The New York Herald Newspaper, October 26, 1850, Page 2

itude of their aggressions, and began tv THE TOPIC OF THE DAY. pa sphere of their operations. pane ‘They required of 38 to abdlish slavery THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, in all the forts and dock-yards of the South; with a view to making them the retreats fot ab- ~~ sconding slaves, and the magazines of abslition s the 7 of our Gre pena. as a ie 0 8 OF IN. North, (as ta testoag very mepidly) they took pos- THE SOUTHERN STATES: Wheir Present Peril and their Certain Re- medy—Why do they not Right Them- selves, and so Fulfil their Glorious Des- tiny. PREFACE: ‘The citizens of St. John’s, Colleton, having as- semtled at Rockville, South Carolina, om the 18th instant, ees, 1850,) for the purpose of ob- taining their candidates an expression of their — upon the question at issue, between the thern and the free soil States, and the meeting having been organized, Mr. John Townsend arose wad Phareceed them, the following being a brief abstract of his introductory address :— He admitted fully the right of the people to be made acquainted with the seatiments of the candi- dates, and the duty of the candidates to expreas their opivions without disguise or concealment, aad im such a form as would be least likely to lead to misapprehension; especially at a time like this, when the state of the country was so full of diffi- culty and peril. He considered the liberties and litical independence of the ‘Southern States as Teing in greater danger, at this time, than at any other period before or since the Declaration of Indee pendence, and requiring from their citizens all their energies of mind, of heart, and fortunes, to vindi- eate their rights. He regarded them as rapidly approaching the turning point of their destiny, aad at the great epoch, from which they would here- after have to date their history, was not very far eff Like the colonies of °76, in their relations to the mother country, 80 the Southern States would goon have te take their stand towards the free soil States of this Union. They canaot stand still as they are, and at the same time preserve their pro- rty and liberties as citizens, and their political Eucaenisose as States. They are in a transition | state, and every man begins to feel that agreat | change 1s about to take place in their political con- dition, which some lameat over as a calamity, but all regard as an unavoidable necessity, which must be met, and must be provided against. He regretted to perceive thet Luere was wanting, as yet, (bat buoyant Sreeeameee that undeubting confidence in a favorable result, which is 80 neces- sary to success. Vague and undefined apprehen- sions, as to consequences, appear to perplex the | minds of our people. This is but nataral. It ‘was so at_the commencement of our revo- | lution, in °76, and harassed tumid men, during | the whole struggle. Great changes in the social | and political condition of the people are always serious things; and even the boldest and most resolute men undertake them with caution. The thy, then, which appeared to prevail in some of | the Southern States, he did notbelieve to beowing | to timidity or indiflerence to their wrongs; but | with some, to their not having duly reflected upon the magnitude of the danger with which we are | threatened; and with others, to the reluctance with | which most men begin to redress their grievances, or until they become intolerable. But, from what | eause soever his apathy proceeded, he considered | it highly injurious to the cause of Sothern rights, | since it was both infectious and discouraging to our friends; and our enemies rejoiced over it, as an | evidence of our weakness and timidity, which en- | session of their owa State Legislatures; and these united with them in petitions and Mfstructions to , not only to promote the schemes just enumerated, but * to exclude the Southera States from all territories acquired, or to be acquired, and to prevent the admission of any State hereafter into the Union, which, by its constitution, does not prohil allt * ex slavery in the States.” That has been avowed to be the ultimate object from the begianing of the agitation until the present. of both parties atthe Nerth, with the full know- ledge of the fact, have co-operated with them in almost all their measures. bit slavery.” And Congress is invoked to do as Mr. Calhoun has given us warnings, sly with the view to the final abolition of And yet the great body With such objeets known and avowed, it might be supposed, that Congress, under the restraints which are imposed upon it by the constitution for the security of our institutions, would have inter- posed a barrier against schemes of aggression, which so plainly violate our rights, and jeopard our safety. But this has not been so, The rule which excluded from Congress the dangerous schemes of these misguided men, has been, for several years, abolished in the House of Representatives ; and the Senate, at the pre- sent session, also been compelled to give way before the encroaching spirit of this fero- cious party. The halls of Congress—that com- mon council-room for the South, as well as the North, is now taken possession of by them; and instead of that comity which is due tothe Southern States, as equals in the confederacy, their repre- sentatives have been openly insulted, by resol ations solemnly adopted, denouncing our institutions; and the sovereign States themselves, which they repre- gent, begin to be regarded, in the arrogance of ir- responsible power, a3 having no rights, except such as may be veuchsafed to them by sufferance. In the House of Representatives, by a vote which em- braced almost, if not every representative from the North, it has been with ail due form, ally declared to us, * that slavery is infamous.” And in the Se- nate, it has been annouaced, by a grave Senator, who represents the views of that party, that their object in excluding us from the territories, is, “that slavery might be localized and discouraged.” In other words, the Southern States are not to be rmitted toexpand and improve their condition, bat are to be walled up, within the«r present limits. By which precese, according to the notions of hu- manity, entertained by the philanthropists, who have taken us under their care, the masters and their slaves will be so crowded together, upon the soil which they now occupy, that in the pro- ress of a few years, there must ensue a struggle i subsistence, or for ascendancy between the races, Which will terminate ia the annihilation of one or both of them. This scheme of self-destruc- tion—this species of poliucal suicide, is the mildest form, and the slowest process, by which our ene- mies propose to abolish slavery among us. It is the plan universally approved of by those who call themselves our ** friends” atthe North. And even Mr. Webster, who may be considered the soberest among them (in opinions at least), has announced it a8 their settled policy, “that no more slave States are to be admitted into this Union,” beyond the present slave territory of Texas; thus looking to the process just stated, for the final extinguish- ment of slavery among us. This, be it remembered, is the mildest form— the plan of our “ friends,” so called; and who are couraged them to greater insult and aggression upon «| In view, then, of this state of thiags, he expressed | his intention to address his remarks to those points | ehiefly which have relation to this aspect of the | > see He would, therefore, not discuss at all various measures of anti-slavery aggression, | since he supposed that the minds of most Southern | men were made up on those subjects. But taking the question where our Legislature had left it off, and assuming, as they hud declared, that upon these points ** the argumeat had been exhausted,” | he would advance to the next stage in our pro- | grees ; end, the “wrongs” having been already pointed out, proceed to consider the remedy, and the conaoqeanees which are likely to tlow from that remedy. He proceeded then to state, that on so grave and | peg rh a matter as the remedy for our wrongs, | he did not consider it respectful to the citizens of the parish, or prudent in himself, to address them, with only the uid of brief notes, since, from his habits of retirement as a planter, residing almost entirely upon his plantatioa, and from his having withdrawn himself from the political strifes of the | times, for the last sixteen years, he was very un- ractised in addressing lerge public assemblies. ‘or these reasons, he preferred to present to the | meeting, in writing, What it appeared suitable to him to address to them—which course ap- | peared to him to be eapeci proper, on the Present occasion, since the sentiments of the candi- | dates have been called for through the public prints, in a form suitable for publication, in order that every citizen, whether present or absent, might have en opportunity of becoming fully acquainted | with them. sembly, the following | ADDRESS It cannot fail to strike every man, whe has turned his attention to the state of public sentimeat ‘h, in reference to our roversy with States and the general government, a (for I will not call them ties) at the South, 9 appear to entertain dif- rent views on this subject. These views, although rare Ke not be said to be opposite, nevertheless lead t TY Opposite results—the one te compara- o, the other to timely and vigorou - © former class view the ** Wilmot as applied to California and the territories, her measures of enti-st {very aggression, time to time have been pressed upon measares which begin and ‘ives; and although they regard rong, as unjust, and unconstitutional, as eir etlects upon rious alarm. tive inact sistance J refore, willing to patch up a peace, ‘They are, by a compromise with our enemies. The other clase, on the other hand, view those of a regular eystem of operations, oO, and inevitable tendency of wh slavery entirely in the States, ‘and to degrade the South into a_tribate-payi colony to the rest of ¢ Jaion. Viewing, t hen, there measures in this light, they are prepared, and willin, the to meet the question at once; and keep safe del by defeuding the outp sts usly agreed to 1, when that is attacked, but un- happily, all at the th do not see in these mea- sures, the mighty 1 whieh lurks behind them, and which threatens such fearful consequences to our social and political life. The first question, then, for the people of the South to settle in their minds, is the reality of th danger. For, upon the settlement of this que will depend their union on their union will depend their safety, their ity, and their happi- mers; a safety certain ond undoubted, a stability to their institutions, which they have never before possessed, and a political happiness and prosperity which they have heretofore wever enjoyed, and which, owing to their favered position, it has rarely been the lot of avy former people to attain unto. The first thing, then, for us to consider, is the reality of this danger; and this can be best under- Stood by taking a bref review of the ess of the anti-slavery spirit of aggression, within a few years past. It is scarcely sixteen years since this dangerous subject began first to be neddied with in Congress. Previous to that time it appeared to have been covsidered as a subject forbidden te that body; and Qs it was the sole concern, so under the exclusive ore of the South. i. eontrol of the pe About the yea North begen to , the anti-slavery party of the ite Congress by an interference with our institutio at which time, as we have been informed by Mr. Calhoun, * petitions poured ing upen Congress to abolish slavery District of Columbia, aod to prohibit what they called the internal slave trade between the States, appouscing at the same time, that their ultimate object was to abolish slavery, not only in the Dis jh aa but ia the tates and throughout Letit be here well noted, that their ultimate ob- ject, a8 openly avowed by them, even at that time, wae the abolition of slavery in the States; and that the other measures were urged upon Congress, as 4 = pape steps towards the attainment | Now, in all gown which they have since pressed upon ve, in proportion as they have be gaining strength, that bas been their aim—an ua which we should be guilty of the grossest fatuity, | if we ourselves lost sight of. | Fifteen years ago the South was stronger in Congress, not only in own numbers, but by the aid of ail right-thinking men from the North. | Th ai pa ly failed, at that time, to obtain a lodgement in ss, by which te sesri] us from thet position. The Senate of the | United States adopted a rule, by which their peti- | tions on the subject of slavery were virtually not | very party accordit | apd io the swarms of an so ready, in our wars in Congress, on that ques- tion, to step in with their * compromises,” be- tween us and the most virulent of our foes, to soothe us and them by temporary expedients. But there is another class at the North—the fana- tics in religion—the fanatics in politics—the dema- gogues of all parties, hunting for their Sted of oflice or power, who are aiming at the abolition of slavery in the States, by a plan more speedy, di- rect, and summary. The South, according to the tectics of these men, is to be “localized, and discouraged,” restricted to her present li- mits, and no slave State pecniioes again to enter the Union. On the other hand, every ia- terest at the North, is to be fostered, expanded and encouraged, by all the patronage and wealth of the general government ; and all the common ter- ritory reserved for the exclusive use and advan- tage of the citizens of that section. New States sre to be laid out, multiplied and admitted inte the Union ; (as they will have the abundant power, in a short time, to do) without restraint, then follows the accomplishment of their scheme. The ‘ South localized and discouraged,” the North fostered, expanded and m ied, our ene- mies will soon have the requisite majority under the constitution, to do by “right,” that is legally, and constitutionally, (if we remain united to them) whatever they may wall, in ngetss us; and that will be, one ottwo things, First—Either to abo- lish slavery immediately, in the South, as ia now the wed purpose of both species of fanaticism, which is arrayed egainst us. Or, second—If they allow us to keep our slaves, it will be on certain prescribed conditions, which they will impose upon He than proceeded to read, to the as- | us, as to our management of them, and upon the condition only, that the South, with her slives, shall become the slaves of the North, to labor not for our own, but for their benefit. Whichever of these conditions may be vouchsafed to us by our enemies, will depend upon the struggle which will tuke place among themselves— between their religious and political fanaticism on the one side, and their avarice and lust for power, on the other. But whatever may be their decision, either alternative will be fatal to us, aad our choice will be only that of the slave. Our condition, under the first, we shall notice pre- sently; under the second, our condition will be the most «bject and degraded, which has ever fallen to the lot of a subjugated people ; the prey of a merciless avarice, having not one sympathy with us, end which, from our pusilaoimity, will have such good cause to spurn and —, us! Let no Southern man delude himself tor a single moment, into the persuasion, that the measures which are preparing for us, in the councils of the anti-slavery party at the North, are limited to their own secomrplishinent’s and then! we are (6 havea final and lasting peace. The facts and conside- rations which have just been preseated (indepen- dent of the bold and open avo wel of our enemies) go to show that those mensures are not oaly ad- vancing upon us, in hostility, but that they are all advancing steedily, to one common centre, and that is, the abolition of slavery in the whole South; the abo on of slavery in every State; the giving of freedom to his slaves, upon every man’s own plantation !! This is the real danger, which we must prepare ourselves to guard against, in the measures of re- sis‘ance which it becomes . That ie the mighty evil, which is threatened us by the aati- slavery influence at the North, and which stands as the grand terminus of ali the roads, and schemes, and plans, which every class and party of that in- fluence are pursuing in relation to slavery. Some may take a jonger road than others, to reach the terminus; some may prefera milder fplan, ia accomplishing the journey; whilst many may be disposed to pause for awhile, on the way, to amuse themeelves, and as with “compromises,” whilst they are gathering fresh strength, the mote certain- ly to attain their ead. Bat all, all, no matter what road they may have taken, have their faces turned towards the same object; and whether they may be restrained by the constitutional scruples ot Seaa- tor Webster, or by the scriptural teachings of [’ sident Stuart, considered as the extreme of the par- ty on the one side— or whether they be driven on by the monomaniac phrenzy of rabid men, euch as Gartieoo, Giddin; Frale, hil:ips, or Tuck, as re- senting the other extreme ot the party—they ave each, and all of them, their heads, their hearts, and their hands employed in the saine © mon work, of abolishing slavery in the State upon each plantation in each State. I reiterate this fact: because it is of the last im- portance, that itbe kept before our eyes, aad en- graven upon our hearts. In the light of this trath, the soft spoken free soiler is on a par with the most brawling and fanatic abolitionist: only that the former is the more to be dreaded; ce with his flattering promises, which he knows he cannot ful- fil, and his plausible “compromises,” which he knows are deceitful, he lulls us into security, and then stupifies us into non-resistance ! Such, then, being the mighty evil, which is pre- paring for us, soewer or liter, in the councils of every party at the North, it may-be useful to us, to give a glance, as we proceed, at the fearful conse- que: which will befall us,if we do not avert it, b: imely and eflectual resistance. The imagi- ion sickens with disgusi, and the heart sweile DA | with indignasion, whilst contemplating these con- sequences. riefly, what are they ? First.—The elevating of our slaves to a political equality with ourselves inthe ing of our law: overoment of the country; which will toon be followed by the degredatioa, (as in the British and French West Indies)—of the claims of a volgar and upetart race, to social equality with eurrelves, end tamilies, in all the domestic rela- tions of life 24.—The overrunning of our country with indolent rresived | and. the House of Representatives | tr cieg of lazaroni, inet a ef the be canieee Seoeived, Ae _t. a tees Fe —~ Fann | tural popu latio: the world such,as we now have printed, or referred | them. This, however, did not discournge our enemies, | but, on the other hand, cocmaed 6 excite then 16 beat more voeiferously at the doors of C to carry out their schemes, At ev elec! t the North, and afier every conten, et increased ; whilst ours, by the loge of re, a> tion for two-fifthe of our slaves, as well as other oni diminished ; and our Reporadeen Tents feH off. Under this state of things, our enemies boldly advanced upon ws, in the number 1 cont | cultivation of all the | the South, from woic home, and our chief »0fluence abroad; and as the necessary consequence of thie, the poverty, ruin and distress of our capital, in the loss of the labor which is derived from Bd. —Ag a Gonsequence of their release from the | of thei masters, the abasdeument of the ricultural staples of lerive our Wealth at families. fifteen hundred millions of our ith —The lose of perty is eur slaves, and in Sih.—The depreciation of other fifteen hundred millions of our capital in land, which would be- come comparatively valueless after our labor capi- tal was destreyed; and 6th.—Our political annihilation among the na- tions of the earth; and the blighting with which we should be spit apon by all mankind; as the fitting recompense for Yhat people, who could submit to such degradation and consent still to live! The real danger with which we are threatened, having been ascertained, and some of its conse- quences briefly pointed out, we now proceed '0 @ consideration of the measures by which our ene- mies eheuld be resisted, and that danger averted. And here we will adopt the idea which we have before used to illustrate our subject, and say, that as the measures which have from time to time been urged upon Congress by the anti-slavery party, should each and every ay a ey ae viewed as parts of one general system measure the object and \ufentioa of which is, to abo- lish slavery in the States—so each one of them should be regarded as assailing one of the outposts which guards our citadel; and that the loss of any one of them to us, strengthens and encourages our enemies; weakens and bourne us; and renders us leas able to defend our citadel, when the great struggle shall arise, (ag come it must, soener or later,) which is to decide for us the question, whether we are to live and not die. Each of those aggressions should then be encoun- tered with resolute hostility, as involving the final issue; and without reference to its own intrinsic offensiveness, which, pee standing alone, may be unimportant in itself. This being premised, | will now go on to add, that the plan of action which it seems to me proper for the South to pursue, is, in the first place, taking no council from fear, to consider calmly and de- liberately their position, with a view to decide what are their rights; and after they have decided what these are, then resolutely to insist upon them, and immoveably maintain them. Forewarned, as we have been of their intentions, we should be fore- armed to meet and counteract them. Upon a ques tion of this grave nature, which involves our politi- cal life or death, no concessi allowable, which increases the strength of our enemies, and dimin- ishes our abil to resist them. Any Delilah * compromise” then, whether offered by some half Southern man, and supported by whole Northern “friends,” so called, if it shears us of even one lock of our strength, is not for a moment to be lis- tened to. We must stand upon our rights in their entirety—have them; or prepare for the conse- quences, ; The consequences! what are they? Some timid one may say, ‘it may lead to disunion or civil war!” Not properly, nor rightfully, certainly not necessarily; except our enemies would afford us the proof, that we have remained already too long in the Union; and they would now use forge to keep us there, to plunder or degrade us. But we will examine this presently. Some one else may ask, ‘‘why not settle the difficulty by compromise; and let us have a lasting quiet.” e will examine this now. We might not be unwilling to briag to the altar of peace, some of our rights, and offer them as a sacrifice, on our part, for the ha of our country; if we could be assured, that by this means, peace, & brain M pat was to be secured, and the question set now, and forever. But “compromise” impltes mutual concessions-—the giving up of admitted rights, equally by both par- ties. To be permanent, it requires that the parties making it should themselves be permanent, and can bind their seecessors; and thateach intends to act with good faith towards the other, F Viewed in this light, every element is wanting, inthis case, towards a proper compromise. The North concedes to us no right on her part; whilst we are required to give up those,—the yielding up of which, will be felt to their woe, by our latest posterity. We enter, too, into a compromise, with aparty now, who, if they intend to deal bh ly by us, at the ratifieation, may next year, in the varying fluctuations of political life, be placed be- yond the ability to keep their engagements; or, what is more probable, may be 5 ei in the ranks of our enemies,—sucked in, within the whirlpool of abolitionism, and for the sake of itsrewards, making no efforts to extricate themselves, or keep their plighted faith. Besides, the materials, of which the an’ vel party at the North is composed, are of such quali- ties, that it renders the idea of any permanent compromise with them utterly preposterous. No concessions, short of the total, and perhaps imme- diate abolition of slavery, will, or can, ever satisf} them—and eee | such concessions as we shall make, since they will suppose that they are ex- torted from our fears; which will only encourage their audacity to demand more and greater. (j Of this every one will be satistied, who consi- ders carefully the materials of which that party is made up. hat are they? Fanatics in religion, fanatics et sony the ravening dem: ue, huat- ing atter ollice and the spoils of party. And when, from the beginning of time to the present hour, have such mea been satisfied with concessions, which have been yielded (o their voracity, or been extorted from the supposed fears of their victims! The religious fanatic, who believes contrary to the teachings of scripture, that slavery is a sia, and a crime agaivst God and maa, and who sets up his own crude notions about religion and mo- rality, as the standard for other men, and by which he impiously tries even the revelation of the all wise God himself; what concession can satisfy such a man, except the entire obliteration of the sin? The polineal fanatic, who professes to be go- verned by obligations ** higher than the constitu- tion,” and who, in his sublimated notions about civil society, which never have been, and never can be realized, claims that all men are born free and equal, and have a right to be fed aad clothed at the expense of somebody ¢lse—what can sa- tisfy this man except raising the slave to an equality with the master, and shariag with him his property? x The wily, non-committal, hungry demagogue, the first article of whose creed is, to swear by the “* mejority,” and to live and die feeding at the public erih—what compromises will such a man observe, When the stream of popular favor turns against us, and it becomes his interest to desert ust Any compromise, then, which we may make with the North, governed as it is and as it is likely ever to be, by such materials as the anti-slavery party 18 composed of, mast re- sult in nothing else than the advantage and final triumph of our enemies, and in disaster and ruin to ourselves. And the South cannot be too svon weked up to this truth. The most plausible com- promises on this question will prove to us “ Like Dead Sea truite, which tempt the eye, But turn to ashes on the lips. The whole history of them bears testimony to the utter faithlessness with which they have been observed by the North. The ordinance of "37, although in strictness of definition, not a “com- promise,” sinee the part, gave up no right, or valuable coi wy yet be con- si’ ered as a bargain. by aqueenly, bat, st fatuitous gene- rosity, gave up to the exclusive use of the North a magnificent domain of hwestern territory; annexing to the gift but two conduions—the fi that but four States, and no more, should be formed out of it; and second, that fugitive slaves should be delivered up on demand of their owners. The North greedily accepted the princely gift, subject to the conditions. But what is the fulfilment on their part? Instead of four, they have carved out five State, by which to increase their power in the Senate; and instead of delivering up to the South her fugitive slaves, they murder and imprison her citizens, who go there to recover their property. The Missouri “‘compromise,”’ so called, (bat with what propriety, is not so plain,) is the next example of the wo ness of all attempts to setile permanently this vexed question, by conces- sions, on the part of the South. In that case, the North gave up nothiog, and gained everything. The South, on her part, sacrificed a great principle, and along with it, gave up immensely valuable ‘or What!—for the poor privilege, at best, let alone for a few years. he North claimed what they had no right to ask:—the exclu- sion of slaveholders, with their slaves, from any rtion of our territories. For this, which tl hed ne right to, mo le mead and blastered, and threatened; and the South, to thetr everlasting reproach and dishonor, as well as to their incaleu- lable injury, sufiered themselves to be influenced ty these things, and yielded a priaciple which they should have guarded with their life, and advantages which they never can recover. Amidst ‘this uproar and clamor, which stirred up by the wrong doer, the memorabie “Mis souri compromise,” (a8 it is called,) was started by, come one, in the fraudulent conspiracy. It offered the latitude of 36 deg. 0 mia., (which, be it here remembered, is the Southern boundary of Virginia end Kentucky, and Missouri, States, all within latitudes suitable for slave iador,) as the line of division between the two sections :— slavery to pe prohibited to the north of that line, bat not to be interfered with south of it. Ia this the North gave up no right, or privilege, or advantage which they were entitled to, except the right to bluster and extort; whilst the South consented to be excluded from fertile and valuable we, well suited to her institutions ; and so has greatly diminished her political power. The considera- tions for which these advantages were given up, were, that the North mag ped us peace, and that upon the basis of that line of lativude, the difli- culties should be settled thea and forever. Such were the hopes and expectations held out to us by the memorable * Miseouri compromise” — a compromise eepecially to be remembered by us, both as a great calamity, a well as a most impres- sive warning ! The history of furnishes_us with the evidence in what aranuer these oy! ledviged ex- pectations have been fulfilled ; and how Norhern men have kept their pxab' ited faith on the subject of slavery. Almost from the time of thetco mise, up certainly to the presegt hour, instead of courtesy and peace, we have had insult and vio- lence. The topie of slavery has been thrust in ‘upon the of , Without any ne- cessity, in the most offensive forms. Our institutions have been assailed, our property stolen from us, our just rights under the tution, ened | resolutions aimed directl) ad us, 2 es itself; our feel- ; and instead of that eon- which are due to us, a8 equals, they begin to treat us with an overbearing arrogance, which plainly admonishes us that we are hereafter to be regarded as a subjugated peo- ple, dependent upon a distant and irresponsible majority for our dearest righws, and for privi- lege even of apolitical existence. And now, in the very wantonness of power, they are about to inflict upon us the crowning act ot their injustice. They demand now, that we shail not only be ex- cluded with our slaves from all territories north of 36 deg. 30 min., but from every portion of the pub- lic domain south of that line; and also froma large portion of Texas, which was secured to the South by the solemnity of a treaty. And all this is done, in a manner, and with declarations 80 offensive, as to mark the depth of contempt, and disparagement, to which our donkey iveness, or (as ey may suppose) our timidity sunk us, and asif, further, to laugh to scorn the stupid cre- dulity which has put faith in their promises. Tt should be noted here, however, in apology for those few Southern men who gave their sanction to the ‘Missouri compremise,” that they had not then, as we have now, such evideace of the faith- lessness of the anti-slavery power in Congress, upon all questions which aflect our Southern in- stitutions. Our enemies, approached us then, a8 “brethren,” and our Southern heart kindling at the appeal, yielded to their exactions, for the pur- pose of jiving at peace with them, But if the leading men of that day beguiled some of our predecessors with enticing words, and then betrayed them with a kiss, we of the present day should be without apology, and be recreant to pos- terity, it we shut our eyes te the fact, that we have o deal now with the same Judas, who will again betray us, if not for the thirty pieces of silver, yet or the honors and spoils of office at home. e apnot now retrace our steps in the Missouri com- promise, or recall the advantages we then forever. parted with. But now, that another and similar is at hand, we can profit by the experience of past; and planting ourselves u oar rights, resolving not to yield another hair’s breadth of and them to any dower on earth, leave to others the responsibility of pushing us, if they dare, from our osition. Our judgments, when enlightened by @ areful review of the whole question, in- truct us, and our experience confirms the important truths. First—That no concessions on the subject of slavery has ever, or can ever satisfyfy our enemies. 2d—That the anti- slavery spirit is not only aggressive, but rapidly Pp ‘asive; and 3d—that sooner or later the battle will have to be fought on the final issue, viz. whether we shall continue our slavery institutions in the States, or whether the North shall take that matter into their own hands, and regulate it for us, according to their own caprice, and not for our own, but their benefit. The only alternatives for us to indulge a choice in, are, as to the time when, and the manner how, we shall meet the great fina! issue. Shall we meet it, and fight the great battle now, whilst we have strength and allies, and the spirit of our people unbroken ? or shall we postpone ita litle later, by compromising and temporising; when our enemies shall have multiplied in numbers and increased in power; when our strength shall have diminisned, our allies deserted us, and the spirit of our people crushed and discouraged? These are the alternatives which we have to choose be- tween But it may be objected to by some one who is afraid of his own shadow, or perchance of ghosts, the shadows of other imaginary things, and who is afraid to do what is right, or what is his duty, **be- cause something may happen.” ‘If we are to make no concessions on the subject of slavery—if we are to allow of no compromise, what then ? How is the question to be settled, except by dis union er civil war %” ‘ Now, it is freely admitted, that if they who have the power to do us justice, refuse to do so, and prefer to drive us over the precipice, that we must either submit to their encroachments, with all the fearful and degrading consequences, which I have but only glanced at, or encounter the alternate consequences of disunion, or, perchance, of civil war. If either of the latter alternatives are leoareg upon us, we, at least, shall not be ret Je for the consequences ; and we shall have the advantage of appearing before mankind in the atti- tude of men who are contending not only for their just rights, but for rights which are indispensible for their political existence. But us States, as well as individuals, men should take no important step without deliberating upon consequences of the act. it becomes the South to examine well what will be the effect upon their destiny, of disunion or civil war. And first of dis- union: In order to understand the abundant resources of the Southern States, towards becoming a great, powerful and independent nation, capable of pro- tecting herself from all aggression from abroad or at home, and of becoming wealthy and prosperous to a degree heretofore seldom enjoyed by bys peo- ple, examine first the map of the United States, and then indulge in certain considerations, which obviously present themselves, but which the occa- sion will allow us only very briefly to glance at. Beginning at the Capes of the Delaware, go up that 4 until we reach the southern boundary of Pennsylvania. Pursue that boundary west to the Ohio nver, then down that river to its junction with the Mississippi, then up that river to the nor- thern boundary of the State of Missouri, then around the northern and the western boundary of that State to the line of 56 30, thence west ea that line to the Pacific ocean; or, if it be preferred, ‘until it strikes the upper waters of the Rio Grande, then down that river to the Gulf of Mexico, a thence around to the Atlantic. Within these boundaries we have the Southern United States of North America, as magnihcent a country as ever the sun shone upon—solid, compact, and self-su porting for ell purposes of defence, with noble rivers, a fertile soil, great ‘nineral resources, a genial climate, for all purposes of agriculture, manufactures and commerce, and with a population at this time of about 6,000,000 whites, a hardy race--enterprising, Courageous, intelligent, and enerous; but unhappily for themselves, too con- ding in those who are Tatting them into security, to betray, and then ruin them. These States also possess a black population of about 3,000,000—a | docile, obedient, orderly, and athletic people; when let alone, happy, cont ated, and attached to | their owners; and with their labor, directed by the euperior intelligence of the white race, and aided | by their capital, constituting one of the most effi- aon ® and profitable classes of laborers in the world. Examining these States next, in their capabilities to aflord sustenance aud wealth to man, we fiad them producing a superabundance of meats, and fruits, and grains roots, aad yielding for a large export, the most valuable agricultural staples that the world knows—staples which bring mil- lions of people, in other nations, dependant apon them for the raw materi: pon which again de- pend the manwfactures and the commerce of those nations. The cotton, rice, tobacco, sugar, and other articles exported from those States amount to over $95,000,000 annually, besides what are kept beck, end used freely for their own comforts, or manufactures at home. This atlords, not only a very large income to the inhabitants, but as imports are in proportion to exports, and the revenue of a nation im proportion to its imports, it will atiord, at moderate tarifl of duties, aa overtlowing treasu- ry, which will ble the Southern United States to do, (what heretofore been denied them,) and that is, by expending within themselves, aod for their own benefit, those immense sums which have been hitherto extorted from them and squan- dered elsewhere, amply to fortity themselves, and develope their own mighty but dormaat resources. How different will be the aspect of things in the whole South, when this tide of wealth is dammed up Within our own borders, and made to roll back al our som ys pet and when our immense eapits! is employed by our own merchants in esta- bhshiog a direct trade, between our own Southera ports, and our customers all over the world. Then every vulnerable point will be protected by an ampie fortification; then every suitable harbor will have its well appointed dock-yard, and our navy will soon rank with the . Then every river, harbor, channel, or bank will be surveyed and mapped out for the security of our commerce. Then, when we have our own, and it is spent amon, ireelves, 1 the unaccustomed nourish- ment iffused ae the whole system, and its vivifying intinence be felt in every pore. The are will revive, manu! ree will a eee us, our agriculture will reer its drooping head, our commerce will expand, mechanic labor, meetin, with ample rewards, will pour in upon us, emigrauon, no longer discouraged the unia- viting a of our country, will k to our shores. And then, as the consequence of al! these will we exhibit to mai refutation of ay = the calumny of our enemies, whi: impoverished condition of things at the South to the institution of slavery among us, and peed to the systematic robbery of our netional Legiasia- ture, (where we are in a hopeless minority,) by which the immense revenues drawn anaually (rom Southern lapor is disbursed almost entire at the North, for the encouragement of the labor of that Considered, then, in all the consequences of a peaceable separation of the two (and there i# no justifiable reason why it should not be penceabie,)—the Southern United States would be [ammeasurably gainers by disunion. We will now conerder what would likely be the result, if another new = can Gite hy coy to s i ed upon us, with w! Wu power, we have sometimes been threatened; and that is the brotherly violence of muaketry and can niusoe us to continue in the fraternal embrace inion. hen, are our capabilities to meet the issue, if =a enemies oes us the enemas de * civil war,” as it is ; although in - in which civil wars become ye dreaded, will this ae, It will be a war be- on mar! sides of a well de! line—betweea a nation on the one side, of Northern States, invading nation of Southern States, waiting with all their mighty resources of men and revenue, to meet the attack; and with the concentrated energy of a righteous indignation to drive it back. And who that considers these immense resources, can for a moment doubt the issue. The Southern United States could bring into the field, if necessary, 1,200,000 men capable of bearing arms; and with dutit a war-scale, might have an annual reve- nue of $50,000,000, which (as the civil war so called, would be one of defence,) would be spent almost entirely among our own Dayo at home, and would therefore be but little felt as a burden. Besides, it would be the policy of all the great maritime, commercial and manufacturing nations of the world to take sides with the South, since the Northern States, ia all their pursuits, are their rivals; whilst the Southera United States, by their employments, and the rich staples of our agricul- ture, would be their natural allies. By our cotton, hemp, tobacco, sugar, and other staple productions of our soil, we supply the raw material, upon which depends some of the most extensive of their manu- factures, and which form the basis of their most profitable commerce; and, by taking away the tonnage duties, which now discriminate in tavor of our Northern oppressors, and giving to our custo- mers in Europe the profits of carrying our bulky staples, we bind their navigating interest strongly in our favor. Separated, then, from our Northern “ brethren,” our Southern United States would become a valu- able customer to all the civilized nations of the world—one to be conciliated and cherished, rather than to be insulted and injured. And when our favors are made to depend upon the civility, good offices, and national courtesy, which might be extended to us, by other nations; there is no people who would be so for- ward to bid for our custom, on our own terms, as those very States, who, because they think they now have the right to those favors, receive them without gratitude, and add insult and injury to us, whilst they enjoy them. The Southern United States need be under no suenemene for res amount of ae which ey may require, for any purpose of peace, or war. The willingness to lend Lay always measured by the ability to pay. If they be only true to them- selves, if they exhibit to the world that which they undoubtedly possess—and that ig, their en- tire ability to protect and defend themselves from all aggression from abroad, or at home, and to maintain a vigorous political iadependence, they will possess the key, through the rich prodactions of their soil, wy which to open the cotlers of every capitalist in Europe; and even of the Northera States of this continent. in men and revenue, our resources would be ample for any emergency, and in the good will of the nations advantages are increased. But when, in a conflict such as we are considering, all our other advantages are examined, our triumph becomes certain. Our enemies would be the in- vaders, and would therefore wire double the amount of revenue to carry oa their war of agree: sion. We would be the defenders, with all the advantages of position, m a compact territory, with each part giving support to all other parts; ond with our resources around and about as. Our enemies could never be united in such a warfare, even if they could raise the ummense revenue which it would require to conduct it; whilst the heart of the South would be in their cause, and they would be united as one man. The North may send upon us a horde of fanatics and desperadoes, to rob and to plunder; or to force us back into a Union, which has become odious to us_ by the in- sults and injustice which we have suffered uader it. But they will meet upon our borders an array of bolder and more resolute men—standing around their families and their property, and in defence of their honor and their rights—ready and able to drive back the vile aggressors with ignominy and defeat. That will be un evil day to our enemies, when they shall spill the first drop of a Southern man’s blood, who is stanaing up ia defence of such acause. The very stones will cry aloud at such @n outrage upon our soil. Even our womea will forget their sex, in defence of their injured coun- try ; whilst the just indignation which will swell the hearts of all that is called “ man,” or claims to be man, throughout the wide borders of the whole South, will impart a tenfold energy to their arms in striking deep into the hearts of their enemies. Itis not forgotten, in this place, that the chief instrument which our humane aud christian ene- mies calculate to employ against us, in operating our destruction, is to excite an insurrection among our slaves, and thus, in their benevolent crusade ia favor of the blacks, to inflict upon the white race the united horrors of a servile civil war. This is the most cherished echeme of these pious “ phi- Janthropists,” by which they attempt to terrify us into a submission to their rous and insult- ing demands, and it has not been without some ef- fect. It has ry yt many @ nervous old wo- man, and not a few Northern men, who have set- tled am us, in our cities, but who are entirely ignorant of the kindly feelings which generally ex- st between the slaveholder and his people. But the scheme will be found to be as abortive in practice a8 it is demopiacal in conception; and can never succeed, except upon the supposition of a supine- ness on the part of the people of the South, which would amouat to insanity—in allowing our ene- mies to mingle freely with our slaves, and pervert their feelings by falsehoods, misrepresentations, and delusive hopes. To the native slaveholder, however, who, with his people, has deen reared in the same neighborhood, or per! upon the same plantation—w ho witnesses oa the one side their feel- ings of respect and strong attachment towards him, end on the other, realizes to himself the kindly feelings which he indulges towards them—this no- table scheme of our enemies carries with it no very alarming forebodings. His every day experience and observation convince him that the efforts of our enemies must be both active, uninterrupted and long continued, to extirpate that loyalty of his slaves, which is stronger than a habit, and forms a part o! their vei jure; aud so far from indulging in supinenees, in @ matter of that nature, it muy be assumed as a fact, which will be true without an exception, that no emissary of insarrectioa will ever be able to travel through our country, whose every movement will not be watched and noted; until, becoming entangled in his own saares, he shall meet the doom, which an enr people have ready for such miscreants. It is only tn times of profound peace and public security; whea sus- picion is asleep, that an emmssary may crawl his ‘Way int» come obscure neighborhood, and by his serpent aris, pollute our staves, and excite an in- surrection. But such out-breaks must ever be very limited in their extent, and will be as easily put dowa, es any of the mobs which occur in the free soil States. In times of threatened invasion, or open war during the stir and activity of military preparation, when the slaveholder is waked up to his danger, and has bis arms in his hands, no in- surrection of any extent is ever likely to break out, and much less to succeed. Of this, every man who has resided long at the South, will be coavinced, who duly reflects on the subject, and should the occasion ever arise, when it may become the South to tax all her energies to matatain her po- IMtical existence, or defend her rights ur honor, we might, if it were deemed necessary, send into the field a million of men to meet the invader, without detracting soureey, a laborer from our agriculture, besides leaving 200,000 men, at bat little expease to the government, to act a8 a vigilant police, in keep- pew any of our slaves who may be made dis- affected. An active police of a fourth of that aum- ber, properly directed and distributed over the South, would keep in oder every disaffected slave, = eflectively secure ws from a servile insurrec- a. This favorite scheme, then, of our human and Christian enemies, will be fou eae Ty 1 found barren of the re- inticipa‘e ; but will recoil wy m A poiso the falsehoods and wicked aris of the abolition . end has been tempted to raise his irreverent a against the life of his master, will he found stricken lst the diabolical agent of ruin, the enemy alike of master and slave, will i] rom our lofiiest e his crimes after the manner of fendal = {t will thus be perceived :—Pirst. That in the rich and varied resourees which the “ Southern United States” #0 abundantly possess in revenue - in awe have all iin, ones corer? constituting us a great, flourishing inde- Rae mene Stetnd. That i ‘ ar, dis inion, OF separation from ee-8.il (or more properly pe States, would contribute greatly to our prospe: pay happiness, and finaily peaee. hird. That the dangers servile war, should cause no wel!- eiiey evil of soe about Tame when he a means are con hich bate brrestsance and self-dckeacs. a Os New, these positions will be greatly strengthen ed, if we consider, first, in pivme4 with ours, the means and resourers of the which it pty cee | ht bave the temerity to attack us; and he direful effects upon them, which disunion or a separation from us would entail. be found ae ae understood the reflecting and oa among them, ¢! it appears to us; and the epithalamiums which the: h 4 y yey a pane ap ae the Ly hope ‘ping ns in good amor it; and hence the threats of violence and throw out to intimidate us to the manufacturers, and 5 Whilst the Seuthera . They and bulk: Lo orage oad cr agrienltare ; pent ot they enjoy the fori of trates duties, we are shut u| other customers, and in brought under heavy tribute to them freights. By the combined 0} a a of these . causes, (and of some others which mi Apres if necessary,) they get possession of the largest ortion of our agricultural products ; which in the form of remittances in payment for este them with a large amount of our capital, upon the basis of which they carry on their extensive and lucrative commerce—a commerce which brings us tnbutary to them again, to the full extent of the difference at which they sell our exports abroad, ead what they make us pay for the imports at me. ‘ In these several relations, the Southern States: stand to the free-soil, or ‘* Pharisee ” States, as colonies to a nt and dominant country—not allowed to employ the agents who will do their work without bounty, and at the least expense to them ; nor to buy from those customers, who will sell chet pest ; but compelled to confine their busi- ness only to certain agents, who decide without competition vpoa the rates we have to pay them, an to buy from them pretty much at their own rices. a It is precisely, too, in these relations that these free soil or Pharisee States become the objects of rivalry and jealousy to all the commercial, manufacturing and navigating countries of the world. Both are manufacturers, both are carriers,. both are merchants, seeking foreign markets for their goods; and hence the jostlings and which is likely to spri between them. custom, then, of a people lik: to $100,000,000- States,” which has from $95, worth of exports to dispose of, must be of highest importance to every nation which has ships to curry these ex, , Manufactures to ex- change for them, and a large commerce to expand by them. The alliance, then, between nations ot such difierent pursuits and characters, becomes strong end natural, since ia the monopoly of that kind of custom, every commercial and manufactur- ing nation must chiefly depend for their wealth and presperity. It is the habit with many to suppose that nations withost slaves are, ipso facto, more fiourighing than those that have them. But of alt delusive novions, this isone of the most erroneous. Spain, Italy, Germany, France, Russia, or other free States” so called, are not more fiourishing than our Southern States, with all the exactions which are mide upon our labor. Englaad is in- debdted for her immense wealth and remarkable prosperity to the monopoly of the profits and the trade of her extensive colonies, and especially of India, which she has sucked of all thore enormous treasures for which she was for a long time, but not now, a proverb among the nations And in hke manner, the Pharisee States of this Union have become comparatively rich and flourishing, by the operation and policy of cer- tain national laws which leave the Southern States: in the relation of tributary colonies to them. Let England be shorne of her colonies, and with all her: cant and boasting, about the absence of slavery. within her limits, what would she become? And let the free-soil, or Piarisee States be separated from the “publicans and sinners” of the slave~ holding States, and what will be their condition in five years? We will stop for a moment briefly to answer. Owing to the operation of certain laws ef the fe~ eral government, as we have just said, those States have now the entire monopoly of the South- ern market tor a large amount of the articles which they mapufacture, aad upon which hundreds of thousands of their citizens depend for their sup- ena They enjoy, aiso, bounties upon another jarge Class of their manufactures, upon which mil- lions more .of their citizens depend, and which bounties secure to them great advantages over their foreign rivals, in our Southern markets. These bounties, in the form of revenue duties, are so high as to-exclude foreign nations from compet with these Northera States for our custom, many articles ; whilst in ail other articles they enjoy an advantage over their foreign rivals equivi t to their receiving a nt from the Federal govern- ment of from fitteen to thirty-five dollars _ they every huodred dollars worth of goods which manufacture, and sell at the South. To es- timate properly the immenee importance of these advantages to the Northern States, it must be borne in nund, that this customer is no insig~ nificant one ; but numbers now, perhaps, by the present census, nine millions of population, and that manufacturing at present little among m- selves, they are almost entirely Wo bed and not sellers of those articles, which the Northern States and foreign nw send to them. Now, these hon | og: ge let any man ask himselt what wou! the elfect, if these bounties of the Federal government were taken aw and net only taken away, but the burden of an impost duty added to the cost of manufac- turing. The separation of the Southern from the Northern States, would render it necessary for us to have a revenue of our owa, which, on a peace establishment, may be assumed to be about 20 per cent on un average. We will also assume that the average amount of bounty which the Northerm manulactorers now receive, under our present revenue laws, is also 20 percent. It is, ia reality, much wore. The account, then, will stand thas: In the Unies, they have a present now made them of $20, for every hundred dollars worth of goods which they manufacture, which is just s6 much to the protitsof their labor. Separated trom us, they lose first, this go- vermment present of 20 per cent; and have, secondly, to add to the loss, 20 per cent more in the form of a revenue duty, to be pid to the Southern United States—making a difference to them, in the pre fits of their industry, of 40 per cent. Can any sane nun believe, for a n.oment, that manufactures whch ore pow fostered by bounties of 20 percent, and as their advocates tell us,searce- ly bony at bore Ri fora he Beet or even 20 per cent of their profits are abstracted from them? It woutd he absurd to su Fo. It mey be confidently nes: , then, that the separation of the Northern States from us, which would be followed by this loss of their present bounties, and the addition or ew burdens on their labor, would bankrapt almost every manufacturing establishment atthe North: and would throw out of employment hundreds of thousands of their citi- zens, who would have to throag into other depart- ments of their industry to seek @ livelihood. Bat what other department of their industry would be in a better condition, or could receive them? Cer- tainly not their agriculvural, which cannot cor te now with the South and West, in any article which they can grow to a profit. Not their navigation in- terest, for under the siate of things which we are supposing, the tonnage bounties being taken from them, and duties of our own burdened upon them instead, and our freigh:s being given to our a customers, or perhaps only a small share given Northern ship-eowners—their na interest would dwindle, aad their sailors woud have to seek employment elsewhere. Their commercial departinent could not receive them. Since export- ing our agricultural products in the vessels of our foreign customers, and establishing a direct trade between our own ports, aad coun! we not only shall have no need of Northern merchants to do our business, but being deprived of the im- mense capital, which they now have the use of, in exporting so large a portion of our rich agrieul- tural staples, they would be deprived of the chiet support upon Which their foreign commerce is now kept 80 ous, and without which it must dreg on, in“ feeble and sickly existence. ‘ Eve: saicemem of be moyen A being loomed wy }, diminishment decay, by this withdrawal or the bounties which the: now enjoy in the Union, Se ee tee which they wil ve to encounter out of it, from other na- tions, and millions of their citizens being thrown out of employment to seek for it elsewhere, but which cannot be found at home, the first effect of our separation from them, will be incalculable dis- trese their citizens; and the next, the imi- — eitizens, with their capital, to other ates, where it can be made to be more protitable. The “Southero United States’’ will offer the strongest to them for such imi- ee and investment of capital. It will necessary only to cross over the line, = = he. her “a MP os the priviliges wi! they formerly enjoyed unde the old Union; and who doubte, bt that will be eagerly embraced, and thousands abstracted from: the population, and millions from the capital of the But it is not-merely in the wide spread injury | which wili be inflicted vpom every department of industry at the North, that the effects of a separa- tion from us will be felt by their citizens. We ure infinitely profitably to then in another way: we are the tax payers; whilet they are the tax receivers,. and tax senders. They have contrived, pny ge Te through their majority “Cone to collect large revenues, which are draw chiefly from our Southern labor; axd after the treasury has been filled, they have not been want- ing in pretexts, some of them the most flimsy andy anconstitational, to empty it into the laps of their own citizens to earich them, or appropriate it for public works wit in, thet own limits, to benefit 133,000,000 ; fon mone the Pw of Sow 21 Fila" ae $e turn the share 000, t of the North about ¢ ~A eel al ah all of mn) at tn por duties, case, iy rage ot 20 which is ha Caseted,) the Southern Staten pay $23 00}000 to