The New York Herald Newspaper, April 13, 1852, Page 6

Bhs Speech at the Amphitheatre on the 3d Inst. INCIDENTS, den, dic., die. [From the Mobile Tribune, April 3.) Kossuth arrived in Mobile quite unexpectedly yos- torday. The impression was that he would remain mm. in New Orleans several days, and no Deeparations, consequently were made here to receive Af- ter some , however, a fow itlemen met the Mayor at his office, and made tions as were ible. They then to the steam- boat Farmer, on which the illustrious Magyar had taken his passage for Montgomery, and, in a thick crowd, he was welcomed to the city by Judge Meok. Woe did not hear this speech, and heard only a por- tion of the reply of Kossuth. Heads were only vi- sible, but as these are the better part of the animal economy, one could get, through them, at some proximate idea of the assemblage. Kossuth has a remarkable head—the basilar region very full and broad—the forehead not unusally high, but volumi- nous. From such a confirmation, which was all that was visible, the mortor organs must be unusu- ally large and active. In thisconsists that immense tendency towards his purposes which characterisos the man. He takes no peace while work is to be done—stope not, until what he seeks is obtained. But the most striking feature in his person is his eyes. They are of extraordinary size, swell out al- most beyond the parallel of the checks, and are full of extreme sensibility, and tenderness, and earnest- ness. While listening to the speech of Judge Meek, he kept his eyes firmly rivetted om the speaker; and in replying, when not fixed as before, they dwelt nowhere, but wandered around apparently in ab- straction. The reply we heard only in part. It took merel ‘a conversational tone, and occasionally a smile, half serious, played upon his face. He spoke of the mis- representations of his purposes. In America, he said, we have a great engine—the press—but he foared that, with all its universality, it was not read very attentively. Only what was local in it, its readers were accustomed to consider. He illustra- tod by saying that he has delivered four hundrod speeches in this country, (we think that was the number) andin most of them his speeches had been published, yet he is constantly misrepresented—de- clared to be asking that which he rejects—of utter- ing sentiments which he is extremely averse to. yhat we heard of the speoch was merely explana- tory; but he spoke also of himself. “I love my country immensely,” he said, and his voice fell from the first word to the last with a deep and touch- ing pathos--not in simulated show, and hardly, perhaps, Observable to those around him. ‘*You,” e continued, ‘“eannot feel as I do, an exile.” There was a delicacy in the tone and manner of these brief ces quite beautiful conversation er ply between Kossuth mittee, in which he was 88 while in Mobile. He said that invitations from the Legislatures of Tennessee, New York and Massachu- setts made the time at his command limited, and that he desired to hurry on—that if he should stay his hoarseness would yéchaps prevent him from de- liveringa speech, wlihough he might write one which could be delivered by proxy. lat tho close of the re- d the members of the com- ssed to remain a short Lapis AND GENTLEMEN :—I did not expect to have the honor of a public welcome, or the oppor- tunity of addressing such a distinguished assembly at Mobile—not as if I had entertained the slightest doubt about the generous sentimonts of this enlight- ened community, ut because called by pressing du- ties to hasten back to the east of the United States, I loft New Orleans cooner than was anticipated, and left it privately, without, having made publicly known what route and in what time I intend to take in my hurried way. So much that it was indeed only the happy accident of not finding a vessel ready to leave when I arrived here, which enabled me to see the fair flower of your generosity added to the garland of sympathy, which the people of your mighty republic has given me, and which shall shine like a morning star of hope from the banner of resistance to all encroaching despotism, that banner which the expectations of millions call me to raise, and which I will raise, with firm trust to God, to the justice of our cause, and to our good swords. But, however anexpected my arrival, and however short and private my staying here has been intended, the congenial kindness of your warm hearts left me not unnoticed, unconsoled and uncheered; and you did it with such cordial warmth, and such sincere spontaniety, that I could indeed not restrain from yielding to the inclination of my heart, and readily accepted the honor of this kindly offered opportunity to say to you that your sympathy is dear to my heart, and that I will ever cherish its remembrance amongst the most pleafant remombrances of my sad life. And besides the joyful consolation which I feel on this occasion, there is also a mighty im- portant benefit in the generous reception you honor me with. Firstly, because one of the United States Sena- tors of Alabama, Mr. Clemens, was pleased to pro- nounce himself not only opposed to my principles, but hostile to = own humble self, so much that though I never baye offended, nor even seen or spo- ken to him, stil] he declared himself to be my irre- vecable personal enemy, ready to persecute me per- sonally always and everywhere. Well, I will bear it. Ihave seen many another storm in my days. Kings and Czars, and Emperors are comprised in the list of my personal enemies. It may be a sor- rowful thing that Mr. Clemens had augmented that fist. But I cannot help it ; I must bear the misfor- tune te asl can, though the motive of his personal hostility] am at a loss to understand. I thank God for having well deserved the hatred of those Kings, and Czars, and Emperors; and so may God bless me, as I will all my life try to deserve it still more; but 1 eannot equally say, to have re- ceived the inclement personal hostility of Mr. Cle- mens, though it be not the least passionate of all. ‘Well, ladies and gentlemen, after the spontaneous sympathy and generons welcome I 80 unexpectedly met atthe metrerolis of Alabama State, I may be permitced tg believe that so far as a Senator has not only te cast the vote, but also to represent the sentiments of his State, it is not the State of Ala- bawa, but Mr. Clemens only whom Ihave to count amongst my perseeutors and ae enemics. Secondly : I must mention, that it is my good for- tune not to meet often nh ey opposed to my ar- uments, but the most I meet personal attacks. Vell, that is the best acknowledgment which could have been paid te the justice of my cause. Because I may well ask, suppose I would be all that my ene- mies would like to make mo appear, would thereby the cause I plead and the principles I_ advocate be leas just, less righteous, and less true? Now, amongst those numerous personal attacks there is also that that I am so impertinent as to daro appeal from the ernment to the people; and that I try to sow Sissension between the people and the government. T declare in the moet solemn manner, this imputation to be entirely unfounded and calumniatory. Who ever heard me say one single word of complaint or dissatisfaction against your national government ? When have I spoken otherwise than in terms of gra- titude,high esteem and profound veneration about the Congress and government of the United States? and how could I have spoken otherwise ; being as J am, indebted to Congress, aud to government, for my li- beration, for the most generous protection, and for the highest honors a man was ever yet honored with. And besides, I have fall reason to say that it is en- oy. false to insinuate that in political respecte I had been disappoimted with my visit to Washington City—no it is not that respect also, but the intensest, ratitude I feel. The principles and sentiments of the Chief Magistrate ef your it Republic, ex- pressed to the Congress in hie official messages; the peincien of your government so nobly interpreted y the Hon. Secretary of State, at the congressional banquet, prey as! the contents of his immortal letter to Mons. Hulsemann; the further private declarations, in regard to the tical ap- plications of governmental principles, and every- thing could but impress my mind with the most con- soling satisfaction and the warmest gratitude; as it may be seen in the letter ef thanks which on the eve of my departure I have sent to his Exeellency the President, aad te both Houses of Congress. You see, therefore, ladies and gentlemon, that there is no object about which I had to make an appeal to the publie opinion of the people, the less because even the debate new engaged in the Senate of the United Statee about foreign policy, is not at all yet decided unfavorable to me. Thave rather on, reason to hope a favorable decision indeed. ‘That being my eendition, who can charge mo with sowing dissension between the people and the government, when I, accepting such oppértunities as you also have been pleased kindly to effer to mo, to plead the cause of my down trodden bg for vhich the people and goverament of the United States have manifested the liveliest sympathy; and advocate principles emtirely harmonising with the official doclarati ns of your government? And what is it I say to the peeplein my public addresses? I say the exigency of cireumsiances has raised the question of foreign policy to the highest standard of importance—the question is introduced to the Congress, it must, therefore, be brought to a de- cision, it cannot be passed in silence more. Your representatives in Congress take it for their noblest lory to follow the sovereign will of the people; but, f be able to follow it, they must know it, and they can't know it without the people manifesting its opinion ina constitutional way, because they have not been elected upon the platform of the question of foreign policy. that question being then not yet | discussed. I therefore then humbly entreat the sovereign poople of the United States to consider the matter, and pronounce its opinion, in such a | way as it is consistent with law, and with consti- tutional duties aud rights. May I not be tranquil- ived in my conscience, that in speaking thus I com- wail ug Gsloyal agt, aud so in no way offeud against a to has * at least, pap eae ea ine of harng even endeavored to elicit that minded 9 eiion: of this important portion of tho State of ma. So doubly returning my humble thanks for it, I leave to state what it is I humbly ontreat. irstly : I declare that the decisive strugglo draws nigh about whose prineiples shall rule the Christian world—republicaniem, or absolutism? In this struggle Hungary is called by ciroumstances to act the most important, almost the decisive part. As often already in former times, s0 also now, wo aro ready to shield with our breast the world from all overwhelming violence. We have the courage of our vocation, the consciousness of our vitality, and the resolution of martyrs for the cause. Once the struggle broken out, which it is necessity not to delay, our eountry has sufficient resources to on with her own means tho struggle, combined wit our natural confederates, oppressed by the samo enemies ; but to insure the success of our propara- tions, we are in need of some financial aid, because the resources of our own country are now within the grasp of our SpEreetors: I therefore say, people of this great republic, whatever be your opinion in ro- spect to the policy of our government, you, in your innate capacity of freemen, of blicans, cannot but sympathise with our misfortune, with our en- deavors, and with our hopes. I therefore humbly ask, give out of the abundance of your prosperity ; out of the rich blessings of your freedom and inde- pendence, won bravely, bus still won with European assistance, European aid, give an alms to the cause of our salvation from despotism. I claim no saosi- fice, 1 claim not even so much as could affeet your wonted daily comfort ; give, I ask, only so much as you can spare, without, in the eae manner, in- juring yourself. If every tenth individual, out of your twenty millions of free republicans, give but one dollar’s loan to our cause, you will have almoat insured the success ofthat struggle, which you could not prevent by remaining totally indifferent.— Such a small private material aid entangles you in no difficulties ; obliges your country to no political act ; can do harm in no case, but cando immense good in many a case. I know your generous hearts ; T know if T_asked | it as a token of commiseration for my ownsolf, who, having led a brave nation in its pigantic struggle against oppression, and having had at my dispousl all the millions of my country, feel proud to say that I am poor and penniless, a bleeding victim to the most sacrilegious violence, a homeleas exile, not having on the broad world a place where to lay down my head. If | were speaking thus, oh, I am sure none of you would refuse the aid of commiseration to me. Now when I ask that same, and not for my own self, but for my bleeding fatherland; not for my poorchildren, but for my brave people which I adore ; and which, amongst its nameless woos, looks with unbroken courage and with unshaken confi- dence to the saving activity of their exiled ehief; will you refuse the same aid only because it is not one man, not one family, but bleeding, oppressed millions, whom your aid would benefit? Oh no! it is impossible, that for that reasen you should with- draw from me your etre your protecting hand ; which, whatever might be my personal fato, mil- lions would thank and coming generations bless as a source of happiness to them, as onco the 19 mil- lion francs, 24,000 muskets and 38 vessels of war, which France gave to the cause of your own inde- pendence, have been a source of happiness to you. rely in that respect upon that republican virtuo, which your immortal Washingten has bequeathod to you, in his memorable address to M. Adet, tho first French republican minister sent to Washington: “My anxious recollections and my best wishes, are irresistibly awarded, when soever, in any country, Iseo an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom.” So spoke Washington ; and so much for private material aid, to which nothing is required but a little sympathy for an unfortunate people, even Mr. Clemens could feel, whatever be his political creed, or his personal aversion for the man who is plead- ing not his own, but his brave people’s cause. As to the political part of my mission, I humbly claim that the United States may pronounce what shall be in their opinion the law of nations—such as they can recognise consistently with the basis upon which their own existence is established, and consistently with their own soap reas pene ples. And what isthe principle of such a law of na- tions, which you as republicans can recognise? Why yourgreatest man, yourfirst President, Wash- ingten himself, has declared in these words:— “Every nation has a right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it may live most happy, and no government ought to interfere with the mternal concerns of another.” And according to this everlasting principle, pro- claimed by your first President, it is your last Presi- dent who has again proclaimedit in his last message to the Congress, declaring that ‘the United States are forbidden to remain indifferent to a case, in which the strong arm of a foreign power is involved to repress the spirit of freedom in any country.” It 1s this declaration that I humbly claim to be sanctioned by the sovereign will of the peopie of the United States, in support of that iple which Washington already has proclaimed; and in that respest, I frankly confess I would feel highly aston- ished if the Southern States would prove not amongst the first, and amongst the most unanimous to join in such a declaration. Because, of all the reat principles guaranteed by your constitution, there is none to which the Southern States attach a greater importance—there is none which they cherish more than the principles of self-government —the principle that their own affairs are to be ma- naged by themselves without any interference from whatever quarter, neither from another State, though they are allStates of the same galaxy, nor from the central gevernment, though it is an ema- nation of all the States, and represents the South as well as the North and the East and the West, nor from whatever foreign power, though it be the mightiest on earth. Me Vell, gentlemen, this great principle of self-go- yernment is precisely the ground upon which I stand. It is for the defence of this principle that my nation rose against a world in arms; to maintain this prin- ciple, in the code of nature and of nature’s God, the people of Hungary fought like demi-gods, and spilt their Magyar blood on the battle field, and on the seaffold. It is this principle which was trodden down in Hungary by the centralization of Austria and the interference of Russia. _ It is the principle which, if Hungary is not restored to her sovereign independ- ence, is blotted eut forever from the great statute book of the nations—from the common law of mankind. Like a pestilential disease, the violation of tho principle of self-government will spread over all the earth until it is destroyed everywhero, in order that despots may sleep in security, for Gar know that this principle is the strongest stronghold of freedom, and therefore it is hated by all the despots and all the ambitious men, and by all those who have sold their souls to despotism and ambition, = Gentlemen, you know it well that the principle of self-government has two great enemies—centraliza- tion and foreign interference. Hungary isa bleeding victim to both. “You have probably perceived, gentlemen, that the great misfortune of Europe is the spirit of cen- tralization eneroaching upon all municipal institu- tions, and destroying self-government, not only by open despotism, but also under the disguise of liberty. Infascinated by this dangerous tendency, even republican France went on to sweep away all the traces of self-government, and this isthe reason why all her revolutions could not assert liberty for her people, and lies now prostrate under the feet of a usurper, without glory, without merit, without character. Blind to their interests, the nations abandoned their real liberty, the municipal institutions, for nominal responsibility of ministers, and for parli: mentary omnipotence. Instead of eliny ing to the principle of self-government —this breakwater against the eslervechcosrihe of kings, of ministers, of parliaments--they abandoned the principle which enforces the real responsibility of ministers, and raises the ment to the glorious position of the yple’s faithful servant; they exchanged the real liberty of self government be rte the fascinating phantom of par! ntary omnipetence, making the elect of the mastere of the people, which, if it is really to be free, eannot have another masters of peo- ple master but God. The old Anglo Saxon munici- 1 freedom has, even in England, boen weakened & thistendency. Parliament has spe plein ga) not only against the prerogative of the crown, but it has conquered the municipal freedom of the coun- try, and of the borough. Green Erin sighs painfully under this pressure, and Bnglish statesmen begin to be alarmed. Hungary, my dear own fatherland, was the only eountry in Europe which, amidst all adversaries, amidet all attacks ef foreign encroach- ment, and all inducements of false new doctrines, remained faithful to the great principle of self-go- vermment, at which the perjurious ey of Austria has sever ceased to aim a fatal blow. To get rid of these ineeswant attacks, we availed our- selver of the condition of Europe, in 1848, and had our old national self-government guaranteed, in a legal way, with the sanction of our then king, (I hope it was the last. We never shall have one more,) by substituting the individual responsibility of ministers to the collegiate, and therefore, by their naturally irresponsible Beards, our former national and by law responsible gevernment. When the tyrants ot whom our fore- fathers had elected, in an ill-fate? hour, to be also oui—but constitutional—kings, saw that their im- ew designs of centralization were obscured, they forsook their honor, they broke their oath, they tore asunder the compact by which they had become kings—the diadem had lost its brightness for them, if it was not a despot one. They attacked re- pared Hungary unexpeotedly; they did not think to Iuovt with w hetiows opposition, boonwae wo ad ap this iv: of solf- and | civil, Pe religious liberty, and demooratio insti- tutions which, upon tho glorious basia of poser pr, had peeplo of ary. And my call. t it to the dust; impious contralising desi; of our independence and his forfeiture of the crown. Were we right to do so, or not? Woe were; and wo had ished already our lawful enterprise victori 3,we had taken our competent seat smoot the it nations on earth, but the other independent powers, and, alas! roost gees tha n bons ieaneatiines Be | rly but glo y beaten Austen had time to take her refuge under the shelter of the other principle, hostile to self-; vernment, of the sacriligious principles of Pik ad armed interference. Tho Czar of Russia declared that the examplo of aan ger is dangerous to the interests of abso- lutiem. Ho interferod, and, aided by treason, he sueceeded to crush treedom and self-governmont in Hungary, and to establish a centralized absolutism there, where, through all the ages of the past, the rule of despotism never had been established yet; and tho United States let him silently accomplish this violation of the common law of nations. Gentlemen, the law of nations, upon which you have raised tho lofty hall of your independence, not exist any more. The despots aro united and paused against national self-government. Thoy declare it inconsistent with their divino (rather Sa- tanic) rights, and upon this basis all the nations of the European continent aro held in fetters, the overnment of France became a vanguard to Russia, t. Petersburg transferred to Paris, and England herself is forced to arm and to prepare for self-do- fence athome. These aro the immediate consequences of the down- fall of the principlo of self-government in Hungary, by the violence of centralization and foreign inter- foronce. But if this grent principle is not restored to its full weight by the restoration of Hungary's sovereign independence, then you will sce yet other consequences in your own country. Your freedom and prosperity is hated, as dangerous to the despots of Europe. If you do not believe me, believe at | least what the organs of your exemios openly avow themselves—Pozzo di Borgo, the great Russian diplomatist, and Hulsemann, the little Austrian diplomatist, they had repeatedly, in 1817 and 1823, published it that despotism is in’ dangor-—lest your- selves become a king-riddon people. If you study the history of the Hungarian struggle, ce can also see the way by which the despots will carry their design. ‘The secret power of foreign diplomacy wilt foster amongst you the prineiple of centralization, and, as is always the case, many panty intentions will bo caught by this snare; and when you, gentle- men of the South, will oppose with energy this ten- dency, dangerous to your dear principle of self- government, the despots of Europe, allied in a liber- ticide leaguo, will first foment and embitter tho quarrel, and kindle the fire of domostic dissensions, and then thoy will declare that your example is dan- gerous to order, and foreign armed interference steps in for centralization here as for monarchy in the rest of Amorica. Indeed, gentlemen, if thore is any place on earth where this prospect should be considered with atton- tion, with peculiar care, it is here in the Southern States of this great Union, because their very exis- tence is based on tho great principle of self govern- ment. But some say thero is no danger for the United States, in whatever bo tho condition of the rest of the world. Iam astonished to hear that objection in such a country, which by a thousand ties is connect- ed with, and interested in, the condition of the foreign world. It is your own government which prophoticall foretold, in 1827, that the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased until every vestige of human free- dom had been obtained even here. And it is upon the ruins of Hungary that the ab- solutistical powers are now about to realize this pro- phecy. You are aware of tho fact that every former revo- lution in Europe was accompanied by some consti- tutional concession, promised by the kings to appease the storm, but Teeabhnecualy nullified when the storm passed. Out of this fulse play constantly new revo- lutions arose. It is, therefore, that Russian inter- ference in Hungary was preceded by a proclamation of the Czar, wherein ho declares *‘ that insurrection having spread in every nation with an audacity which has gained new foree in proportion to the concessions of tho governments, every concession must be withdrawn—not the slightest freedom, no folitical rights, and no constitutional aspirations must be left, but everything levelled by the equality of passive obedience and absolute servitude ;” he, therefore, takes the lead of the allied despots to crush the spirit of liberty on earth. It is this impious work, which was begun by the interference in Hungary, and goes on developing in a frightful degree, it is this impious work, which my people, combined with the other oppressed na- ions, is resolved to oppose; it is therefore no parti- struggle which we are about to fight ; it isa struggle of principles, the issue ef which, according as we triumph or succumb, must be felt everywhere, but no where more than in the United States, be- eause no natien on earth has more to lose by th overwhelming pre jonderance of tho absolutisticul principle than the United States. If we are trium- phant, the progress and developement of tho United States will go on shining peacefully to a full extent, till your republic becomes the Tuling power on earth--(God grant it may soon become); but if we succumb, the absolutistical powers triumphant over Europe, must and will fall with their weight upon you, precisely because else you would develope to such a mighty republican power which would rule the world. And it being the absolutistical powers, with Russia at their head, who desire to rule the world, it is natural that she should consider you as their most dangerous enemy, which they must try to crush, or else be crushed soonor or lator them- selves. The Pozzo de Borgos tell it to yeu, the Hulsemanns tell it to yeu, and it were indecdcurious if the people of the United States, too proudly rely- ing upon their power and their good luck, would in- diferent] regard the gathering of danger over their head, and proveked it by their indifference to come home to them, forcing them to the immense sacri- fices of a war, whereas we now offer to them the opportunity to prevent the danger, without desirin, to entangle you in whatever difficulties, and withou' claiming from you whatever moral and material aid, but such a one which is not only consistent, but necessary to your interests. Allow'me, in that respect, to make yet some re- marks about the commercial interest as connected with the cause I plead. And here I must say that nothing does astonish me moro than to see those whose only guiding star is commerce, considerin; its interests oat from the narrow view of a sma! momentary profit, and disregarding the threatening combination of next coming events. Permit me to quote in this respect one part of the public letter which Mr. Calhoun, the son of the late great leader of the South, the inheritor of his fame, of bis principles, and of bis interests, has recently published. 1 it, because him | hope nobody will charge with pa ity in respect to Hungary. Mr. Calhoun says: «There is a universal consideration that should in- fluence the government ef the United States. The palpable and practical agricultural, paity sean commercial, and navigating interests—the pecuni- ary interests of this country—will be promoted by the independence of Hungary more than by any other evéht that could occur in Europe. If Hun- gary becomes independent, it will be her interest to adopt a liberal system of commerc{al policy. There are fifteen millions of people inhabiting what is, or what was, facet int and the country between her and the Adriatie. - These people have not now, and never had, any commeree with the United States. Hungarian trade and commerce has been stifled by the “fiscal barriers” of Austria that encircle her. She has used but few of American products. Your annual shipments of cotton and cotton manufac- tures to Trieste, and all other Austrian ports, in- cluding the amount sent to Hungary as well as Aus- tria, has never exceeded nine hundred thousand dol- Jars perannum. Allother merchandise and produce ent by you to Austria and Hungary, do not exceed one hundred thousand dollars a year. Hungary ob- taivs all her foreign imy through Austrian ports. The import and transit duties levied by Austria are [beans | onerous, and nearly prohibitory, as to Hungary, of youreetton and cotton goods. Hun- gary independent, and a market is at once opened for your cotton, rice, tol , and manufactures, of immence value. That market is now closed to you, and has always been, by Austrian restrictions. And can it be doubted that, besides supplying the fifteen millions of industrious and intelligent, peo- ee of Hungary, (and they are, as a Bata per- haps, the most intelligent of any in Europe,) the adjacent and neighboring countries will net also be vs a to encourage trade with you? Hungary needs your cotton. She is rich in resources—min- eral, agricultural, manufacturing, and of every kind. She is rich in products, for which you can ex- change your cotton, rice, &c. Will it, I ask, inju- riously affect you if the English should compete with pe and send their manufacture of cotton thither? Not, I presume, as long as the raw material is pur- chased from America your market will be extended through her. If, therefore, those of our statesmen (says Mr. Calhoun) who can only be influenced b; the almighty doilar will cypher up the value of this trade—this new market for our products, worth per- haps twenty millions of dollars, yearly—they may find an expuse for incurring even the tremendousand owtul risk of # war with Austria, but which therg is cargoes of Pacific coast, if ten times the ¢ amount.” That is the opinion of a Amerioan citizon, identified chiefly with the interests of the South. As to me, I beg permission to sketch in a few lines, the reverse of the picture. If we fail in our onter- ise to check the encroaching pregress of absolute- ism, if the ts ef Ei ‘succeed to accom! their plot, the chief part of whioh for Russia is to got hold of Constant and thus to become thecon- trolling power of t! editerranean sea, what will bo the D atiga result of it in respect to your com- merce No man of sound judgment can entortain the least doubt that the first step of Russia will and must be thatto exclude America from the markets of Europe, hy the renewal of what is called the continental sys- tem. Not asingle bushel of wheat or corn, not a sine pound of tobacco, not a single bale of cotton will you bo permitted to soll on the continent of Europe. The leagued despots must excludg you, because you are republicans, and commerce is the locomotive of principles; they must exclude you, because by ruining your commerce thoy ruin your rosperity> and by ruining this aie ruin your teva jopement, which is dangerous to them. Ruasia, besides, must exclude you, because you are the most dangerous rival to her in the European markets, where you have already beaten her by not being able to compete with you. And it will be the more the interest of Russia to exclude you, because by taking Constantinople, it will also become tho master of those Asiatic and African regions where ae ect is sated: ea b Juded ell, you say, perhaps, thou; you be exclude from the Baten markot, Mogieud still remains to your cotton commerce. Who could guarantee that the English aristocratic, the English protee- tionist ministry will not join in the absolutistieal combination, if the people of the United States, by atimely manifestation of its sentiments, does not encourage the public opinion of England itself ? But suppose Roglanil will remain a market to your cotton, you must not forget that if English manufacture is excluded by tho continental system from the European continoat, it will not buy so much cotton from you as now, because it will have no market for its cotton goods on the European continent. Well, you say neither England nor you will sub- mit to such a ruin of your prosperity. Ofcourse not, but then you will have a war, connected with im- mense sacrifices; whereas now you can prevent all that ruin, all those sacrifices, and all that war. Is it not more prudont to prevent a fire than to quench it when your own house is ay in flames? In my opinion, these are considerations worthy of the utmost attention of every farmer, of every plan- ter, of every merchant, and of every banker in the United States. With my principles there is no danger noithor of war nor political Giffcultics, nor commercial ruin to you; witl ay principles you prevent war, you pro- vent political difficulties, you prevent a frightful commercial crisis ; but if you oppose my principles you entangle yoursolf in inexcusable difficulties, put your commerce in jeopardy, and risk a frightful jong war. Remember that circumstances brought home to you the unavoidable necessity to take a decision upon the direction of your foreign policy. The question is put in the Senate; it must, it will be answered; silence and indifference become impossi- ble; if the resolution of General Cass is rejected, that will be now so much as a recognition that the sovereign right of nations to regulate their institu- tions exists no more, and that tho United States disclaim the community of principles; that they abandon the position of @ power on earth, and re- cognise that every power is entitled to the interfo- renee with the domestic concerns of whatevor na- tion, the example of which it chooses to regard as dangerous. And your example will bo rogarded dangerous, because indeed it is the most dangerous to the despotic principle. Ladies and gentlemen, I beg to be excused for having been so dry and so long in my remarks. I had no time to be short; 1 did not expect to have this opportunity. Let me therefore draw to the close. I most heartily thank you for the honors of this neinen for reception, and for your generous sym- pathy. Ideclare that a clear manifestation of the public opinion of Mobile, if followed by a similar manifes- tation of the State of Alabama, if favorable to the principles of General Cass’ resolution would be of the highest importance to the success of that com- mon cause which I plead. I feel happy that the interests, political as well as commercial, of the United States, are in intimate connection with the success of the struggle of Hun- gary for independence and republican principles; and I bid you a sincere and cordial farewell in re- calling to your memory and humbly recommending to your sympathy that toast which the more clement Senator of Alabama, Colonel King, as President of the United States Senate, has given me at tho Congressional Banquet, on the 7th of January, in these words: — “Hungary having proved herself worthy to be freeby the virtues and valor of her sons, the law of nations and the dictates of justice alike demand that she shall havo fair play in her struggle for independence.” It was the honorable Senator of Alabama who gave me this toast, expressing his conviction that to this toast every American will cordially respond. His colleague has not responded to it, but Mobile has responded to it, and I take, with cordial grati- tude, my leave of Mobile. E INCIDENTS--OPINIONS—HUNGARIAN LOAN, ETC. [From the Mobile Tribune. April 6.) The next fiction is that this paper is a ‘Kos- suth paper.” We have never yet written a word of approval of the policy which Kossuth has suggested for the government. On the contrary, we have in- variably ea it; and do now oppose it. We think, while it appeals strongly to the manhood and humanity of the nation, it would be oxtremely per- nicious to the nation. But, in going this far, we have net uttered, and cannot be made to uttor, a syllable in derogation of the great man and patriot who, for the good of his own fatherland, desires to engage the United States in its defence. [From the Mobile Register, April 5. } A considerable number of bills of the Hungarian Loan were purchased here on Saturday and Sunday. It was stated that our German fellow-eitizens had bought up two thousand dollars’ worth, and man of our quiet, unpretending men purchased small pany at par, which will be added to the Kossuth in When the eloquent Hungarian had concluded, ré- eated calls were made for other gentlemen, and sovernor Gale, Judge Meek, and Col. Walker, deliv- ered speeches in response. They re ctively avowed their coneurrence in the doctrines of Kossuth asthey had just been set forth in his great fundamental creed of non-intervention among nations—his re- spect for state rights, and his noble martyr-like de- votion to the cause of popular education the worl 1 over. Marine Affairs, Tue U, 8. ecroonen Gennes, Capt. Genes, arrived at St. Marke, Fa., 29th ult., from Cedar Keys, with the corps engaged in the Florida coast surveys, and were to procee:} immediately to the examination of the St, Marks river. Surveyors, Sfecers, Gindar and Oltimans; astrenomica Party, Mesers. Hillgard and Bagwell ; tide-keepers, Messrs Wurdeman and Logan. The party have been engaged i: & survey of the harbor of Cedar Keys, and report the dis. ofa new channel, affording ten feet of water to the at Band ethno one) tae 3 cn ere encam| at a on 2th ult., when tle ot their Tent vu blown away. Stram Propriter petween Boston ann Harirax,—Mr, J.D. Curtis launched, at Medford, on Friday ja'finely mo- led Un ae which when fitted up wii wher machi- nery. &c., isto ply between Beston and Halifaxyin Messrs, Clark, Jones & Co.’s line of packets. The vessel is 175 feet long. 28 feet wide, and 1834 feet deep, and measures about 70@ tons, Her cabin, which is to be finished inan bey ay style, will accommodate one hundred and twen- ty-five persons ; besides which she has large accommoda- tl for steerage passe! ._ Her machinery is ing conntracted ty Mr. Guin Tufts, East Boston, and wil be completed ut in working order previous to the middle of June. it is calculated that shi trip a week between the two ports. ghhlgeacg ibn Lauxon.—The fine bark Bunchinia was launched at N London on Thursday, from the ship yard of Me. Miller.on Fort Neck. She is of 200 tons burthon, soundly built, and of superior model, and it is believed will be a fast sailer. She was rigged and her gails bent upon the stocks, made rail ge A going into the water, and came with a fair wind gallantly into dock. She is owned in Mee gion | Foie anes fora sperm whaler, ship of 300 tons is going immediate jesars. Perkins& Stuith, for afwhalee AMY Up for Mosers, Tor Great Nortuwest.—It has boen computed that the Northwest territory, belonging to the United States, and now without white inhabitants, if as densely populated ae Belgium. would support over one hundred and ninety-seven millions of souls! Here is food for thought. "No one here has any adequate conception of the immense tract of country above us yet to be inhabit ed, From the rich quality of ita soil, good water,and the most ds gets climate, it must some day he filled with people possersing the highest grade of civilization. Galena Advertiser, * RCIAL AFFAIRS. Annan MONEY MARKET. Momvar; Aprit 12—6 P.M. Tt is seldom that Monday opened eo buoyant in Wall street as we noticed this morning. A very heavy amount of business was transacted at the board, without any ma- terial variation in prices. Some of the small fancies which have lately been rather quiet, have suddonly be- come quite active. Purchasers are daily inoreasing in number, and the spirit of speculation ia rapidly extend- ing. At the first board, to-day, Morris Canal advanced 5 percent; New Jersey Zinc, 4; Portemouth Dry Dock, +4; New Haven Railroad. 34; Harlem, %; Reading Railroad, Mj; Hudson River Railr ad, declined % per cent; Erie Railroad {. The grest abundance and cheapness of money have given an impetus to operations in fancy stocks, which is likely to continue some timo longer with undiminished vigor. The banks find it difficult to loan all their surplus funds, and any amount of monoy ean be ob. tained on call, at five per cent, One reason why holders of stocks are indifferent about selling is. the difficulty ox- perienced in investing the proceeds moro advantageously. Those who have not been drawn into the macistrom of stock speculation, would do well to keep out. The move- ment has reached a dangerous point, and none but des- perate‘operators will enter the game as it now stands. Tho receipts at the office of the Assistant Treasurer of this port, to-day, amounted to $66,098 13; payments, $24,718 60—balance, $3,544,660 17, ‘The Hariem Railroad Company has obtained legislative authority to increase ita capital stock to a total of eight millions of dollars, and to convert, at the option of the holders, all liabilities of the company into new stock. The company may also borrow money on its bonds, at seven per cent, convertible, in like manner, into stock; but no stock of the company shall be issued, sold, or received im exchange, at less than par value. This act is to take effect whenever the company shalt have complied with the ninth section of the General Railroad act, passed 24 April, 1850. ‘The demand for exchange has vot been active for the Reston steamer, We quote bills on London at 94; a 934 per cent premium; on Paris, 6f.25 a 5f.20; Amsterdam 40% a 4034; Bremen, 77348 77%; Hamburg, 35}4 a 35%. ‘The Hope Insurance Company, of Boston, have declared a dividend of six per cent; the Suffolk Insurance Com- pany five per cent; the Easton Delaware Bridge Com- any $10 per chare; the Commercial Bank, Now Orleans, 350 per share; the Philadelphia, Germantown and Nor ristown Railroad two per cent. The receivers of the Ocean Insurance Company have declared a final dividend of $3 87 per share of the capital stock, which will be paid upon the surrender of the certi- ficates to John J. Palmer, at the Merchants’ Bank. ‘The steamship El Dorado, from Chagres, brings two weeks’ later intelligence from California, She brings very little news and very little gold dust, there being only about seven hundred thousand dollars on freight, and one hundred and fifty thousand in the hands of pas- sengers, Accounts from the mining districts continue good, and the yield has been oqual to the expectations of parties interested. ‘Ihe freshet im Sacramento, Marys- ville, and throughout El Dorado country, was not so dis- astrious as the one previous, and would’soon, it was sup- posed, pass"away without doing much damage. We notice no new feature inthe commercial affairs of Cali- fornia. Trade was good, and prices obtained for staple articles were renumerated than formerly, ‘The Philadelphia organs of the Ieuding Railroad have endeavored to gainsay the information we promulgated, tothe effect that coal could not be mined in Schuylkill county as cheaply as in some other sections of the Penn- sylvania coal fields. We give them the benefit of thelr statement, such as it is, in which is shown the vast capa- city of the coal regions :— 1.—The southern, or Schuylkill coal ficld, upon the head waters of the Schuylkill and Swatare, in the coun- ties of Carbon, Schuylkill, Lebanon and Dauphin, 164 square miles, 104,960 square acres. —The middie coal field, upon the Mahonoy and Sha- mokin, including several small shallow basins at the eastern end, such as the Beaver Meadow and Hazelton. in the counties of Northampton, Schuylkill, Luzerne, and Carbon, 115 square miles, 73,600 square acres. 8.—The northern, or Wycming coal field, upon the Susquehanna and Lackawana, mostly in the county of Luzerne, 118 equare miles, 75.520 square acres, ‘Total anthracite in Pennsylvania, 397 square miles, 254.080 square acres. If, after allowing for faults. waste and pillars, we ealcu- late 1,060 tons to the acre for every foot of thickness of coal, every acre of the 204.820 will contain 60,000 tons, and the whole southern or Schuylkill coal field will yield the enormous amount of 12.239,200,000 of tons, or nore than twelve thousand millions of tons of workable coal. In the year 1851, not quite 2.250.000 tons were sent to market by the valley of the Schuylkill, and 4,362,721 tons mined and chipped from all the anthracite coal fields in Tennsylvania, If, then, we ellow the Reading Railroad and the Schuylkill Navigation to bring to market an qual amount annually, it will take them 5.434 years to exhaust the southern or Schuylkill coal field. But allow the Reading Railroad to bring to market the enormous zmount of 4,000,000 tons annually, and the Schuylkill Navigation 2,000,000, which is beyond the limits of their capacity, still it will employ them 2.048 years to exhaust the Schuylkill coal field alone. ‘The above array of facts only go to prove that Penn- syivania coal is inexhaustible. so far as the present, and many succeeding generations are concerned. Schuylkill county has her fair share of this immense quantity. We have never denied this; on the contrary, we admit it. We stated from reliable information, that the surface or coal. above the water levels, was exhausted, and that in future the mines must be worked at lower levels, and the deeper the descent the more expensive the working. No one at all acquainted with the practical working of mines of any description will deny this, The common practice in every kind of business, is to seize upon at first that kind of labor which involves the leasteisk and the small- est expense. In California, the diggings must be first exhausted before the quartz mines will be worked to any extent. The reason is obvious—the latter are more ex- pensive, and require additional labor and larger capitals to work them. The same reasons are applicable to coal, or any other mineral similarly situated. Suppose coal was open to all comers in Pennsylvania. as gold is in California, and could be with equal facility brought to market, the consequence would be, that the upper crust, of the coal would be first removed before the miners delved below the surface. The mines in Pennsylvania, however, are owned by individuals or associations, and thoee which are fresh, with an avenue to market, must have # manifest advantage over the old mines. When all are exhausted alike om the surface, then they will again start fair, Such being the real facts of the case, it will be utterly impossible for the Read- ing Railroad to supply the eoal promised in the above statement, as the article camnot be furnished on as good terms as from other mines. We do not apprehend that any scarcity of coal will take place because the supply over the Reading will fall short. It will only be a change of avenues through which the coal will be pociyed. The Reading wil} still supply au the coal wanted on the line of the road ; but for purposes of exportation it will be found dearer than that which can be furnished from other quarters. The parties who have ‘been operating on Reading stock know these statements to be true, and bave made desperate efforts to bring tho public in, to partake of this wild scheme of speculation, ‘We have deemed it our duty to lay these incontroverti- ble facts before the public, that they may not be deceived by falsely colored statements. With the most determined efforts on the part of the company to transport more eoal over the road the prosent year than it did the last, it is still largely deficient, and this deficiency will be made more apparent as the year progresses towards the close, ‘The amount of coal brought over the Reading road in 1851 is, perbaps, the maximum that will be transported over the road for many years. The present favorable con- dition of the money market enables speculators to hold all kinds of stocks with comparative ease; but in regard to the Reading, should there even be no change in money for some timo, the owners of the stock will perceive a cer- tain decline in the business of the road, which will place the stock at s price nearer its intrinsic value than the enormously inflated rate at which it is now selling. The operations of the branch mint at New Orleans, during the month of March, were as annexed:— Baancn Mint, New Onteans—Cornace ano Derosits, Gold—$427,205 21, of wich $004,418 56 pee Felts azine paiGd ea'pested from Colifornis gold,.....+ 15,156 7% Total amount of Ms 44,750 Double eagles. 60,000 6.000 Eaglor..... f 8,000 Half Dollars 000 Total coinage.. sere cree cree $959,000 by this, that the coinage was mor than Pe gt of deposits, and that nearly the entire coinage was in double eagles, ‘Thompson's Reporter advises the public to refuse all notes corresponding with the following description, no matter of what denomination they may be, or what bank they may purport to be issued by:— Fives, centre vignette three females, yultural imple- ments, gheat of train, hip ‘on stocks, &e., with # round ie contain ro 6 on each side of vignette—on upper sree comer the ister Y, with poreese of Laytayetto in the centre. and rive On the lower corner—on end, uppot gorner, the word rive, and the letter Y on the EEE the following reguiations for tho transfer of thostook or bonds of that State:— All certificates of stock of the State of Maryland, from and after the first day of April, 1862, will be issued from the office of the ees cit; et Soe of the Treasury Department. All it non tw ith direotie to : wi transfer the same to the gue pip ie ay When pottion ee cectineere oto without boit ‘one wi to the ote steht eae hapa mr should, in all cases, be uj the certificate, The must be filled up. ‘The ee is to be sig: person whose name is in ‘tho certificate as payor; e name of a firm. then by one of such firm in its name; and if there be several persons, then by all of them, except in cases of trustees, executors, &c., whon, by law, any one has the authority to dispose of such ; The execution of the above assignment, when not le at the treasury, must be witnessed—if within the State— by ‘a judge or a clerk of a court of record, or by a justice 9 peace or a notary public, with his official seat attached thereto. In all cases the witness must add his official designation and residence. If executed out of the State, and within the United States, the District of Columbia, or one of the territories, by 4 United States judge. district attorney, or clerk. If out of the United ‘tates, by an American minister, United States consul, or a notary public. If witnessed by either of the two jatter, his official seal must be attached. When it has not been previously done, evidence of the official charac- ter of the people signing must be furniebed, so that ho is jresident or cashier of a bank, Executors, adminis- rators, guardians, and trustees, whore the stock stands inthe name of the person they represent, must furniale legal evidence of their official character, to be filed. The receipts at the Philadelphia office of the Columbia Railroad, during the month of March, amounted to $66,879 65. Number of cars cleared, 6,346. It appears by a report of the Baltimore tobacco mar- ket, that during the past three months, a very heavy bu- sinees has been transacted, particularly in Ohio tobaceo. The great bulk of the purchases was made in fulfilment of the contract between the French government and Messrs, Rothschilds, Tho whole quantity actually oon- tracted for is about five thousand hogsheads, with the stipulation that the quantity may be incroased, at the discretion of the government, one-third more. As the French government took more last year, and the con- tract this year was made at very low figures, it is not improbable that the excess stipulated for will be demanded. It is stated, by the Boston Post, that there is a proposi- tion before the country banks of New England for tho establishment of a bank of redemption in that city, the stock of which will be held by those institutions that employ the new banks as their agent. The principal ob- jeot is to convert into an active fund, that which by present arrangements is a dead weight, The plan is to form a bank with a million capital, to be located in Bos- ton, and each country bank to subscribe to it certain per cent of its capital stock, to be the stockholders of the bank, and to have the business conducted in such a manner as to enable tho bank to make fair dividends and nething more. It is alleged that the country banks will then be accommodated safely and satisfactorily, and not be subjected to those embarrassments to which they are now subject, nor to the tax which they now pay. No alteration will be made in the system of par redemption; but the new plan will enable the country banks to oon- tinue it without pecuniary sacrifice. Such a movement would work well in this State, and we recommend it to the consideration of banks in the vicinity ot this city. blanks Wiebe Lela 1000 US 6's 63 ram) $2000 US 6's'63 coupons. 120% 80 90% 115 5000 Ind’a Can pref 5's. 100 10000 Erie cony ‘71 b10.. 96 100 do 10000 do b20,, 96 100 do 10000 do 30, 300 do 200 do bil : 3) Harlem pref 100 Erie RR bis, 50° do bo): 200 do 825 Canton Co, 50 do b10. $8 do 860. do bed 3% 82 Hudson Riv RR. 109 do bLS. 388 80 0, 2 BO do. 3%, SONY & NHRR. 100 Portsmouth Ts 10 Mich So RR. us 100 do : Tig G Housatonic Oid RR. 9 00 do ti. 73g GRoch & Syr RR... LS. SECOND BOARD. $5000 Erie RR cony 71 95% 50 shs Canton Co... 30 iow 8396 15 North River Bk... 111 0 3 10000 do "62 16097, Erie Railroad 1000 Erie Inc Bonds... 9734 15. do 150 shs Portemouth DD 73, 86 = do 100 N J Zine Co... . 860 13% 200 Morris Canal - 19% , 198 250 do 252708 1988 20 Natioral Ins © 25 Nicaragua Trans Co 43 7 do 4236 225 = do a do 30 4224 15 do 83 42 43 Metropolitan Bank. .10734 ‘Weekly Report of Deaths In the City and County of New York, from the 3d day of April to the 10th day of April, 1852, Men, 92; Women, 76; Boys, 109; Girls, 92—Total, 369. Absci DisEa’ Aneurism 1 Fever scarlet Hooping cough... . lufiammation of biadde: Inflammation of brain. Inflammation of bow: Inflammation of ch Inflammation of lun, Bleeding from lungs. Burned or scalded Cholera infantum, . Cholera morbus, Colic... Inflammation of throat, ti f Li Fever inflammatory. Fever puerpezal, i land, 7; 23; lad Tpinors ts France, Siuall Pox, dor don't ‘hamate Aisa tee ty Hospi, Alms House, ‘Black- jored Orphan Asylum, d from Ward's Yaland, 42. A. W. WHITE City Inspector. City Inspector's Office, April 10, 1852, United States Distriet Court, THE LATE CASE OF CONTEMPT IN THE CUBAN TRIAL. Arn 12—D. H. Burtnett, who was committed by Judge Judson for contempt of court in refusing to answor propounded by the counsel for the acc it up, and for a second contemp' sentenced pay jt Looe bry Lay be Kent in it was was liberat ster ba Soaky Topbeedon him by the Gourt 7; Baving pald the Court of Common Pleas, , ik cate Hon. — Mebeag hh prit. 12.—Assavct anv Battery.—In th Steinman vs. Conrad Smith and others, the jury troaghe im n sealed verdict tor the plaintiff for $765, and costs, Engiand, 7; diet Po! Supreme Court—Circait. Before Hon. Judge Roosevelt, Apm.12.—In the case of Benan Cain vs, Horace White- horn, an action for slander, the jury returned @ sealed verdict forthe defendant. é ben States hig mp Ontce. jeorge BK. ‘a negeo), James Smith, and A: Davis, (cook and fro seamen of the bark ‘Alden), were held for examination on a charge of stealing $1,000 im silver coin, on the high seas, Lusvs Naton#.--In Sheldon, Wyomin, county, Lok £ at Fg J oe lip late of Ld ‘an a full moustache on the w) , large enor for a cavali officer, and a beard which. though ft only for © “mide dling ‘grenadier,” is large enough to be the envy of city striplings of twenty-one or twenty-two years o€ age, This unusual growth of hair when she was five years old, since which time it has repeatedly beew pee ed out, She is the child of Belgian ia jealthy, and father more than usually int al for her years,—Baffalo Courier, 10th inst,