire is accomplished. And that empire, the dawn of which has lighted up the path of Louis Napoleon in the departments of the South, rises over France, surrounded by the most auspi- cious auguries. Everywhere hope revives in men’s minds; everywhere capital, restrained by the uncer- tainty of the future, rushes with ardor into the channels of business; and everywhere the national sap circulates, and vivifies to produce the most abundant fruits. . This reign, gentlemen, will not be cradled in the mids: of arms, and in the oamp of insurgent Pra- terian guards It is the work of the national feel- ing, most spontaneously expressed ; it has been pro- dueed in our commercial towns, in our ports, in the most peaceful centres of agriculture and manufac- d in the midst of the joy of an affectionate 3 it will consequently be the Empire of that is tosay, the revolution of ’89, without rovisions of ie Peace ; r i¢ its revolutionary ideas, religion without intolerance, equality without the follies ef equality, love for the people withont socialist charlatanism, and national ouor without the calamities of war. Ah! if the great shade of the Emperor should cast a glance at this France which he loved so much, it would thrill with joy at beholding the gloomy predictions of St. Heleva, at one moment #0 near being realized, to- tally disproved No; Europe will not be delivered up to disorder and anarchy! No; France will not lose the grandeur of ker institutions, and it is the ideas of Napoleon, directed towards by ® gen- | erous minded Prince, which will be the safeguard of civilization; The Senatus-Consultum, The Senatus-consultwm adopted by the Senate consists of eight articles :— Art 1, The Imperial dignity isre-establisked Louls leet oan is Bmperor under the name of Na- eon IIT. ares 2, The Imperial dignity is hereditary in the di- rect and legitimate descendants of Louis Napoleon Bona- parte, from male to male by order of pimemeliuss, to the perpetual exclurion of females and descendants. Art. 3. Louis Napoleon Bonaj , if he bas no male child, may adopt the legitimate children and deecendaats | in the mele ling of the brothers of the Emperor Napole- om I, The forms of adop‘ion are regulated Y, &@ Senatus- | congulitem. Tf, after this adoption male children should be bern to Louis Napoleon, his adopted children cannot be called on to succeed him until his legitimate de- | acendents. The adoption is interdicted to the successors | of Louis Napoleon and to their descendants. Art. 4. Louts Napoleon regulates, by an Ley ped decree addreseed to the Senate, and deposited in its archives, | the order of succession to the throne in the Bonaparte — a should leave no direct, legitimste, or adoptive heir. ant 5 In default of a legitimate or adoptive heir of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, and of the successers in a colisteral line, who shall derive their right im the above. | mentioned organic decree, @ Senatus connulum, proposed | to the Benate by the Ministers formed into a Couneil of | Government, united to the Presidents of the 5 | the Legislative Body, and of the Oounell of State, and | submitted to the acceptance of the people, names the Emperor, and regulates in his family the hereditary | order from male to mele, to the perpetpal exeiusion of females and their descendants, Until the moment when | the election of th yw Emperor is consummeted, the | effeire ef State joverned by the ministers in office, who ehall form themselves into a Council of Government, and deliberate by a majority of votes. Art, 6. The members of the family of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte called eventually to the tuccession, and their descendants, of both rexes, ped oo of the Imperial | family. A Senatusconsultum regulates their position They cannot marry without the authorization of the Emperor. Their marriage, without such authorisation | entaile priva:ion of all right, as well tor him whe contracts it as for his dee« jants. ‘Art. 7. The constitution of the 15th of January, 1952, is maintained in all provisions which are not coutrary to the present Senaius-consultum. There cannot be any modifications made in it except in the furms and by the means therein preseribed. Aft, 8. The following proposition shall be presented to the acceptance of the French people, in the form deter- mined by the decrees of the and 4th of December, | 1861 :—* The pecple wish for the re-estabiishment of the | Smperial dignity. im the person of Leuis Napoleon Bons. | parte, with hereditary right in hie direct descendants, either Iigitimate or adoptive, and are him the right to regulate the order ht ES) throne in the Bo naparte family, as pr rr jenatus. conswltum | of — November, 1462” ‘The Offer of the Empire to Louis Napoleon, M Mesnard, first Vice Presicent of the Senate, | prorented the above Senatus-c: ium to the Prince President, addressing him as follows :— like France makes Menseigneur—W hen great count its veice heerd, the first duty of the political body te which she addresses herself is to listen and reply. Such were the ideas of your Highness in calling fer the medi- tations of the Senate on this vart movement of public opinion, which has manifested iteelf with so mueh ensemble and energy. The Scnate has understood that this strik- ing manifestation is jurtified at the same time by the im- mmense services whicl oi have rendered, by the same | whieh you bear, and by the guarantees which are given | to the future by the greatness of your character and the wisdem and firmeese of your mind. It ha’ that, efter #0 many | the eouvenirs of her glory au in, now agaim finds in popular samction the elements of its force and of its duration. The Senate glories M eur, in being the faithful interpreters of the wish rentiments of the country, in placing in your hands the Senaius consultum whieh ealls you tothe empire. | Its Acceptance, The Prince made the following reply :— Merrieurs les Senateurs—I thank the Senate for the readiness with which it hae responded to the wiches of the country, in deliberating on the re establishment of | the empire, and in eye 3 up the Senatus consultum which is to be submitted to the acceptance of the people. | When, forty-eight years since, in this same palace. imthis | same room, and umder analogcus ciroumstaness, the | Senate came to offer the crown to the chief ef my femily, the Emperor replied in these memorable words :—" My spirit will no longer be with my prosterity from the dey when it shall cease to merit the love and the confidence ef the great mation.” What mow mort affects my heart is the thought that the spirit of the Emperor is with me, thas bis ideas guide mo, that his shade protects me, ence by @ solemn proceeding you come, inthe mame of the ‘onch people, to prove to me that I have merited the confidence of the counrry. Ic is not necessary for me to | tell you that my constant pre-oecupation will be to labor | with you to promote the grandeur and prosperity eof France, The manifesto of the Count de Chambord, (Henry | | Manifesto of the Count of Chambord, | the Fifth,) so often alluded to, is as follows: — Frenchmen—During the trials my country bas been | exposed to, I have condemned myself to voluntary inac. | tion and to silence. I eould not forgive myself it I had | for # single moment aggravated its embarrassmente and its periis. Separated from France, it is yet doar and sacred to me, a8 much, and more than if I had meyer | quitted it. I know not if it will be allowed me rome da | to verve my country, but I am very certain that it w! | mot have to reproach me with a word or en act which cam | affect her prosperity and her repose. It fa her ae jaty | towards her, whieh induce me to raise uy voice this day | Frenchmen! You detire monarchy; you have ad. | mitted that it alone cen render you, with ® regular and stable government, that recurity ef all rights, that gas ranvee of all interests, that permamert accord of a strong authority and of « wise liberty, whieh found and secure the happinese of mations, Do mot A ig iad up to 3 which, sooner or later, will be fatal to you, wempire propored to you cannot be thet tem- na durable monarchy whore benefite you await. eived, Le ou, when they . Lrue monareby, ipported on hereditary rights, nm tione put you in porseasion promise them to ag traditional memarchy, and sanctioned by time. | of there precious advanteges, enable you to enjoy them forever. The genius and the glory of Napoleon were not sufficient to found thing stable; his | pame, the memery of bis acta, Security is not re-ertublished by din om which the throne repores; aud all rights are not | consclideted by disregarcing that which fs amongst us the necervary basie of \he mcvarchicnl order, The mon arehy in France Je the Royal House of France, indisso- jubly united to the nation, My ancertors and yours have parted centuries, Ishoring im coneert, acco: ding to the Denges end necessities ot the petted, in the developement of our noble country, The French. during 1 400 yours, | alone smorget all the people of Europe. have always bad | prinees of their nation and of their blood at their head. Fhe birtory of my eocestors Is the history of the peo | greesive greatners of Franoe; and it was that monateby | whieh endowed her with the conquest of Algiers, 10 in fature pros] r. #0 alrea yy the high reputations whieh ¥ hae ereated, and the glory of | te added to oll your glories, still lems do so, bing the principle " on your revolations. on your hopes,on your trophies, Whatever may be the designs ef God with respect to wenarchs who. during ¢@ many centuries have increased, and caused to be reepeeted, the power amd the fortuns of France Towe it te myzel€ I owe tt toauy familly and to my country. to protest loudly nat false and perilous arrapgements, I, comecquently, maintain my right, whieh is the rurest guareniec of yours. and. taking God to witpres I declare to France and to the world that. faith+ fol to the Jaws of the kingdom and tha tradition of my ences'ors. I wifl religtourly press to my last breath. the deposit of the hereditary monarchy of which Provi. devce has intrusted to me the care, and which is the only port of refuge where France, the ebject of our love, may, after so many slorms at length find rest aud b we nes. HENRY, Frehsdort, @ctober 25, 1852. ; Manifesto of the Frenoh Refugees, MANIFESTO ‘NO. I Citizens—The demoersey hes imposed upon it some | months of ruspense and forbearance before striking the brigand who defiles our country. in order to reorganize ourselves ip spite ofthe grinning monster of Bonspartism. Be ye, therefore, ready at any moment, Endeavor to see each other, and aseemble often. if only by twos. fours, sixes, or tens ; form groups and centres, where you may | communicate and converse together, conspire. in fine, | with courage and prudence, becaue persecution must | render aid to those whom it would wish to annibilate, When the great news shall reach zen let it find you standing firm, and not surprise you like that of the 2d of | December ; recollect tha! on that day you waited im vain | ® signal from those traitors cowards who called themselves your chiefs. Be ye n> longer sheep, to be driven. Be mén. When you shall learn that the infamous Louis Napoleon hes received bis jast | chastisement, whatever be the day or the hour, depart from all points, convene in many, groups, and thence march together through the can: tons, the errondissemenis, and prefectures, so that you may enclose in a cirole of irom and lead all the base traf- | flickers who, taking the oath, have rendered themselves | accomplices tothe crimes of their master. Purge France | of all thore vile robbers whom she nourishes. who are gnawing at her heart. For four years you have learned to know them. When the day of justice shines over us, let neither your heartsjnor your arms relax, for your | enemies. if generously spared, would again become very | soon yeur pereecutors and your executioners. In punishing the wicked the people are ministers of God’s justice. | ‘Let us not forget, also, that France is loaded with the maledictions of the European democracy, who awaited | from our initiative its signal of deliverance. Im apite of | our weaknesses and our failures, the nations still lift up to us their enchained hands, and turn the eyes where burns the last ray of hope. Let us show ourselves worthy of the sublime mission of progress and of the fature, which the entire world appears to have confided to us. Let us open to the peopl+ the road of the universal re- penis, through the democratic and soctal revolution of ance. ‘HE REVOLUTIONARY COMMITCEE, | MANIFESTO NO. II. | w large azsemblage To tix Prorir:— Crrizxns—When our fathers, nearly fifty permitted the throne to be mounted by arcole end of Toulon, single vote their voice con- summated every crime against our country, still later | stained by two invasions—a erime sgainst humanity, | which they led into crises and blood—a crime against free thought, which they delivered up to insolent force—a erime against their children. by them despoiled, aud whose imomy has cost two revolutions to reeover—« crime, in fine. against themselves and their memory, for they killed themselves in self-dishonor. To day citizens. you are invited to renew this infamous bail of servitude—you are allured te a second empire; but it is mot nee pat & this time, but policy, which is its god- father, and its Italian campaigns are called Mazas, be ig deesiod b the brightness of a great ‘rance iy 28 Of & ‘sword, @ishonored and lost herself at the calends of the year 4, what will all the world sey of you, citizens, msrked as you are, by two revolutions, and coming today, pup- pei of the police. to crowm the (wsar pulling the atriags hind the curtain. Conscience bas but one name for such « suicide, and that is cowardice; and history would have but one place for sueh a people—the pillory. |tizems, the exercise of sove! ity is only an abomi- mable treason. and the most pitiful of humaa comedy, when \iberty holds not the reins But what holds she to dey? dictature of the aseassin the second of December. ‘The yote by ballot ever secret, is only an nized robbery, whem it is counted by falsehecod, under the auspices and under the fasces of force. But who counts | to day theee effaced bulletins which fell in the ballot box | under the eyes of the gen d'arms? The incarnate lie, the basen and bloody hypocrite, the system of the 2d Ds cem! A people vote for or against, on imposts,om peace en war,oud ou the relative forms cf sovereignty. when they | do not interfere with the foundation; but on the ex- | istence iteelf of this sovereignty, upon inalienable and eternal right, om the principle and essence of politioal life, all voting isa crime. We must only reply to it by arms ‘What is to-day the question submitted? The Empire =the hereditary Empire!—that is to say, the abdication | of the sovereignty, rleeping tn eternal servitude, like the sunbeam extinguished in the sea—the everlasting alien- | ation of the country avd of her children; s voluntary death. dishonored, apd without resurrection. Citizens! you will not commit this horrible deed. You will not streteh out as @ winding sheet over the temb of | the republic, sealed up by you, the soiled purple of tl Cweraf of the crcesway. You will not ly impious ham earn "solar ot eivilization—whieh lives only th: Hberty—om your chilaren, and on yourrelves, You will not consummate this grand murder of honor and duty; you will mot yote! Léave the police and the parasites of all time to work the imperial garland, and prepare ye the lash of the avenger. ‘ Yen in the night. in the day, in the midst of the crowd, as well as in the dark. organize and fortify yourselves; Jet each os heart and hand with the other; let one com- mon faith animate you—the revolutionary faith—impla- cable. perrevering, bold as that of our fathersof °92, and always ready to rise and to strike. Citizens! with a tyrant. a perjurer. an assassin of pub- liberties, behold the only acs duty to falfil THE RBVOLUTIONARY SOCLETY. MANIFESTO XO. III. To tne Psorie :-— Cirizzxs.—The Empire is to be established. Need we vote or need we continue to hold back? Such is the quertion addrersed to us. Inthe Department of the Seine, a certain number of republicans of who, up to this moment, have ab- stained as they thoutd from taking part under any form | in this act of the govermment of Bonaparte, would appear | | to-day to be not far trom the sentiment that, on the oscas fon of the Empire, a manifestation of epposition from the city of Paria, in the way of a rcrutiny. would be useless, ind that the moment might perhaps have come for inter- fer: T the vote. They add that. in any case, the vote be? awode of cessus for the republican party. ks to the vote, it may be reckoned. ‘They ark our advice. Our answer will be simple, and thet which we shall sav for Cos city of Paris, may be said for all the depart- ments. We will not stop to remark that M Bonaparte has not decided to have himself declared emperor without having previously, with bis [wise] cane decreed the number of votes by which be choorea to exceed the seven and s half millions of his 20th December. At the pre-ent moment, whether eight millions, mine millions, or ten millions. its figure is determined on Berutiny will make nochange init. ‘We will not take the trouble of reminding you that it is bat the he real su! ”? of M. Bonaparte—that it is but the scrfitiny of M meparte. A manifestation of the city of Paris or of Lyons—a cenrus of the repablican such athing posible? Where are the gueran- tees of the ecrutiny? here is the control?: Where are the scrutators? Where is liberty? Dream of al) these derisions! What is it which springs from the ballot box? The will of M. Bomsparte. Nothbi nap has the keys of the boxes in his hand—the ‘‘yea”’ and the refect and Mayors is ended, this overseer shuts @ ballot, and despoi's it. to add to or diminish the vote—to alter a return (preces verbal)—to invert a total—to forge a figure what- ever it may Ms a hat is @ matter ef little consequence—a lie! Th othing. As to there principles, here let us rest, citizens. What ‘we have to ray is this:—M Bonaparte finds that the in- stent tived to be called “Majesty.” He hae not. restored a Pope to leave him idle. He intends to be con- reerated and crowned. Since the second of December he bas the fact—despotism. Now he wishes the word em- pire, Beit ro. We. republicans! what is eur duty? What ought to be our attitude? Citizxens— Louis Bomapatte is beyond the law. Louis Bonaparte is beyond humanity, During the ten moaths thet this malefector reigns the right to insurrection is im prrmanerce aud governs every selection. At the present our a perpetual appeal to arms rriges In the couscience, But let us be tranqull—that which revolts in every oon- science rucceeds very quickly in arming every hand. Friends end Brothers—In the face of this infamous government, the negation of all morality, the obstacle to Ail tcc progreas—in the presence of this government murderer of the le, assassin of the republic, violawr of the lawr—of thie government born of force, of this gover ament elected by crime, and which ought to be over- thrown by justice~the Frenchman worthy of the name of citizen knews mot, wisbes not to kaow anything of the semblance of rerutiny. of the comedies of universal suffrage, and of the parodies of appeal to the nation. He doce ow whether there are men who vi id men who make them vote—#hkether there be a drove whom they call the senate, and which deliberate, and ancther drove eslled the people, and which obey, He knows not whether the Pope in to consecrate at the high altar of Notre Dame the man who—doubt it not, it is his inevitable destiny—will be bound to the stake by the exceutioner, In the presence of M. Bonaparte and of his government, the citizen wortby of that name does bat one thiog.and has but ome thing to do—load his gun and bide bis time. Vive la Republique ! The Democratie Socialist Proscripts of France, residing at Jersey, amd convened im geversl assembly, October 81, 1862, Signed by the committer, VIOTOR HUGO, FOMBER’ X. PHILIPPE FAURB. ‘The result of all these mevements with the French people was an overwhelming majority on the 2let and 22d ult., in favor ef Louis Napoleon and the Empire. The scrutiny of the votes occupied some days—perhaps four—and proba. | bly on the first of December the result was announced, and the official proclamation of the new empire made on the second of December, the | anniversary of the victory of Austerlitz, the coup d'état, and tho coronation of the elder Napoleon. On the third appeared the Senatus-consultum, with slight modifications: but the court etiquette of | the Bourbons and of the Empire would be restored. | It in said the Emperor would address one mani- festo to France and another to Barope. They would be eseemtially pacific. | the doors are opened the hall is filled. | variety for this evening Songs, | beem formed of the | in this city, mext M Theatrical and Musical. iy now bit upem some’ bing mew. comb:ning instruction and ampnvement, and this play. which was refused 4 license im eget img the re. Ato ‘of the ia’ 7 ‘i ‘c Jews, the trout seats of on boxes ere » = with the webile sows & rs of Lsrael, aecompanied = al that view is al - learn are teken up riter has afferded tb their exeetience im A: have fully avatied t elude with the drama of Broapway and fairy ape Fountain,” the seonery of which rely new, and Painted om many thousand fves of canvass—ths coasumes are beautiful, and the decorations and machinery are ex= cellent. Besides the piece being new, all the leading ar- tistes emgaged mey be raid to be uew aleo it the first sppesrence in this city of reveral of thom, Miss Richings whose appearance in Philadelphia won fer her the esteem of highly fashionable audienors. will sustain the character of Flavia, the Queen of the Fatrirs; Miss B. Reco. as AQuilia, an indian girl; Madame Ponisi es Vanorkee, on indian Witch; Mr 1: Bishop as Penee de Leon; Mr. Bichings as Miguel; Davidge as Pantro, and Rohr as Rarylereft. No doubt the howve will be crowded. Ninio’s Ganven.—An entertainment of great attrao- tion is offered by the indefatignble proprietor of this select and beautiful estadiichment—be has always had the best actors of the dey, and everything of novelty has been pro- duced by him’ To night Madame Anne [hillon, celebrity both as an actrese and vocalist is well knows to the dramatic public. will appear as La Catarina in the beautiful light opera of the Crown Diamonds” She will be assisted by Mr. Hudson, Mr. Meyer, Miss Ads War: and other eminent artists. he large audiences that at- tend every evening on which Mad A. Thillon appears, gives assurance that Niblo’s wili be visited tonight by Bunton’s Turatee —The excellent piece ealled “Paul Pry” will commence the entertainments to-night, and from ® view of the nsmes in the cast of characters, there can be little doubt but that this popular aud prorperous establishment will be crowded to suffocation. Binetde, am excellent comedii pears as Colonel Mardy, Burton as Paul Pry. Holman es Frauk Hardy. Miss Hill as Eliza Phoebe, Hardy. Mrs Skerret who never fails to please as Mirs Maton as Marion, and Mrs, Hughes as Mrs. Sable. With such a cast, who can resi:t the temptatien ef visit- ing Burton's? Mr. and Mrs Holman will sing a duet, Miss Vallee and M Frederic will dance, and the enter- taimments will conelude with “One Thousand Milliners Wanted.” Nationan Tr 5 im advance, articts ample means to di tic magnificeres, of which by The amusemests con- n.— This establishment was never im @ Morg prosperous condition, very evening the house 1s crowged. ana the audiemces seem pleased vith the se- lection Qf pieces for their amusement, To- bill announces three pieces. The firet ix thee drat Hawk the Highwaymap ” in which Jones and leading actors appear The next feature will be & nd fling, by Miss Partington. which will be followed sy the ¢hrilt- ing drama of the * Foulah Slave,” with y and Taylor in the prominent purts. ‘The whole will terminate with the ferce of the “ Loan of a Lover.” This programme cope fail to attract the patrons of the National watre. Watracn’s Turatne.—This evening Bourcicault’s Keita of « London Aseurance” will be presented, with » east which cannot be rurpassed in any theatre im thie city. Mr. Bloke, always ackno*leoged to be without am equal in his peculiar line, sppears as Sir Hareourt Courtly; Lester. the genteel comedian, and everybody's favorite, as Charles Courtly; Chippendale as Max Harkaway, Rea as Cool, Mies Laura Keene as Lady Gay Spanker,and Mrs. Buckland as G: Harkaway The orchestra will play cevera! music! gems. Miss Malvina a dauseuse of eet pepgieey in @ Pas Militaire. and the ‘emtertain- ment ll terminate with the farce of the § Practical Man.” This is a rich treat for those who may visit Wal- lack's Theatre. Baxnum'’s Museum —The entertainments anmounced for this afternoon amd evening sre excellent. For the afternoou. the pleasing eomedy of ‘ Used Up,” with the . laughable farce of “M. P.;” and im the evening, the beautiful play called “Love, or the Countess and > with Mr Clark as Huon, and Miss Jaekson as Catharine. Wuitr’s Vanetr ‘This house is crowded every night and the audiences seem delighted with the a formances Chanfrau 1s every night received with ent siaam. White is: m ing well; his selections are happy, being light and amusing. and they afford con- siderable pleasure to the visiters. Cunisty’s Orena House. —The only thing we have te say of this place of amusement is, that vielters must ge early in order to be confortaviy seated, as a little after . Woon’s Minstxeis snvou of jastramental om, dancing. and a fumny tragedy called the Tet Volunteer,” : Brovvgsant Institcts.—Mr. Whiting gives one of his evening's with the erators of the Old and New World to night. | Banve’ Benerit any Last Arrrarance--This event Mr. Sands, the accomplished equestrian, and the ook antipodal experimenter, takes his benefit at the Bor Cireus. and with it, » farewell to his audience for sev. months. It is Mr Sumas’ inten’ion togvislt the prinoi cities in Europe. fer the purpose ef exhibiting rer fal oer. in which he sets the laws of gravitetion ‘There are likewire, other attractive features per! at defiance. in the performanors this evening, which cannot fail te ensure a great heuse Madame Auroni’s concert at Baltimore, on thefl0th ‘i. the .imerican, by a ero and q inst., was att-mded, brilliant audience. ry high anticipations which had of this remarkably gifted vecal- d_ the jurt appresiation of enifexved by the euthusiastio 1 Ist were more her talents was 1epeatedly and prolonged applau'e ‘ba* followed each and all of her Stumpbanily -ucecesfol sorts Her second and lest concer! j@ore place om onday night, after which, che will visit Washington, Mélle De Mrzivex. the danseure, hes achieved a most brilliant trlumph in Washington city, in the execution of “Pas de Quatres Nations,” and is spckon of a9 her brightest days. Mr, Heller, the ee will make his appearance jay. A telegraphic derpatch from Baltimore deelares that | evap exists im this city reletive to Madame itag’s conce: hich takes place te morrow ‘The serenade to-migh: will be a grand affair—about bnndred vocal performers, and three brass bands, will assist Mad So: mtag will be received at the depot by twe Before Hot m a Dac 11 —Hugh Mazweil ads . Hunt et al. This was anaetion brougbt ageinst Hugh Maxwell, collector, to re- cover back sn all excess of duties, paid under merchandise % schedule E of the tariff of 1846, and subject as such to s duty of twenty per cemt.; and by the defendant, as falling under the head of manufsetures of wool mentioned in schedule © and subject toa duty of thirty percent It appvared in evidence that goods of the description im cowcrover'y have, since 184s. been gradually advancivg in fineness of texture aad finish, until the government bar telt itself justified in that they bad altcg+ther lost tae distinctive character o blankets and that elthough they were known in tradeas such they were sufficiently ellied in their texture and ality, to clothe to ‘all under schedule C, and even sub- ject to a duty of thirty percert. The questionaubmitted hich schedule the goods ia ques- whether they were to be con- teor not. The jary returned s verdicS it. iding that the goods were not were subject to a duty of thirty per cent. Superior Court, GUNFRAL Present Chief Justice Onkley. belt a. oste to abide the event, John .inderven.—Ve dict tet aside, and judgment to tor $34 88 for plaintiff Louis Faman § Co. Jobach & Schepeler Verdict set aride ond judument of nou-nit to be entered. Wm. Beoch Lawrence vs. Rufus C Kemp —New triad ordered, oorts 10 «bide the « ve Edmund Phillips ¢ Co— ount to be computed ime of payment, aed deducti inverest parties 4! Charles St John et al. vs the American Mutual end Fire and Marine Insurence Company —New trial ordered, costa to abide the event Geo, Bathgate vs. Edmund Dennis —Jndgment appealed from, reverved, rule of reference disoharged. A mew trial ordered Coats coabide the event Samuel Beman and wife vs. Gren and Radford —New tial ordered. Corts to abide the event SVRCIAL TERM Present Chief Jusites Oakley Lucius C Butkeiey ve © Bambridge Smith and James H Brush—Motion to vet avide jo ent for irregularity de- nied; aliowarce of $100 mouited to $75. Tsaae Hallvs Adam Smith- Motion denied without costs, By Justice Bor worth William Levey es Sovah Hurley et al—Jadgment ex- ecution ret wide as irregular withont eos's, Charles 4 Withamen etal vs Glement C, Meore Same etal ve Same~Ovw plain’ diiunirsed, Judgment in favor of by compating imterert Refers ® te ti Law Svurreme Count or rie U 1862 —John M. hawrti a York, were admiited ‘avEs.——-Decomber 16; wen. Erqrs., of New nd counsellors ef thio court, No, 96.’ 0, Kenoure, plaintiff im error, os. Joha M, Martin. The motion to cismiss this writ of error was ar- ued by Mr, Martin in support thereof, amd by Mr. Brad- fey in opposition thereto No. 31 Joseph Winewnl! pleintiff im error, vs, Bd- ward Hallet al. The argumen® of this cause was com- tinw 7, yy ewerd for rhe plaintiff im error, and by Mr. fon of counsel for the defendants Adjourned until Morday at 11 o’elock ormeys FORTHRR OPENING OF THE BALTIMORE AND Onto Raixoan —The baltimore aud Ohio Railroad is now opem to within thirtern miler of the Ohio river, at Wheeling. The through ‘cip is conneeent!y mado fiom etty to ety in the short epace of twerts three hours by the ald of coaches over the thirte-n miles of umfinithed road, Om the Bint imst , it is the infemtion to have the road fistshed, Fo that a train of cars wiil riart on that cay in the even- ing, from Haldimore, and run direct throngh to Wheeling, whore it will arrive om (he afternoon of the first of Jama~ Gur. Pierce. —The Northern Railroad Com; have lately put upon thetr rond a now sight wheeled pas tonger engine. named after the President elect It hae five and & balf feet driving wheels, fifteen inch cylinder with twenty inch #roke, the boiler is forty two inches im dismeter, and contains one hundred ead eighty four 1 « inch brass fines tem feet ye T weighs twenty four ands baif tons. The inary te thoroughly butt, taride oonnectings, amd, like its name- abe, runs well.