The New York Herald Newspaper, March 22, 1851, Page 3

SER ee 2 S= ORIGINAL ARTICLES. The Pope in Bugiand, “Not corporally, indees. really present, in England,:does his Holine#-, a! thia moment, live and act in every diovres ; aud the great diffi- culty of forming a ca>iu-'. ia consequence of a diversity of opinion asio his alleged aggression, proves that it is feit he is there. In the language ofthe Archbishop of Capternary, * It cannot be denied that many pers.us, >oth members and ‘ministers cf our church, during the lest ten yeara, heave shown a tendency w« urd Komish tenets and observances, which thus jus'ly astonished all who adhere to the doctrines of the :eformers, ‘The present struggle preaen's a singular anomaly in the history of religior, The whole country has for many months been ia a stute of feverish ex- citement, because the Pope, forecoth, in the exer- cise of those prerogatives which he claims as Vicar of Christ, has ventured to define, geographi- cally, what he wishes to be coueidered the thir- teen diocesses of the Cathoie church in England, and has conferred on certain ot his clergy in that Protestant lend, archiepiscopal and episcopal titles of office, expressive of allegiance to Rome, with an unqualified recognition ot the papal supremacy epiritual. This movement on the part of Pio Nono, it must be admitted, is a novelty. But the prelates, priests, and people of the established church of England, would have us believe, that it is mere than this—that it is an innovation rife with mischief—that it is an aggression, an intolerable ou outrage on inalienable church rights, a violation of the laws of nations, and an insult to the Queen’s Royal Majesty. The mere toleration of Roman- ists in @ country where it once exhibited such fearful, bloody, fiery tragedies, is thought to be quite as much as the meek spirit of reformed Chria- tianity can well be expected to grant to the repu- diated “Mother of abominations.” But the Pontiff, as the impersonation of the Catholic Church, cannot admit this. No one, of all his pre- decessors, from the days of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, to the present time, has admutted this. He cannot consent to renounce auy of his ancient nghts in his once dutiful kingdom of Anglia. The ‘whole earth is, by a divine grant, his heriditary possession. He looks with pity upon what he be- lieves to be the vain delucion of Protestantiam, by which England has been beguiled from her Holy Mother. He laments over what he considers mournful manifestations of this delusion; as, Proteus-like, it assumes its almost countless va- riety of incongruous forms, from the sobriety of churchmanship, to the wild frenzy of some among the bewildered sects, Seated in his apostolic chair, he proclaime, ‘ Liberty of error is death to the soul.” And he points with his admonitory finger to that humiliating picture which may pro- perly aweken shame,—the polemical broils of Protestant Christendom, and the blasphemous heresies which, in the land of Luther, and the Jand of Calvin and Zuingle, have distorted those cardinal doctrines of the Christian faith—the tnnity and the atonement—and despoiied religion -of come of her beniguest attributes. He invites all | who would have the blessedness of peace and | unity, torepair for them to the venerable, holy Mother of churches, from which these deluded apostates, as he honestly regards them, are wan- dering into every species of error and of sin. And, while the Pontiff puts forth bis high pre. tensions as guardian of the Christian world, many enlightened scholars of England and of the con- tinent, are renouncing the aati- Catholic opinions in which they have been educated, and are avowing themeelves converts to the church of Rome. That utter contempt with which Protestants have so Jong been accustomed to look upon the whole echeme of what they cail popery, regarding it as numery, idolatry, blasphemy, and a vile supersti- tion, is found to require, at least, a little moder- ating. Some men, in our day, who have adorned universities with their vast and varied learning, have proclaimed, after laborious investigation, and atthe costof great personal sacrifices, that they prefer the Roman to the Anglican scheme, and that it furnishes resources to gratify their widest range of intellect, and satisfy the prof»undest emo- tions of their hearts. In England, more especially, for some yer it, not a few among the educated classes have adopted as their motio, Antiquam exquirite mat And results by which we have sofrequently beea startled, during the last ten years, have appeared inthe memorable records that furnish materials for the history of Puseyism. Just at this crisis, (and none could be more fa. vorable for his purpose,) the Pope takes measures * for the revivescence of his ancient power and au, thority in Eogland. He has there, amoag miny other prominent auxiliaries, hia learned, eagacious, accomplished, and able Cardinal Wiseman, whom he has created Archbishop of Westminster, and that learned and popular “Priest of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri,” Father Newman—once, (ind that not many months ago,) among the most distin- guished members of the University of Oxford, and of the Briteh established church. These mea, and their able associvter, are sending forth, fearlessly, in various forms of publication, euch as letters, re- and lectures, a call to churchmen and to diesenters, to weigh dispasmonately the Roman claims. Other riguificant indications are afforded, that the movement on the Pontifl’s part is full of meaning. But eo advisedly, so cautiously has he proceeded in his measures, that he has, yet, not only escaped pens! inflictions, but must continue to escepe them, unless the boasted tole. ration of Protestant England should prove to be an illueive name, and the sanctity of English law be violated at the bidding of mere popular clamor. The bruit of this clamor is, indeed, londly echoing throughout Christendom; for the British lion that hes so long lain undisturbed by any sucn intrusion #8 this which now diequiets him, has not only roused himself, and fixed hia eye upon the dis turber of his repose, but lashed himself into an ex- citement for a fierce conflict, and made the welkin resound with the roar of his defiance. It is discovered that, while he has siept, strange things have been enacted. A startling tendency t) foster Romish tenets and observances has, as the amiable Archbishop confesses, filled the nation with astonishment. It is manifest that the estab- lished church of Eagland, as at present constituted, has egregiously failed to protect its members from the poison of Romanism, and to guard its diocesse + egainst the intrusion of “the man of ein.” Th act of Uniformity has produced so little uniformi ty, that, while only one-third of the nation is of the established church, the remaining two-thirds are «quatly divided between Catholiciem and Dissent. ‘The cath of supremacy, also, has not, practically, effected a renunciation of foreign powers; for the Pcntiff is felt to be in England. His Apostolic let- ter, issued on the 24th of September last, with the avowed purpose of promoting the Catholic faith in Great Britain, has electrified the nation. And that system which he representa, and which is acknow- ledged to be the chief rival and antagonist of the established church, is actually making advances, both in influence and power, that are contemplated with alarm. Penal enactments are proposed, to counteract this extraordinary progress of the Romish cause. But both Lord Russell and Lord Stanley are puzzled by the problem which they are Tequired to resolve. To detect the causes of this state of things is not, however, a tesk of much difficulty, if we enter the iabyrinth with a proper clue. One of the chief agencies in producing a change im favor of Rome, was the revival at Oxford, a few years ago, of the study of the Greek and Latin fathers ot the Church, whose long neglected writings were discovered to be rich mines of thought, especially for the imaginative and tne philosophical. But the product of there mines was quite too indiscriminately received as precious, in- stead of being regarded as mere gold dust, and that, too, of very various degrees of purity, from the bright and sparkling greias of the @, ostolic fathers, to the predominating black sand of tie medieval schoolmen Another cause of Romish testes and predilestions is discoverabie in those architectural esoterics, which have been of late so celebrated under the name of ecclesiology, and to which go many of the divines of England have devoted their atten- tion during the last fifteen years. But yet other ingredients have been thrown into the wonder-workiog cauldron. In the contest between high-churchmen and evangelicals, on the subject of apostolical succession, priestly fuac- tions, and geacramental grace, the weight of State patronage has so predominated in favor of low church views, that Dr. Sumner, an evangelical prelate, now fills the office of Archbishop of Can- terbury, and, by his course of conduct, especially in the famous Gorham case, has given occasion to en open rupture with the able Bishop of Exeter, as well as with certain other high church prelates of distinction. And while this unhappy (perhaps happy) state of things has contributed nota little to disaffect many, her Majesty the Queena, in her character as head of the Church, has interfered in certain mat- ters purely spiritual, so that she has tempted Dr. Phillpotts, the distinguished Bishop of Exeter, to accost her in terms not often uttered by a prelate when accosting Majesty, and has added to the motives for multiplying malcontents. Another cause of the existing state of things is found in the legislative patronage of Romanism. The political disabilities of English Roman Catho- fics, at the instance of the popular Duke of Wel- lington, and of Sir Robert Peel, in the year 1823, enlisted the nation’s sympathies at that time; and greater and greater concessions have been made, from year to year, as reason and religion have conspired to oppose the outrages of intolerance, and make all Englishmen, whether churchmen or Ro- manists, as far as the exercise of conscience is concerned, free and equal. A few more struggles and liberty will triumph, This outline of a confused and perplexing con- troversy will serve to suggest at least some of the chief causes of those phenomena which are so remarkable—learned Anglican divines, at this age of the world, renouncing Protestantism, and be- coming Romanists; the amiable and meek Pius 1X. encouraged to attempt a bold usurpation tha: might better befit the daring genius of a Hilde- brand, the vigor of an Urban II., the proud am- bition of an Alexander III, or the powerful grasp of the Third Innocent. The spirit of toleration, in the exercise of its legitimate influence, is gradually dissolving that union of Church and State which is the secret prolific cause of all that disquiet which now agitates the public mind in England, and of all that disaffection which is weaning, and must con- tinue for some time yet to wean, churchmen from their faith and their allegiance, until the Court of Arches, ani all other State influences, cease their interference with spiritual things. That England, in her civil and ecclesiastical welfare, can receive any serious permanent i jury from the results of the present angry strife and noisy agitation is not to be apprehended; and the violence of the storm indicates that its duration will be brief. Were Church and State even rent asunder by it, the greatest blessings to them both might be the consequence. The alliance is as un- necessary as it is unnatural. The same church, as represented in our own land by its Protestant Epiecopal branch, with the same book of prayer‘ the same articles of religion, and the same church pelity, is in a flourishing condition, without the help of special and exclusive State patronage. This reformed branch of the Church of England has, in- deed, made a more judicious selection of lessons {from the Scriptures, has rejected the Athanasian creed from its standards, and has modified and modernized some of the formulaties as set forth in the English Prayer Book. But, in all else of any material con- sequence, the same doctrine, discipline, and wer- ehip, are maintained. And while disputes on doc: trina] peculiarities among all other denominations are illustrating, in a remarkable manner, the inter- minable discords and divisions of Protestant sects and parties, the great secret of union and perma- pence is possessed by American Episcopalians, in their having ancient written creeds, a primitive liturgy, and an apostolic polity. These they wisely retain. By these they are protected from the evils that result from mere opiaion, and that distract all other denominations of Protestants. Let the Church of England follow their example. Let her disdain the trammels of State influence and con- trol. Let her learn another lesson from America, and see that the church may be free and flourish. An Interesting a: d important point In Polit jJeai History—One of the last Debate: the Senate. Ina debate in the United States Senate, at the recent executive session of that body, General Houston, Senator from Texas, made some animad- versions upon South Carolina, her politicians and instifutions, and her course as a member of the confederacy of States. To Houston's remarks, Mr. Khett, one of the Senators from South Caro- lina, replied, exposing the want of political know- ledge of the Hero of San Jacinto, not only of the institutions and history of South Carolina, but of the constitution and history of the United States, showing an amount of ignorance, quite surprising when we consider the long time Houston has been in public life. From 1823 to 1827 Sam Houston wi member of Congress, from Tennessee, and in 1827 he was elected governor of that respectable State. He was for some time President of the Republic of Texas, and since the admission ef that State into the Union, he has been, for the last five yeare, one of the United Stetes Senators from Texas. Whatever may have been the defects of General Houston's early education, we have never heard that any peculiar circumstances occurred during the four years he was a member of Cen- grees from Tennessee, to prevent him from obtain- ing a tolerable political education, as many other public men have done at Washington. There is the advantage at the Capitol of a very good and extensive Congressional library, some of the trea- sures of which are poured forth from time to tim: in elaborate and profound speeches of members o Congrees. To that source Houston had access, as well as Benton, John A. Dix, and others, who have obtained immense credit for their speeches oa great national questions. But Mr. Rhett, the Senator from South Carolina, in rebuking Houston, and exposing his inexcusa- ble ignorance, unfortunately falls into errors him self, learned and profound as he may claim to be in matters of constitutional history. One of these errors being a matter of considerable interest, we shall take the trouble to correct. Gen. Houston, among other statements, had said— The Legirlature ited tors of the U ited Btates, cam change or amend the constitution when it sees Gt, Mr. Rhett replies ire elects the Senators of the United is certainly true, and I suppose is as at be alarming to tl unately tor provision ta not at ail in t jar him. no doubt, to learn rn Provision in the Conatitution of the United Btates. They (the Legi re} tors for P ident Vice Premt . ib struction Ms thie ree th Mt id by this waa the reguier and proper mode, ould: t hosen. we are ola etill to stand where the th tions of thie gor Now, itis somewhat surprising, that a South Carolina Senator, of the high intellectual charac. ter and acquirements of Mr Rhett, who, under his former name of Smith, and his present legisla- tive one of Rhett, hes long been in public life, in- cluding more than ten years service in Congress— and has recently been instructing the South Caro- linians how they may, on constitutional grounds, secede from the Union—it is surprising, we say, that such @ statesman should require our correc- tion of his errore with regard to facts in political history. We ehall, however, show that his asser- tion that every State in the Union chose their Pre- sidential electors by the Legislature, (as South Carolina alone now does,) at the commencement of the conetitution, is not correct; and we shall also prove, by the early practice of various States, euch as Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, that the construction given by the framers of the constitution was not the construction given by, and eince practised, by South Carolina ; and furthermore, that the choice of electors by the Jegislatures, was not, as Mr. Rhett states, “the simultaneous and unanimous practice—and where all the States stood ct the commencement of the operations of this government.”” We may add, also, the opinion of the authors of the Federal- ist, that text book of the constitution, to show what was “the construction given by the framers of the constiution,” on the point in question. In the eixty-eighth number of the Federalist, by Alex- ander Hamilton, we have this commentery on that section of the constitution which relates to the choice of Presidential electors:— At was desirable that the sense of the people should operate in the choice of the person to whom so im- portant a trust was to be confided. This end will be answered by committing the right of making it, not to apy procelalineed: body, but to men chosen by the prople for the special purpose, and at the particular conjuncture, Nothing in modern historical literature can be more imperfect than the manner in which politica! history has been written in this country; even by such distinguished authors as Marshall, Pitkin Ramsay, Sullivan, and Sparks, in national history, and the various authors and compilers of such o the histories of the States as have been published It is, therefore, not surprising that we are without any connected account of the details of the manner in which electors of President and Vice-President were chosen in the several States, at the firat elec- tion of President, in 1789, when the constitution went into operation. We have thought the point worthy of investigation, and the result of our labors (which, in consequence of the paucity of public documents, records, and newspapers of the period referred to, in our libr in this city, have not been small,) is now given to the readers of the Herald. It is, we believe, the first record yet pud- lished of the manner in which Presidential electors were chosen in the several States which voted for President and Vice-President in 1789. The convention, which framed the constitution, met at Philadelphia, in May, 1787, and adjourned in September following. The final artic!e of the constitution, adopted by the convention, declaring that the ratification of nine of the thirteen States should “be eufficient for the establishment of the constitution between the States so ratifying the came ;” this number was completed by the Tatification of New Hampshire, on the 21st of June, 1788, (Virginia ratifying on the 26th of June, end NewYork on the 26th July, 1788;) and this rati- fication being that of the ninth State in order, was laid before the continental Congress, on the 2d of July, 1788. With the ratifications of the other Statee, it waa referred to a committee to report an act for carrying the new system into operation. A resolution for this purpose was reported on the fourteenth of the same month; but in consequence of a division as to the place where the fitst Con- gress should meet, it did not pass until the 15th of September following. By this resolution, the Presidential electors were to be appointed on the firet Wednesday of January, 1789, and to give in their votes on the first Wednesday of the succeed- ing February; the first Wedneaday of March, be- ing the 4th day of that month, was fixed asthe time, and the city of New York as the place for the commencement of proceedings under the new con” stitution. During the autumn and winter of 1788, the Le- gislatures of the eleven States which had adopted the constitution, (North Carolina and Rhode Island having dissented,) met at their several capi- tols, for the purpoee of providing for the choice o! Senators, Representatives, and Presidential Elec- tors. All of the eleven States, except New York passed the requisite laws, and chose Electors of President, Senators and Representatives. New York, in consequence of a disagreement be- tween the two branches of the Legislature, failed to choose Senators, and to provide for the choice of Electors: consequently, this State did not have the honor of voting at the first election of Presideot of the United States, and add her voice to that of the unanimous call of the electoral col- leges of the ten other ratifying States, in favor of Washington as the chief magistrate of the repub- lic. And here we must censure Mr. Hammond, for repeating the error he has fallen into, in every edition of his Political History of New York— namely, in stating that Presidential electors were chosen by New York at this first election, when the contrary and well known fact is stated in the news- papers of that period, and recorded in the legisla, tive, State, and national journals. Such gross neg- ligence is unjustifiable in any author, particularly in so learned and profound a political writer as Mr. Hammond. The following appears to have been the manner n which Presidential electors were ‘chosen in the several States at the first Presidential election on the first Wednesday in January, 1789 :— No of Electors by the people, by single districts... . . 1 he people, in two districts, viz ‘estern rhore, and three for the . by t gielatur; ereey. by the Legiala In Connecticut by the Legislature In Massachusetts. by the Legislature . In New Hampshire, by the Legislature. Total.......... — * There were two absentees in t! in Virgt also two len number of votes, in all the Bea a of Meryla ir Thus we see that Virginia, the “ ancient domi- nion,’”” and the “ mother of Presidente,” com- menced her carecr as a member of the Fe deral Union, by allowing the popular voice to be felt in the choice of an electoral co lege which responded to the national call o her own Washington to the Presidency; that Maryland, the cradle of religious liberty in this hemisphere, the land of the Carrolls, and other champions of liberty, gave her popular vote for electors, unrestricted by Legislatures 3 that Dela- ware, the home of the Rodneys, the Bayards and the Reads; and Pennsylvania, the head-quartere of democracy, and the home of Franklin, Morris and Wilson, also adopted the eame popular mode of testing the will of the people. We are not quite sure that New Jersey and Georgia adopted the Legislative mode of choice, the records of those States within our reach being unsatisfactory. But we have clearly established one point—namely, that at the commencement of the government, South Carolina stood nearly, if not quite alone wich the New England States, in her practice and con- struction of the constitution, as to the choice of Presidential electors. All the New England States long since changed their course,and adopted the pop mode, leaving South Carolina alone in the original aristocratic manner of election. ‘ertes, arrived here on Sunda: bis late voy course of which he ing the A bas not The Ordinance of 87 and the Humbug of Free Sollism, When the disappointed ambition and per- sonal malignity of Martin Van Buren finally exploded in the Buffalo Convention, which flung out the abolition flag, a great deal of noise was made about the ordinance of 87. The Buffalo Convention paraded before the world a platform, which, they pretended, was founded on that ordi- nance. A more wilful outrage on truth and his- tory never was perpetrated. The demagogues who controlled thdt great abolition caucus, either had never read that ordinance, or they deliberately in- tended to give it the lie. They gave out tothe world, that in 1787 the Congress of the Confedera- tion, under the immediate guidance aad advice of Tnomae Jefferson, established an ordinance which unconditionally prohibited slavery in the North- west territory. Now, it 80 happens that the Ame- rican Congress never did any such thing. They never made any such law. They never conceived: anything like it. Let us now to the law and the testimony, to see how far we can sustain our position. The ordinance of ’87 consists of a preamble and six articles, the latter being the only one which re- fera to the subject of slavery at ll, and this article is embraced within the following lines, viz:— Axtictx VI. There shall be neither slavery or invo- luntery servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convieted: Provided always, That any person escaping into the same from whom laboror service is lawfully claimed in any one of the or States, such fugitive may be lawfully claimed and con- veyed to the person ing his or her labor or ser- ‘vice as aforesaid. Here is a proviso which the free soil men have overlooked altogether; and on the bare face of this ordinance, the meaning is simply this, that slavery was prohibited inthe Northwest territory, on con- dition that fugitives from labor should be given up when they were demanded; and what is the plain inference! Why, that whenever that territory, or the States which might afterwards compose it, should refuse to surrender such fugit'ves so claim- ed, then the ordinance was violated and the com- pact broken. Slavery, of necessity, ceased to be prohibited from that time, because the only con- dition on which it was prohibited was, that the authorities of that district should deliver up to the elaveholding States their fugitive slaves. Here is the whole question, in three paragraphs, and no man can escape from it. Opposition to the surrender of fugitive slaves from any portion of the Northwest territory ever after that ordinance, became treason; or it justified and legalized slavery in that territory as soon as the conditions of the ordinance feiled to be complied with. Let the free soil men take either horn of the dilemma they please. By a fair construction of that ordinance, the Virginia master, who should go into the State of Ohio to reclaim a fugitive slave, would have the nght, if the authorities refused ‘o give him up, to settle bimeelf down in that State and hold his slaves, molens volens, under the sanction and pro- tection of the ordinance of ’87. Again; the law of ’98, on the surrender of fugi- tive slaves, applied the same principle to all the other non-slaveholding States; and New York, New Jersey, and other Northern States, never re- fused to comply with this law until slavery died out among them, and abolitionism was fomented expressly to disturb the domestic institutions of the South, and rob them of those rights which had been guaranteed to them; first, in the ordinance of ’87; eecondly, in the constitution of ’89; and third- ly, in the statute of '98. Once more; the South feeling insecure in the midst of the growth and rapid spread of abolitionism, which had ceased to be an insignificant pseudo- religious movement, and become a political organ- ization with political objecte in view, called for a new and fresh recognition, not only of the letter, but of the spirit of those three great guarantees, viz., thé ordinance of °S7, the constitution of '89, and the statute of 98. The South was alarmed, and she had a right to ask her sister States in the confederacy whether they would adhere truthfully to the terms of the original compact, and carry them out in good faith. Agitation arose. Free soil, under the inflammatory appeals of dema- gogues like Wm. H. Seward, and abolition editors like Garrison, Greeley, and Weed, attempted to rally the people of the free States around the bal- lot box; and from certain districts ia the United States, abolition fanatics were returned to Con. gre: Leaving no effort unattempted, no trick untried, no inflammatory appeal unproclaimed, these men fought, step by step, the compromise measuree, and cne by one batided agaiost their passage. The great glory of these peace measures consisted chiefly in the fact that they were an honest and faithful construction of the ordinance, the constitution, and the statute, of which we have spoken. They secured the rights of the South by fresh guarantees. They offered new pledges to the Southern States, and these pledges they had a right to expect. In that etruggle the South gained nothing. It was only by a desperate effort of the friends of the constitution and of the Union, and of law, that the rights of the South were recognized by the thirty-first Congress. The South has never asked of the North any more than the constitution originally gave to her. That she has got by hard fighting; aud if the President, his cabinet, his exe- cutive officers, and Congress itsel’, stand by, and faithfully execute the peace measures, the republic will hold together—it will be invulnerable to every attack. Disumion and secession at the South will be confined to a emall faction, and that faction will be aie ape as fanaticism and abolitionism are confined et the North to an equally small and con- temptible faction, whose demagoguiem is already paralyzed by the uprising spirit of the great body of the people. Such was the ordinance of ’87, such the consti- tution of ’89, euch the statute of and such the peace measures, including the Fugitive Slave law, of 1550. Th re four great enactmenta, which in our history; and when they republic will go with them. are blotted out, t ew Publicatio' The Art Journal, for March, 1 tue, 26 John street. The Roman Republic of 1849; by Theodore Dwight. Van Dieu, No. §6 Naesau street. Twice told Tales by Nathaniel Hawthorne. Ticknor, Reed & Fields, Boston. The Warwick Woodland ;, by Frank Forrester. Stringer & Townsend, New York. Kertie, a humorous novel; by Gregory Sea- worthy. H. Long & Brother, 43 Ann street. Romance of the Ocean. Lindsay & Blakiston, pedeipae, The ly Physician ; by Dr. Hallich. T. B. Peterson, P delphia. Yankee Stories; by Judge Halliburton. & Brother, and Berford & Co., New York. George Vir- Long The Practical Receipt Book. Lindeay & Mlakis- a mn ay \. . eT onsuelo ; by G . ringer & Town- stad few i eorge Sand. tringe The New York Register of macy. Baker, Godwin & C United States Law Ma Livingston, New York Lovee liere ; by Dumas. T. B. Peter- son, Philade Ip! United State: oe Frothes, An e Kicklebury’s Townsend, . The Higher Law tried by Reason and Authority S._W. Benedict, 16 Spruce sireet. The Plough, the Loom, and the Anvil. J. 8. Skinner, Philadelphia. President Fillmore's Meseage, and accompanying Documents. Printed tor the House of Kepresen- atives, The Probable Relation between Magnetism and the Circulation of the Atmoephere. ©. Alexander, Waibiegion F fall & je Infant Drummer Polka (Music). Hall & Son, 259 Broadway. ‘ View of Ondia. J. Lichevallier, 374 Broadway. Grahem’s Magezine for April. DeWitt & Daven- port Godey’s Lady's Book for April. H. Long & PPolcano Di Law. J olcano Diggings, a Tale of California Law. J. 8. Redfield. Lyra Catholice, containing all the Hymns of the Remon Breviary and Miseal. Donigan & Brother. A Pestoral Letter for the Lent of MDCCCLI ; by. pee Walsh. Dunigan & Brother. Monthly ae Circle. J. G_ Reed. Adventures of Pen Owen; by John Galt. Wm R. Graham & Co. The Philosophy of Spiritual Intercourse, being a0 explanation of Modern Mysteries; by Andrew Jecikson Davie. Fowlers & Wells. Medicine and Pha » Tribune Buildings. zine, for March. John way Guide, for March. Dexter rt. on the Rhine. Stringer & Sho Past Biblical History of the Jews. ‘THE SECOND LECTURE OF DR. RAPHALL. The second lecture on this interesting subject was delivered on Thursday evening, at the Medical College in Crosby street, by the Rev. Doctor Ra- phall, late of Birmingham, England. These lec- tures seem to excite considerable interest, from the Jarge number of persons that attended. The sub- Ject of the lecture was the “ Hasmonean Kings— the Sanhedrim Sects, and Civil Wars.” He began by observing, that the cruel persecution of anti- Epiphenes had roused the Jews to a war which re- stored the independence of Judea. Mattathias and his sons could not be considered as rebels, with the object of merely advancing their own fortunes, but as pious, God-fearing men, who acted under piows and patriotic motives; their zeal and taleats entitled them to power and rank; by their pre-emi- nence in danger, they exchanged a life of ease for one of toil, and for the post of honor which was likely to lead them to an untimely grave. They were entitled to the thanks of their countrymen; but their heirs appeared to the people in a far more questionable light. Their parents gave to the heirs a kind of claim, but the latter endeavored to combine powers in their own persons, which eught to have been kept distinct. John Hyrcanus first declared the Jews independent of Syria; and he accomplished his object after many battles. He held the civil government by the title Ethna, or Chief of the people. During the long struggle which preceded the independence of Judea, the people had not time to inquire into the policy of all the powers of the State being held by one per- son. ~ The various eects to which the Jews were divided, increased in his reign, and their struggles finally ended in the ruin of all Judea. During his reign thoce sects remained quiet; but politically, they ineulied him by questioning the legitimacy of hie birth. They pretended that his mother was some time @ prisoner among the Syro Grecians, and this was especially hurtful among a people so jealous as the Jews of purity of birth and legiti- macy. Butthere could be no doubt of his legiti- macy. He saw and wished that his eon’s place, as chief magistrate, shou'd be ona firmer basisthan by pemles elecucn, and previous to his death, he 1ook measures to secure the succession for his son, Anstobulus, who, upon his death, at ence pro- claimed himself king and high priest of the Jews, and it was during his name that the parties were formed—first, the priestly office or power; secondly, the royal office; and eer the office of the adan- nietrauon of the law. The priestly office was lomited to the house of Aaron; the kingly, or royal oflice, to the house of David, and the third office wae open to all—the person who administered the last ctlice being also chief of the Sanhedrim. Tous there wes three dictinci bodies, and a perfect divi- sion of power—the epiritual, the judicial, and the executive. True atiempts had been mate as early asthe time of king Uzea, to combine those poyerss but until the time of Nebuchaduezzar each jad preserved iis separate balance. A‘ter the Ba- bylonian captivity, the fortunes of the two families of Aaron and David became altogether different, and the Persians were too jealous to permit the royal house of David to retura to Judea. Not 80 with the family ¢f Aaron; they were permitted to aeeume the functions of high priest, and at the same time they exercised the powers of a temporal monarch. ‘This, indeed, was necessary, and as the chief Wes often required to address the Persian suthorilies, it was quite natural that he should be- come the civil mugistrate; but he only had the utle, but not the prerogatives of royalty. The Jews were governed by their own laws, and the office of hiabsest continued in existence while the Syrians ana Macedoniane exercised power in Judea. The people first invested Judah with the office of high priest, and afier him hia brother John. No one re- membered that the priestly office usurped the rights of the family of David; but after some time the people begen toask, was it right that all power— the power of priest and king, of church and state— should be united under one head? When John Hyrcenvs wok those jointly upon himself, the San- hedrim were most anxious to effect a separation of the two powers. The Sanhedrm, or council of elders, had its authority from Mor as we see by the Book of Numbers. It consisted of sev- enty elders. This council continued through all changes down to the fifth century of the common era. Objectors ray that Josephi where mentdons this council, but the council is historicaily mentioned in the first book of Macca- bees. {tis objected to that the Samhedrim wa: not 80 ancient, becauce the word ia of Greek and not ot Hebrew origin; but we find that in the reiga of the Aemoneans, the Couneil of Elders (Ssnhedri) was in full authority. Doctor R. observed, in reply to theee objections, thet when the Greeks obtained authority in Jude: was necessary to adopt a Greek name (Jerusia) for the Sanhedrim; ome Was subsequently dropped, and th hedrim resumed. it was mentioned in end long betcre the Babylonich captivi eurely, suid Dr. Raphall, the voice of the Ezekiel ovght to outweigh the silence of The council had teen its influence restraine: only by the essumption of the Asmonean kings, but sleo by the different seets into which the Jewish people were eplit. At this time there were three diflerent sects amonget them—namely, the Phari- sees, the Sadducees, and the Spintualists. The Sudducees did not believe in a resurrection sfier death. They endeavored tocombine the scept- ciem of the Greeks with the revelation of the He- brews. They neither believed in the immortality of the soul, in the judgment, or the resurrection of the deed. They were, however, a very influential people, owing to their wealth and rank in the Jewish pation. The Pharisees were the national party— they were opposed to the introduction of foreigaers, and particularly to the Greeks. They adhered to | the lawe and traditions; and here it may be proper to remark thet we must not confound this sect with the hypocrites whose apparent sanctity was used as acloek tor wickednees Those hypocrites are de- nounced in the Talmud as much as they are in the New Testament. The Spintualists hold that our existence on earth was no more than @ preparation for an existence hereafter; they were but a amall fragment of the Jewish people, and were an honest, virtuous sect, oe ho thought but for a future existence. Doctor Raphail then remarked upon the history of Mattathias, John Sunou,d&c , and said that the people were always reedy to go with the chiefs of the Pharisee; but when John Hyrcanus ‘Was opposed to the Senhedrim, the body rallied round it the old Pharieee party. Then Hyrcanus threw himeelf into the opposite party. of the Sad- ducees. Here the lecturer drew a parallel between the disputes of John end hrs party with the Saahe» drim, end the cruel ware tween Charles the first and the Parliament of England | Thue, said he, we find that in the reiga of | J-hn Hyrcanue there were two powerful par- | ties among the Jews, between whom political | rancor continually increased. Hyrcanus, by his lest will, declared that his wife should be regent; but his son, Aristobuius, disdaiged to reign under a woman. He obtained the royal treasury, and imprisoned bis mother and hertwo sons She died of a broken heart, and it was even said that she wes starved to death. Aristobuius gave the command of the army to his brother Antigouus, for whom the Queen had conceived a dislike, and | when he returned, after being victorious, she pre- vailed upon Aristobulus to believe that he had only | returned for the purpose of dethroaing him. Aris | tobulus rent a chamberlain to his brother to before him at a feest, unarmed; aad he guards, compored of fereiga mercenaries, in a | reom through which Antigonus was to pasa, and | gave them secret orders that if he was armed the: were ro cut him down, but if he came unarmed, then they were to let him pass. The chamberlain who cerried him the orders from his brother, was one of the conspirators, and had secret directions from the Queen to make him come armed. He ac- yong told him that his brother waited to re- ceive him with his arms. Antigonus went armed, and as he passed, the guards, acting on their orcere, cut him down, The goverum of Aristobulue, like ail Asiatic deepotiome, was sup ported, not by the love cf people, but by the arms end force of mercenaries, and accordingly, after ten year war against the enemies of Soles, 8 terrible tumult arose, which led to fearful results. Unfortunately, at the Festival of the Tabernacles, libations were poured on the nd, after the ner of the Gentiles, which custom die- by the Pharisees, but sustained by the Sad- ion induced an indignant row a citron, This was a for the Pharisees, the tumult became so that the foreign mercenaries had to be c. nd six thousand Jews were slain. A civil ‘The Naval Service. ‘TO TRE BDITOR OF THE UBRALD. The Navy Reguter gives us some interesting data, and from it we gather as follows:— The number of lieutenants allowed by law i# three hundred and twenty-seven. Of these we find one quarter are on shore duty connected witha the navy yards, shipping rendezvous, &c.; about three-eighths on shipboard abroad, and about the. same number on leave or waiting orders, having recently returned from sea, or being rendered unfit for active employment in consequence of sickness or other causes. The number of masters in the line of promotion is but eleven by the Register; but one-fifth the number requisite to afford one of that grade to cack: veseel in commission. In consequence of the small number of lieute- nantes, younger officers are constantly being called upon to perform the duties of that grade. In course of the late war with Mexico, a midshipman per- formed temporarily the duties of executive officer on board a sloop-of-war in the Gulf—the numbee of lieutenants attached to the ship being insaffi- cient to answer the exigencies of a sickly climate, The number of passed midshipmen on the list is twe bundred and thirty-three ; the average nume ber of promotions to the rank of tieutenant has been, during the last nine years, twelve and a half per year ; those gentlemen, then, have rather dia» Couraging prospects, the older portion of them haw ing entered upon their fourteenth and fitteenth years of service. By way of illustration, let us ime quire concerning those of one who stands near the middle of the list, and who entered the service im the year 181. We find that this person cannot be @ heutenaut before the expiration of over nine yeurs, while one at the foot list must remain 10 bis preseut capuciiy yet for nineteen years. Those gentlemen have already served during ten years, and their age is probably about twenty-six ; couse- quentiy, under the most favorable cure! which their curreat experience affords, they must be, one thirty-five and the other forty-five years of uge before they are lieutenants—during the last year hoving the rank of master. Iu the meanume their situation is a trying one ; their position, and the duties of their grade, are defined neither by law nor regulation, eudjectivg them to many vexa- hous aunoyances, and placing them in a condiuon calcuia'ed to bring discouragement to the moet savguine temperament, and to destroy all feel of mierest in the duties of the professiva to whit they have devoted the best yours of their tives. With habus of life, and of mind im great meas sure paleo ing them for any other occupation, and a fund of mformauon little serviceable except on thipboard, they are tied to the service, althougty force d, year after year, to perform the samt com- parauvely uivial duties which were required of them at me of their entry into the navy. The avervge number of promotions, during the last pine years, to the rank of commander, we ga- ther from the hist before us, to have been five per year. Cathng the age at which they eatered the navy fourteen years, the ages of thoze of this grace now in the service must be from forty-hve to lilty-chree years. At the above average, as there ure ninety-eight on the list, the younger por- ion can hardly ¢ xpect further promouoa. aking the hberal deduction of fifty per cent for casual- lies, incident 10 advance in age among those om the list of lieutenants, the passed midshy above referred to, who stands about the middle the list, end who may be a lieutenant under exist- ing circumstences ut the age of thirty-tive, muy etull expect command oi a brig or corvette, with the Taps Of communder, at the age of eighty-one years. A captain’s commission in course he can- not reach The protection of our commercial interests abroad seems more particularly the charge of the navy ; the care of these iaterests is, to a great de~ gice, entiueted to the exertions of those who are placed in command of the armed navel force, maintained at the different parts of the globe. As this nevy seems especially to merit the fustering care of mercantile and commercial men, to thea should an appeal be made, calling attenuon to its present uuhesithy coadiuon. As the efficiency ef 4 naval force depends essentially upon tne capabi- lv'y oa the part of its officers for decisive actios, 60, if thore of our countrymen who are intimately and directly interested, would have energy and vigor, decision and cas. genet displayed in the course of conduct pursued by these representatives of the country und guardians of its interests abroad, let them exert their great influence im remedying existrg evils, in m»king promotion more rapid, thus eneuring to an oflicer a position of responsability calculated to expand his powers before his euer- gies become relaxed by age, his faculties lose their elestc torce, and bis spirit becomes broken by dis- appointment Why should not the law, limiting the number of hieutenanis, be modified, eud the ber so increased th will be possible to keep thip eujplied with her complement? Tne duties of master are chiefly performed by passed andshi;men, pronounced quahned by « board pf competent exeminersto do the duty of lheuewant in apy class vesee]. Why not increase the num- ber of mmsters in the line of promotion, that the demand for vessels at sea may be suyplied, thet @ midshijmer, on passing his examinatioa, may be of that grade’ ite duties he may soom be required to assume, let him enjoy the privilege of a permaven'ly; his position thus wetl de- fined, he is vo longer subject to arbitrary “ usages of the service,” anovher a quently for the caprice ot t Save the creation of hi gredesin the navy, cers Who have b in their country’s vervice, ant causes rendered incapable been proposed that bvinte the evil tendeucy of the present state Such measures, or apy others that will produce the desired eff-ct, seem imperatively cetled for, and will teud to en- courage young officers to exertion, exciting @ de- sire for professionel improve ment, and reviving the drooping epi it du corps of the navy; men wil be laced iv responsible stations who are in posars pn of every faculty in full vigor, and we shall fee none ot the anomalies of the preseat day, neo grey heeded “young gentlemen,” none in more reepovelble grades who will say as they are now heard to do, * to be good for anythin, they should e been prometed years since.” We shall thea have auavy that will do credit to the couatry under any circumstances, in any exigency. The youngest heutenants of the present day are older mew than were most of those captains of tne war of 1512, whore conduct and intrepidity has thed a hato of glory over that period of our coun try’s history. Decatur, when he retook the Phila- éelpl Was bul twenty five, and when the Mace- dovien wee captured, but thirty-three; McDonough, at the time of the victory of Labs Champlain, vat twenty-eigh'; Perry, at thaton Lake Erie, wae al-o bit tweaty-eght; Lawrence, when he took the Reindeer, was but thirty-one, and the same year he fei! while in command of a figate, a vic~ tim to that undaunted spit which scorned ‘to suc- cumb, though subdued by an unprecedented com- bination of untoward circumstances, Of maay now living, We have evideuce, by the veueratioa wich which they are regarded, of that professional excellence which built up for them in their younger days a reputation of which the country may justly ‘eel proud. Can there be a doubt that the * boy « flicers” of the war were quite as efficient as the «Id men of the present day! A midshipman thea rerved for the five or six years required by law, ind became a liew'enant, with the prospect of fur- her not we tardy promovion; and may we oot easonably regard this fact as having exerted aa nfluence which was mainly instramental ia pro Cucing their unparalleled success? agriculiurist end the manufacturer have certainly a deep an interest in supporting the « fhi- ciency of the navy 88a member ci the commer- cial community, though the advantages derived by hem may seem lees intrinsic, because appai iy conducing lees directly to their immed advaa- tage. It should be unnece seary to bring argument to prove this conmmunity of interest of ail classe society, and that the benefit reaped by one more directly, eesentially and favorsbiy influences ail. The navy is not for the individual good of any one clate of the community, but belonging to the coun try, as 4 national iastitution, has heretofore contri~ buted to the nation’s well being, and earsed @ claim to that fostering care which is solicited at the hands of the public. The necessity of a naval institutions are maintained by ppeliation not unfre- pended their energies d for those from otnet ot duty,—-notamng has force, while suc! other powerful nations, and while a lar, ot the inhabited world is peo by savag > wal not be questioned. At no time ia the last thirty-hve years have its services been more pete: de- mended than at the present junction,” whde re en ensued, Which lasted seven years, when obulus was at last successtul. Docior It went on to detail the evil consequences that from the divisions which sprung up amoogat the Jewish people, and concluded his lecture with aw account of the eeige of Jerusalem by Aretus. He was listened to during the delivery of the lecture, end upon the conclusion of it was loudly cheered. Centre| Uy nae Hesaville, Mor Fy 00 @ Stockholm, St. Lawrence joure; Deer Park, Suffolk tt; Mumnesvile, Madison William B. Walton; ¥cangevi iy Pond, Buill- yN.Y., tyN YY. county, N.Y , Jobm B._Bpencer; Pike ven county, N. ¥., Gideon Wales, have a vast increase of distant seaboard; when savage is becoming, by casual intercourse with ea- lightened nations, acquainted with their wealth, and covetuous of. 8 possetsion; and when the spirit of liberal opinion, which seems to have dis» eemineted itself throughout every country of Europe, bide fair to produce eflects that may dis- turb the general peace which has without interrap- tion to long en . j tate the glorious principles et cot H le the glo: ‘constitutional lil ~ panne 8 = but illy brooks aa erpremon ™mpat oppressed, is excessive! nme ga Soren oa ay at under current Le) cannot eredicate, and which will come dey bonds seunder. Although our policy should be q oe eis it evident, ats sound would inculcate the restora navy to tna state of efficiency which has heretofore d it the tte of other Fak of tut Berton.