The New York Herald Newspaper, October 1, 1850, Page 6

eer TE LT EN TR TTT TS SLE ERIS NNER tN terthe The Causen of the frequent Def Whig Party, and the General Ase ef the Seath in tho Vatinnal Counc ltisa singular fuct, that time o the defeat of the old John Ad f ral party, by the Jeffersonians, there has been bift one genuine whig administration t wasduring the term of John Quincy Adame, from 1524 to 1823, Ttisaa- ether equally singnlur feet, that the North has never fu hed bi u Presidents out of thirt: and neither of them have beeu elected to a secon term; while, with two or three exceptions, the Southern Presidents have beld their office for eightyeers. John A Martin Van Burea, are t have been elected tothe of ey of the republic—Mr. Fil ate elevation to the death of his predecessor. There must be some way of nc jog for the fact that the democratic party and the South have held so 3, John Quincy Adams, and aly Northern men who of the chief magistra- sore owing hisimmedi- cogtroliing a sway over ihe affairs of the nation; | and the explanation seems (o us exceedingly plain and timpie. As far as the preponderance of Southern infla- ence has prevailed i our national affairs, it can be easily accouated for by the fact that, in the South erm States, polices bave, from the beginning, been made an art, which bas been thoronghly stu- died, and reduced in practice to the precision of a acience. opinion, is comparatively small. For the most part, none but men of taleat, leisure, and fortune, embark in the polincal game. From youth they are accustomed to habits of public speakiog, an | they acquire a degree of fluency, eloquence, an! power eeldom attuined, except by long practice ; and ia their case, their progress is very much aided | by the warmth and enthusissm which belong to the southern climate, which imparts to their public eddresses a tone of greater earnestness and deeper effect. nd persuasive appeals that were Continental Congress, und the period of the adoption of the federal con: tion in 1789, cam from Southern men. We are pot unmindful of the magica! eflect produced by the speeches of John @ad Samue! Adems, Fisher Ames, and other dis- tinguished New Eugtanders; but little doubt exists that the controlling ivfluence which eloquence put | | forth during that stormy period, came from such men as Patrick Henry. There was at the time, and there ever has been since, a fire about South- ern eloquence, Which tended more profoundly to stir the feelings and agitate the popular heart than we can trice in any of those quiet, philosophical appeals thet came from the cold, calculating genius of Northern statesmen. Asarule, which admits of few exceptions, we find, in tracing the progress of men as well as of | nations, tha: the most powerful iafluences ever yet put forth upoa the world, have come from the spi- rit of enthusiasm. In public as well as in private life, it holes good that the bold, fearless, enthusi- astic man is the man of power; he is feare courted, believed, followed. While a rival of great- er philosophical acumen, deeper penetration or re- search, convinces the judgment, the impetuosity and fervor of the enthusiastic maa reach the heart and control the action. For this reason, we find that individuals and nations whe have flourished in the warm and glowing climates, have, duriog | the period of their ascendency, swayed more de- spotic eud irresictibiy power over the world than in northefa latitudes. Their way, itis true, has been generally more brief; but while it lasted it was more controlling. Besides, iv the case we are now speaking of, Southern politicians, being men of | gretter leisure, devote their time almost exclusive- ly to the study and the practice of the art of states- mauehip, ro far as we may use that term while speaking of our national politics. At the North the case is far different. is the temperament of the people, like the colder end steadier, bu! their incessant activity in scenes of domestic life and economical industry is v0 all absorbing that it \s very rare to find a class of men who abstract themselves entirely from their own aflusa, to devote themselves exclusively to the business of the public. Asa general rule, they adopt politics as a transient business, while South- ern men follow it as @ permagent pursuit. From the South we find almost the same set of repre- sentatives, in both branches of Coagress, through- out a generation ; while at th election introduces a new class of men. great struggle for polities! power, we can therefore trace the same anslogy between them which can generally be recognized beiween disciplined troops and rew volunteers. Theee considerations will ac- count for the fact that the South has generally he'd the politcal eway of the ontron in its hands. Te ve the causes are equ mecratic party have mai- throughout the nation, over the whigs. From the time of Jeflereon, the stigaa of aristocratic coa- gervatiom and European sympathies has beea fastene:| wpon the fe | party, which, with some Modifications, has at lasi assumed the nome of whic In the time of that ferocious struggle which finally ended iv the election of Jeflerson to the | Presidency, it is well known that the odium was east upon the Adams men of beiog the British or goti-French party. The clarion of the French Revol world, and in that period of general excitement the public mind of this country, like that of Enrope, ‘wes inflomed by visions of triumphant democracy, which have been to a great extent realized by the achievements of Napoleon, and the final dowafall, in many parte of the world, of the haaghty preten- sioos of ubsolutiam. J. ferson was a keen-sighted politicien. He felt the tendencies of hisage, and foresaw the final result of these agitations. He courted popularity among the people by flattering them into the belief thet he was the only man who could finally work out their ideal of de- moctacy ; and be it said, in jastice to his name, that he died the most i!lustrions etponent of the @pirit of the American revolution of all his con- temporaries. Up to the time of John Quincy Adama, the federal party found themselves unable to gain the ascendant, and consequently they could not carry out their measures; and even during his administration, just in proportion as the President and hie advisers were able to give effect to their measures, just in that proportion did they cover themselves wiih ofium. This will account fer the first election of General Jackson. The course of hie adnvinist more of the people believed that upon him chiefly they were to rely for an advocate anda defender All through his eight years’ administration, the entire occupation and business of the whig party was summed up in oppesition, There was nothing progressive in any of their measures. So far as the question of finance was concerned, they wanted to go back @ generation, and fasten upon urborn men the curse ef a vast and overwhelm ingly powerful money isstitution, which would concentrate wealth and its influence in the haads of the richer classes, thereby bringing the laborer and the poor more completely under their subdjec- tion. So far as the tariff was concerned, they Wished to have the legisiation controlled entirely by the interests of Northern manufacturers. The people knew this; and it was utterly vain, even with oo weak, intriguing, and selfish a man as Martin Van Buren, pitted against so noble and generous a spirit as Henry Clay, to attempt to gain a victory. True, at last the duplicity and legerdemain of Martin Van Buren were | discovered and understood, and the corrap: tion which had grown out of the long sway of his party made a change necessary. To this cause chiefly can be attributed the success of the whigs in 1840, when they nominated Gene- ral Hertison. Although the upshot of that business was anlucky for the whigs, yet they deserved their defeat in 1944, for they bliadly and obstinately pit- ted themselves against the progress of the republic 1 the affair of Texas. From the moment the An- In the Southern States, the number of | men who mingle in public affairs and guide public | With few exceptions, the most powerful | made in the | Yorth almost every | Ia the | ly clear why the de- | aimed the asceadan, | 0 had sounded throughout the civilized | jon was such, the | glo Saxons passed the limits of the old Spanish do- | The New American Pragedy, at the Opera | Eg ary minion, the struggle between the two races began; | and after the batile of San Jaciito had brew fought and won, itbecarme inevitable that (he whole territo- | Ty was to fall underthe swoy of the United S Foreseeing the drift of opinion snd of events, t , Who are, par erellence, the party try, teok the popular side, and advocated the @ on of Texas into the Union, This was the ginod issue ia the election which je Mr. Polk President. Without the prestige of public reputation, that man was carried into power by the mere force of the drift of his | party. Any other man in the United Statea might have been elected just aa easily as James K. Pole It was the issue between the two parties, and not the men. Otherwise we never did and never can believe that so greatand glorious a patriot as Heary Clay would have been compelled to succum) to such a man as James K, Polk. Mr. Clay’s per sonal popularity has time and agatu carried for his party a hundred thousand votes, while the prestige of democratic measures has, against tremendous opposition, secured the election of far inferior and insignificant men. Finally, when theelection of 1848 came on, the whigs, with a new-born wisdom, adopted the views which had for many months been unfwlded and ad- vocated by the New York Herald, nominated Gen. Taylor to the Presidency, and thereby robbed the democratic party of the triumph. The great hero- ism of Gen. Tayler, displayed throughout the campaign in Mexico—the stern Noman simplicity, and high moral purity of his character, and his uneullied patriotism, all combined to make him the man whom the people loved, and chose to fil) that high office. At this period it was the man, as itelways had been, and not the principles of the party. In fact, the whiga allowed no party issues to be made. They said nothing about banks or tariff; they only heralded the victories of the hero, and inscribed upon their banners the scenes of his triumph. They knew that the secret of their success lay in the man, and not ia the cause. Had he been nominated by the democratic party, he would have swept opposition away, as the tempest sweeps the chaff from a threshing floor. If proof of all this is asked for, look at what | an imbecile and corrupt cabinet did for his reputa- tion during the short period of one year. Provi- | dence at last came to the relief of the good old man, and liberated him from the toils of aa enemy which | he could not conquer. He died full of giory and of | fame, and left the heritage of oblivion and disgrace to the doomed men who had tried to drag him down. The judicious, firm, and enlightened policy which Fillmore displayed, on his sudden and un- expected accession to power, won the applause of the nation, and gave éclat to his commencing ad- ministration. The selection of such men as Daniel Webster, John J. Crittenden, and Thomas Corwin, was a sufficient pledge to the nation that the new President had no intention of trifling with the interests of the republic; and no administration in the history of the government has opened under fairer auspices, since its first foundation. Whether or not this fair fabric of power which Providence and human genius have, by a singular combination, raised at the moment, will last, de- pends entirely upon one thing; viz.: whether the whig party are prepared to move on with the irre- sistible progress of the nation, or whether they will pit themselves again, for the hundredth time, against the advancement of the republic, and there- by meet with an utter overthrow. Oa! right on, in sober earnestness, with vital power and irresisti- ble impetus, the republic is marching, and must march ; and it is as vaim to attempt to arrest its | regress, is to stop the advancement of civili- zation. So far as this contineat is concerned, civi- lization means our republic, and the spread of civili- zation means its advancement. The whigs tried to stop it in the case of Florida, and Louisania, and Texas. Will they again look ruin in the face, by trying to fix another limit beyond which this over- whelming tide must not flow ? We are ourselves advocating no system of con- quest, no encroachment apon the rights of neigh- boring States, or the boundaries of our neighbors. We are merely tracing the developement of public events, and accounting for the fact that a great party, Which embraces within itself 80 vast a pro- portion of the real energy, power, iatellect, aad in- telligence of the nation, should have beea so con- Naually subjected to defeat, because they made wor upon the instinct of the nation and the spirit of the ege. We have always found a striking and picturesque exemplification of the philosophy of our national progress, in the following electric | words of one of our greatest poets :— | Lo! what» glorious, eect hanes | The tramp of freedom thr. 0 World: ook through the lems of Time, that gathers ia hiy movements through the century | vader swells his vast procession, eee ae . eam an empire 0 tte rene Oeth quake— Ss besbanrene onto | Meow likes Fpor nee ‘The rays of jon penetral | Inevitably, (o illumi —-Vair Freedom's torch AK And tore! golden light. Keflected —Against the Bee them dash illum'd all with hope beams’ ion wil sbores they dash, difasng Like young Auroras, over the wi new tay not their course '—Thom can'st not, if thou would’st. So it hae ever been, and so it ever will be. Wa- der monarchies, the men who look to the prece- dents of the past are loyalists and legitimists; the men who are lookiag towards the future are re- formers. Under our government, the former are for they dread what is coming, being what is past. They are whigs. | The latter are looking towards the future, willing all when it comes, believing that there- mton. who lost yay vaquirition indented and taken the o New York. at the house of Ric! ond and for sald county, | Thomas Johnson and lyti 4, upon the trong, nees atten! ve named Thomas Johnson and Deter d by whom the same was produced, what manner, and when and where the said _ came to thels death. do say v their oaths re. raid that the said Thomas Johnson and Betery Kon. drick ps came to their deaths from wounds and Injuries ved ® certain rail. road conveyed therein alo jew York and > om the evening of the p= pak ana instant, Le | = — of nine or cont | being thrown off said trae ity ronaing upon ned cue ae certain three the sama ot at by run! ear old cow, or beifer feilroad. t railroad track at as well from said examinati House. ‘The new tragedy, written for to Mr. Buchanan, the tragedian, which will be produced for the first | time in thia city, under the generous aad enter- prising mangement of Max Maretzek, at tha As tor Place Opera House, to-morrow night, is placed et an interesting period in the history of Rome. When Claudius Cesar held the destiay of the Eternal City in his hands, the greatness of the Roman character began to pale ia his pre- sence. Petus Cecinna, a patrician coaaul, ap- peared to be the sole inheritor of the aneieut vir- tues which distinguished Romans. His family, Aria, Comelia, (the Thrasea of history,) and Thraseus, partook largely of the spirit of this noble Roman, and the death of Arria has been beauti- fully celebrated in Martial’s brilliant epigram, aad jn the pages of several historians. This event is celebrated in the play. Jt may not be uninteresting to those whe will witness the production of this tragedy, to-morrow night, to be aware of the fact that the work is strictly historical, and that Claudius, Pallas, and Calhstus, as well as those already named, figure in history. The whole story is a complete narra- tion of actual events, and the action of the play is chiefly confined to Kome. That we may prepare the public for such an entertainment—appealing to the literary taste of the metropelis—we have been permitted to make a few extracts from various scenes. From the first act we select as follows:— TOUTMEUL AMBITION FoR LiMKATY Is there no method yet To be prociaimed whereby ow: camp, agaim Arouse = Rome, sud thus dechrone ow’ Bball Forever—all that follow Our thraldom and our shai Devise a scheme that mi That will possess the peop! Its proclamation now. so when I pass ¥Vrem youth. some patriot deea may then be mine, Or I, by failure, cease to not, and not Survive mycountry, * * * * * Tne cry oF Rome. Why ray to Rome? You'd have me sce not Rome, But e’en that noble city’s wreck, wi lies 0, do not mock me, Roman parasite, Thou earth.fed minion of an earth bag king! Can'st thou but lead me heace to Rome—that Rome Where once to have been born was pride enough, Whore seven hills were pillars which did prop A noble temple's root, beneath whose arch Were bappy homes, where master spirits dwelt. I will depart with thee, and, like a obild, Most gladly in my soul will thank thy guidance. In enother act we find the annexed dialogue on CeckttAMaegES AND THE Duciton oF rosTERLTD. ‘ecinna, One hope have I yet left within wy breast, My Arria--yes, one Taine by memories born” Of encred eloquence—the fruit of truth! Betore the fathers I'll appeal against ‘This flagrant outbreak on our libertios. 8 though they wi!l hear, Their coward hearts, beneath their Cwaar's eye, Will turn ell cold as though black death had chilled Yet for Cornelia— our pos-erity — (chem, The doom propounced, avert ; be that not all— Avert the sentences, for atter ages, Unlese some mind illustrate what we are, > love of all immortal truth inspired, il turn our virtues into treasoa's form, Our punishment dec! Cocnna. Could I bel ereafter living, Misied by aught, usure, doubt or blame, ‘The iron of my eoul would sralghtwoy melt, Into a mass of quivering fire dissoly ‘To burn this crucible, my heart, to ashes, No—no, €weinna loving not bis country vas be no mere Cwei oat oe those soul. Cecinna, ‘hat! Sbrii not a citiz . Arise to vindicate the Roman's right, W hen over ancient laws and customs old Through t And men in after times shal! Crrcinne, sa : Bustaia and It in if ki Te Coa ions inte For where their subjects nave stjectiy lain In awe to dolly room r pole deeds, cruel calumnies on ure ple that guards the state, That marks my acts, To thee it appertaine; Love for a tyrant is not loyalty. LOYALTY AND REGRET. My mind as loyal ts to day, as when A % y at the academy. aw’ ‘be statues of the ol a cy win thee I talked, nad thonghe within thine eyes aspirations kiudling to a ged’s, ndant virtues which ‘rental mark, . Now deesived, ‘That my voice scunded im bebalf ot thee— That 1 was eloquent to clothe thy form ple robes resplendent. dol dare. Not as thy foe. but as thy friend and Rome's, To pieed to thee— to ask a sovereignty For virtue. ‘The fifth act commences with the following worrLeart Ye gloomy wails, how well With the dark ‘houghts and bitter hopelessness Which cling around my heart and shut it out inion with the crowded werld, harmonize Ot god-like patriote who awed the world. Descend and ye ministering »pirite, While I ia your council how to die It ¢ }ook on morta! purposer, Acd bend the will of the euperior powers T the truthful souls which dwell on earth, |). register this doom. Let this one hope secret breast, and I'll await all my many agonies “The play will bave every chance with the public, thus brought out under the management of Max Meretrek. This liberality of a foreigner in sup- porting the literature and taleat of natives of this country, will long be remembered in this commun- nity. We learn that a powerful company has been engaged expressly to give the play every possible advantage. Of course, there will be aa al interest to witness the display of so much that is new and full of talent. Our Saratoga Cor: capondence, Saratoga Swrinas, September 23, 1950. Another Hotel Enterprise. Perheps you have not been informed of the new hotel that is to be erected at this place. If so, I will give you a brief description of it, as given by ita great projector and proprietor, Joha I. Peters, Eeq,, {think of yout city. Ite location will be of Temple Ili, east of Congress Spring, bei of land purchased by the “Alderms of the estate of the late Dr. Clarke. It consists of about half an acre of upland and two and a half acres of swamp. It was purchased at $3,000, and is now valued at the modest sum of €90,000, which price is to form 80 much stock of the new associa- tica. The new hotel isto be of the most colossal dimensions, and will be the wonder and admira- tion of the age. Itisto be five hundred feet on Cireular street, two thousand feet on Spring street, and one thousand five hundred feet on Putnam street, with a broad piazza four thousand feet long on the inside, extendiog the whole length of all the buildings. ‘The front part of the hotel will be con- ducted in the ordinary mode, where the charges will range from $2 to $5 per week. The oorth wing will be appropriated to those who wish to occupy rooms and Toad themselves, and the west wing will con- stitute a large end commodious “ watercure” es- tablishment. The whole establishment will ac- commedate about two thousand five hundred per. sons. it will be a hotel, in fect, for the million. The estimated cost of grounds and buildings is ; coat of furniture, ete es i be d with gas, furnished the frejector him- elf The Barbydt farm, of two hundred acres, whieh only two miles distant, is to be compec' with the establishment, where the inmates con, if they wish, be employed in the ex- ercive of fermin, any and thus pay a ion or the whole their expenses, as weil as Expecve their health. This plan, if will form one cf the most beneficent, charitable institutions of thie country, and will entitle its pro prictor to the lasting gratitude of posterity ‘Treaties with Indian Tribes, RRESIDENT OF THE <rrzo STATES OF AMERICA Voulland singular to whom these presents shall come, greetmg: Whereas, a treaty wae made and concluded ot Abiquia, in New Mexico, oa the 39tn day of December, one thousand eight hundred and | | forty-nine, between the United States of America, by James 5. Calhoun, ladian Agent, acting as their Commi-sioner, and Quixtachigiate, Naniwo, Nia cocunuchi, Abagamxe, Ramah, Subleta, Pupalla- chi, Segnasexego, Paguisashi, Cobaxanor, Amu- che, Puigmechs, Panach, Sichaga, Uvieaxinape, Cuchuticay, Nachitope, Pueguate, Guaco Juas, Pacachi, Saguanchi, Acaguate Nochi, Puibuquie acte, Quixnehe Tuate, Saxiabe, Pichiute, Novhi- chigue, Uvive, principal and subordidate chiefs, representiog the Utah tribe of Indians. . And where id treaty having been submitted to the Senate for ils constitutional action thereon, the Senate did, on the ninth d ty of September, one thousand eight hundred and fifty, advise and coa- tent to the ratifiention of the same; which treaty is in the words following, to wit:— ‘TREATY BETWEKEN THK UNITED STATRS OF AMERICA, AND THE UTAH INDIANS. ; The following articies have b en duly consi- dered and solenmly adopted by the andersigued; that isto say, James S. Calhoun, Indian agent, residing at Santa Fé, acting as commissioaer on the part of the Uuited States of Reetien. and te, Quixiachi Nanito, Niacocunac! Abaga- pixie, Ramahi, Sublets, Rupallachi, BOXELO, ieee baxanor, Amuche, uigaiachi, pf Sichuga, Uvicaxinape. Cuchuticay, tope, Pueguate, Guano Juas, Pacachi, Sa- guanchi, Acaguate Nochi, Puicuquiacte, Quix- whe Tuate, Saxiabe, Pichiute, Nochichigue, ve, principal aud subordinate chiefs, represent- Utah tribe ot Indians do hereby acknow- e and deciare, they are lawfully aud exclu- ly, under the jurisdiction of the goverament of said States; and to its power and authority they now unconditionally submit. 11. —From and after the signing of this Siaaty hostilities between the contracting parties shal i cease, and perpetual peace and amity shall exist, the suid tribe hereby binding themselves most solemnly, never to associate with, or give counte- nance or aid to, any tribe, or band of Iadians, or other persons or powers, who may be at any time atenmity with the people or government of said States; and that they will, in wll future time, treat honestly and humanely, every citizenof the United States, and all persons and powers at peace with the said States; and all cases of aggression against said Utahs, shall be referred to the aforesaid go- vernment for adjustment and settlement. I1.—AlU American and Mexican captives, and others, taken from persons or powers ut peace with the said States, shall be restored and delivered by said Utahs to an authorized officer or agent of said States, at Abiquin, on or before the tirst day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty. And ip like manner all stolen property, of every description, shall be restored, by or before the aforesaid first day of March, 1450. In the event such stolen preperty shall have been consumed or destroyed, the said Utah Indians do egree, and are hereby bound to make such reatitu- tion and under such circumstances, as the govera- ment of the United States may ord+r and prescribe. But this article is not to be so construed, or under- stood, as to create a claim against said States for or losses or depredations commitied by said Utabs. Y.—The contracting parties agree that the laws new in foree, and such others as may be passed, regulating the trade and intercourse, and for the preservation of peace with the various tribes ef La- dians, under the protection and guardianship of the government of the United States, shall be as bind- ing and obligatory upon the said Utahs as if said lawshad beenenac'ed for their eole benelit and protection; and that said laws may be duly execu- ted, and for all other useful purposes, the territory occupied by the Utahs is hereby annexed to New Mexico as now organized, or as it .ay be orga- nized, or unt) the goverament of the United States shall otherwise order. V.—The people of the United States, and all eee in pd with os ces a eee e through the te t ender onde ten and seguingans i may be adopted serve tranquility, and to af- 1 the people and interests of the pod wet ora of the United such military posts and agen- such trading houses, at in such places, as the said government by authority of said States. Vi—In order to ate. ° ieee confidently upon the justice and liberality of the United States, and anxious to ré- move every possible cause that might disturb their peace and quiet, it is agreed by the Ucahs that the aforesaid government, shall, at its earliest conveni- ence, designate, settle, and adjust their territorial boundaries, and pass and execute such laws, io their territory as the government of said States may deem conducive to the happiness and prospe- rity of said Indians. And the said Utahs, further, bind thernselves not to depart from their accusto- med homes or localities, unless specially permitted by an agent of the aforesaid nat. and so eoom as their boundaries are distiac’ly defined, the eaid are further bound to confine themselves to said limits, uader such rules as the said govera- ment may prescribe, and to build > pueblos, or to settle in such other manner as will enable them most succeesfully to cultivate the soil, and pursue ther industrial pursuits as will best promote "Apna poe rity; and they now de- and considerately, pledge their existence ct tribe, to abstain, 1 dy time — depredations; to ceese the rovi ram- bits which have hitherto marked them as » hay oy ar Serr to the li- mits which may easignr m, and to su; themselves by their own industry, aided ate rected as it may be by the wisdom, justice, and hu- manity of the American people. VILL.—For and in consideration of the faithful performance of all the lations con’ in this treaty, by the said Utahs, the government of the United States will grant to said Indians, such donations, presents, and ii and such other liberal and humane measures as said woe This treaty shall be binding upon the ‘This tre upon the con- ies y Ay and after the signing of the tracting same, subject, in the first place, to the approval of the elvil us mili governor ‘of New Mexico, and to euch other moditieations, amendments, and or- ders, aw may be adopted by the government of the United States. In faith whereof, the undersigned have d this oety, and affixed thereunto their seals, at Abiquia, in New picxico, this, the thirtieth day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thou- sand eight hundred and forty-nine. James 8. Cautorn, (.8.) Indian Agent, Commissioner U Quissacmeiate, his x mark, [5 ) Principal Chief. Nonito, his x mark, [1.s.] Nincocunachi, his x mark, [15. Abaganixe, hi e tay ‘ble 2 tert, (1n5-) Repalsctl bid x pear, ta, is [t8. 5 \ i= Kia) igemaeh of Sac ee {. 8] Amuche, x mark, {1.5} Pai hi, bis x mark,[{t.s.] Panachi his x mark, [ts] Sichuga, his x mark, [1 s. Uvicaxinape, his x merk, {t.s.) Cuchutreny, his x mark, ay ] Ne chitope, bie x mark, [1..s.] Pueguate, his x mark, 8} Guana Juas, his x mark, [1..s.]) Pacachi, jis x mark, {1's} Saguanchi, his x mark, [0 s. Acaguate cae his x merk, [1.6.] Pulbavelsonc: his x mark, Irs] Quixache Tuate, his x mark, (.5.] Saxiabe, his x mark, [/.5.] Pichiate, h x mark, (1.5 } Nochichigue, hie x mark, [1 s.} U ie x mark, [t s.J]—Subordinates. Wirnessee—Antonio Jesus Solosa; Franco, To- mas Deco; Bannon bi" ie “it Te, er; Antoine Leroux, Interpreter; James Conc’ nierpreter, J 11, Whittiesey, lst Lieut. Ist Dra: Edward Kero; George W. Martia, Wm hy i he! Approved : ‘ Brevet Colonel U. 8. Army, Ci Now, therefore, be it Joun Meson, A Mae oe ig aly no wn, it Preside ofthe United Sate Ame: , do, reual¢e vice consent the Senate, as exprosee’ in their resolution of the nioth day of September, one ‘housand eight hun- deed and filty, accept, ratify, and ccfirm the said eaty. in Yeottmony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, having signed the same with my hand. this rirtye Done at the city of Wi day of September, in the year of our L. 5.) one thouennd eight hundred and fifty, and of the independence of the United States of America the seventy-tifth. Moaseo Focworr By the President: Dania, Wensten, Secretary of State. MILLARD PILIMORE, PRESIDENT OF TRE UNITRD STATES OF AMERICA: Ee whom there reas, & treat; I, a a T, one eight hundred fed forty-nine, States of Ame: by Joho M. Washington, Governor of New Mexico, and lieutenant colo- nel commanding the ti of the United States 2 New a —_ Hay A Calhoun, 4 8 nt, represen’ States, an: Mari .no Martines, head chief, and aw se cond chief, om the part of the Navajo tribe of’ In- jane: And whereas, said treaty having been submitted to the Senate for its constifetjonel action thereon, the Senate did, on the ninth da Rh aan ad thousand eight hundred and fifty, and con- sent to the ratification of the same, which treaty is in the words following, to wit: TREATY BETWERE THR CNITRD STATES OF AMERICA AND THR SAVAIO INDIANS The following acknowldgements, declarations, To all and thousand between the United and stipulations, have beea duly considered, and cre few eolemply adopted and proclaimed by the Governor of New Mexi cormmarding the troops New Mexico, end James Calhoun, Indian agent, reciding at Santa Fé, ia New Mexico, representing the United States of America, and Mariano Maru- nez, head chief, and Chapitone, second chief, on the part of the Navsjo tribe of lndians. 1—The said Indians do hereby acknowledge that by virtue of a treaty entered into by the Unite und lieutenal the United Stites ia vucermgned, that 1 to say, John M. weabiagian, | 1 fonel States of America, and the United Mexican States, | signed on the second day of February, in the year or our Lord eighteen hundred and forty-eight, at the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, by N I’. Trist, of the first part, end Luis G Cuevas, Bernardo Couto, and Miguel Atristain, of the second part, the said tiibe was lawfully placed under the exclusive ju- risdiction and prolection of the goverameat of i sid United States, and that they are now, and will focever remain under the aforesaid jurisdiction aad protection. 1L—That from and after the signing of this trea- ty, hostilities between the contracting parti hall cease, and perpetual peace and frieadship shall 3 the said tribe hereby solemnly coveaanting they will not aeseciate with, or give counte- nance or aid to, any tribe or baad of Indians, or other persons or powers, who may be, at any time, at enmity with the people of the said United Siates; that they will remain at peace, and treat honestly and humanely all persons aad powers at peace with the said State: | cases of aggression against said Navajoes by citizens or others of the nited States, or by other persons or powers im amity with the said States, shall be referred to the goverpment of said States for adjustment and set- Uement. Ill. The ernment of the suid Statee haviog the sole and exclusive right of regulating the trade and intercourse with the said Navajoes, it ix egreed that the laws now in force regulating the trade and intercourse, and for the preservation of peace with the various tribes of Indians under the protection and ‘dianship of the aforesaid government shalt have the same force aud efficiency, shall be as binding and as obhgatory upon the said Navajoes, and executed in the same manner as if suid laws had been passed for their sole benefit and protection; and to this end, and for all other useful purposes, the government of New Mexico, as now organized, or as it may be by the (clgee tee of the United States, or by the legally constituted authorities of the people of New Mexico, is recog- nized and acknowledged by the said Navajovs; and for the due enforcement of the aforesaid law: unul the government of the United States shall otherwise order, the territory of the Navajoes is hereby annexed to New Mexico. IV.—The Navajo Indians hereby bind them- selves to deliverto the military authority of the United States in New Mexico, at Santa Fe, New Mexico, 8s soon as he or they car be apprehend- ed, the murderer or murderers ef Micente Garcia, that said fugitive or fugitives from justice, may be dealt with us justice may decree. V.—All American and Mexican captives, and all stolen property taken from Americans or Mexicans, or other persons cr powers in amity with the Unit- ed States, shall be delivered by the Navajo In- dians to the aforesaid military authorit; New Mexico, on or before the ninth ber next ensuing, that juetice may be meted out to all whom itmay concern; and, also, all Indian cap- tives, and Lape gered of such of tribes of lndians as shall enter into a similar reciprocal treaty, ehall in bke manner, for the same pur- , be turned over to at thorised officer or agent ef the said States by the aforesaid Navajoes. ViL—Should any citizen of the United States, or other person or persons subject to the laws of the United States, murder, rob, or otherwise maltreat any Navajo Indian or Yadiane, he or they shall be arrested and tried, and, upon conviction, shall be subjected to ali the penalties provided by law for the protection of the persons and property of the people of the said States. \ 1l.—The people of the United States of America shall have free and safe passage through the terri- tory of the aforesaid Indians, under such rules and pepnietione #8 may be adopted by authority of the sai V1JL.—In order to preeerve tranquillity, and to afford protection to all the andiaterests of the contracting parties, the government of the United States of America will establish such military posts and cqoeciess and authorize euch trading- houses, at tuch time and in such places as the said govern- ment may designate. 1X. — Relying confidently upon the justice and the liberality of the aforesaid government, and anxious possible cause that ht disturb quiet, it is agreed by the aforesaid the government of the United States shall, at its earliess convenience, designate, settle, and adjust their territorial boundaries, and pase aod execute in their territory such laws as may be deemed conducive to the prosperity and eas of said Indians. 2 X.--For and in consideration of the faithfal per- formance of all the stipulations herein contained, the eaid Navajo Indians, the government of the nited States w oad euid — fore Se tions, nts, ments, aD sue! other iberal and humane measures, as said govern- ment may deem meet and proper. X1.—This treaty shall be binding upon the con- tracting parties from aad after the sigaing of the same, subject only to such modifications and amendments as may be adopted by the goverameat of the United States: and, finally, this treaty is to receive a liberal constraction, at i in all places, to the end that the said N shall not be held responsible for 1 otbers, and that the goverament States shall so legislate and act as to secure the permanent prosperity and of said Indians. In faith whereof, we, |, have i this wae end affixed thereunto our seals, in the valley of Cheille, this the ninth day of Sep: tember, in the year of our Lord ene thousand eight hundred and forty-nine. J. Wasiixa tor, {t.s] Brevet Lieute: Colonel Commanding. Jauxs 8. Catnous, ‘ {u. +i. Indian Agent, residing at Saata Fe. Maaiano Martinez, his x mark. [\.. 5.] Head Chief. Carrrons, his x mark. 2d Chief. (1.8) J. L, Connins. James Conxitx, Lournzo Fore AnNTox10 Sanvovor, his x mark Francesco Josro, bie x mark. Governor of Jemez. Wi'nerses— H. L.. Kendrick, Brevet Major, U. S. A, dec. J.N. Ward, Bre’t Ist Lieut, 3d laf’ John Peck, Brevet Major U. 8. A. Xe. &e. John H. Dickinson, Second Lieut. Ist Ari. W. E. Love. Joha G. Jones. JH . Simpson, First Lieut. Corps Ton. E Now, therefore, be it known that |, Milierd Fill. more. President of the United States of America, of the advice and consent of the in their resolution of the Done at the city of if i] Knrdoe hoand ight howe ‘and fifty, L and of the States of America the — LARD Fiiiaone. By the President: Dante Wansrer, Secretary of State. Passed Midshipman Charlies Dyer. New Tonx, Sept. 28, 1850, ‘TO THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD, Permit me, through your columns, to recall to the minds of many the memory of an officer of the navy Who lort bis life in the bumane and gallant attempt ss favo the lives of others, and to feeeus them from what him must bave appeared certain hb. The National Rarneove 3, Me. sett: —Ta Notebkis, of Staeben. injustios, Rice unia- tended on your part, ote to set both you and bim right im the atess. Im your editorial the Inte Whig State Convention, you say that the de- ho ot the Duer of ment; but, eave this, be inveriatiy acted = nud fearlessly with the same party, (ruc whigs, in ‘the late conven. tion, and when the address shai! bis name attached toit. Mr. H. has the most reliable whigs of St een Bo more abolitionize are I trust you will make the anvends honora- friends in Stea ble it. H., who, a wellas bis whi; ben, will be greatly te find him clased with the abolitionists of the oon n STEUBBN Post Orrice Orgrations —The Post General has established the following new Post Offices by Te nag mber 21, 1350:— » oo 4 ED. Fenton; co Y., Ab jerrit; Sears nes ee ES A TE 2 TT Mr. James's Lectures on Modera Oiviliza- (¥rom the Boston traveller, apt, 24.) : The omen announced for Me samece fourth ecture, List evening, Was necessarily poatpo: the conclusion of the previous interestiag | gate of * Feudalism, Chivalry and the Crnaidee,” en- trely eecupying the time. Mr. James begin by depoting the progress of 4 crusadiag host through Eurepe, with all its wild, strange incidents, aad heterogeneous materials—and afterwards traced the influence of the crusades oa civilization. Ip speaking of the effect of the crusades upom civilization, Mr. James pursued the plan which he had hitherco pursued, tracing it separately in social and in individual civilization The latter might be again divided into general and special, tne coa- | sideretion of the last of which—the improvements in ert ond science derived from the nations of the | East—would require a long treatise in itself, Social civilization was considerably aflected by the crusades. The social state of France, under the feudal systes1, ready before us. Ia Eaz- lond, at the ‘eud of the eleventh century, the Ner- man conquest had strengthened, if it did not intro duce, feudalism, some forms of which are yet preserved in Anglo-Saxon institutions, viz.: the Obligation of land owners to attend the kiog im arms in actual war—to aid in building and main- taining royal castles, and to keep the roads and bildere in repair. ‘The Norman conquerors were already becomi: absorbed into the masses of the conquered, rm | their feudal habits were iofluenoed by the vast body of Saxons emong whom they lived. The feudal system never was able to perfect itself in FE numerous incongruities and cemplicated forms tenvre existed in it—the germs of parliaments—and many of the Suxon freemen retained their free pos session of the soil. The cities were more inde- pendent than at the same period in Frauce, and ia a thousand pareiestaas are discovered the perma- pent vigor of the Anglo-S .xon inatitutiong, maintaim- ing their inert opposition to the inaovations of the conquerors. The first effect of the crusades was not 30 much experienced in a couvtry where the monarchical element greatly predominated on the one hand, aad a subdued, but powerful and unextiaguished demo- cratic element on the other. In France, however, the ultimate eflect was the direct reverse of that im Englund, and tended rather to weaken the monar- chical element. The crusading spirit became a moral epidemic. Moved by this pervading enthusiasm, men sacrificed all interests, left wife and facnily, friends, home and. native lund. The more powerful could do this, without aay greut sacrifice of property, but the pos sescors of sinall feotis, in order to appear with bnil- liancy, and satisfy their crusading enthusiasm, were obliged to sell their estates, which often weat to swell the feofis of greater and richer proprietors. The fevdal proprietors of towns, to obtain eet, sold righta and privileges to the citizens, whic ultimately reddered the later independent. The crown, also, often purchased those feoffs which lay convenient to the royal demesae. This immense sale of feefls was a terrible shock to feudalism. Its hierarchical character was uaim- aired, small feoffs intiitely diminished in num- 18 and great feotis increased in extent. The monerchical element and the free communes were reatly developed, the latter ready to support the Eimer against the great vassals and their abhorred system. This was the great effect of crusades on social civilization in France. The absence of the feuda- tories left their vassals open to the influences of monarchy. Few wise monarchs, except those whom circumstances or enthusiasm forced to dose, joined the crusades. Philip Augustus was an ex- ample of Oy he eon Seren ly, oa woe soon enough to make s¢ » king France, instead of the mere head of feudal con- federacy. After the death of bis rival, Richard L., he waa enabled to turn his attention more fully te increasing his kingly power. The it bareas were in Palestine, and by a series of intrigues, mingled with extortion and armed usurpation, he succeeded in contracting their domains, and ea- larging his own. An example can be given:— The great Count ef Flanders died in the Holy Land, warring for the Holy Cros ; Philip at once seized the territories of the deceased Christian hero, and regardless pe oe or honor, claimed “them a8 his own. Feoff afier feoff was reunited te the crown, the communes were called into tance, and in the battle of Boviues, he tra: on the enemies of his throne, and the feudal spirit of the age in which he lived ; kaigbts and nobles died by the hands of the commons ealisted in his ser- vice, and the success of the day is as much attri- buted to the knives of the mere of Soissons, as to the lances of Philip's chivalry. ‘Till the monerchs of E: d_ took part in the crusades personally, the eerie form of feudalism exie re remained almost unch |. Bat Tex Canarian tohoa of the sold, e ry crowa was the vassals of the throne raised to undue impor- tapce, and the aristocratic element power, to the detriment of monarchy. Ric! ‘e ue vented the. bis Faults, t When he died, and weaker monerchs ruled, the “at barons Wrung rs and concessions from succeseors. During all this time the influence of the Angle- Saxon population and institutions was iacreasing, the Norman tongue was becoming extinct, cities and towns retained lo- Saxon freedom, the ba- rons had intermarried with the Anglo-Saxons; these influences were instrumental in gi tothe Megna Charta wider views of freedom, and ia the Beron’s war, which soor followed, de Meatfort relied for support on the Commens, and called te the great councils of the nation representatives of power and the ariatocraic element was sirtug:hened, t i ment was sh de- mocratie revived, and monarchical power dimi- nished. Inthe struggle between the aristoc: element a the » open ne the democrat ment still gained ground. rors and became fused, and a new onck social policy began to evolve itself, which, in the — after ea- ———’ many checks, obstacles cone sions, finally obtained triumphant consummati The effect of crusades on individual civilization was in beth countries almost the same. his isolation, surrounded oaly by dependents, on his own lend, the feudal n: bo means of communicating with his fel'ow-men. Whea he visited the court of his feudal superior, he was brought into contact with others equally ignorant, and isolated Chi » aa be- broke tion, ation, & new world. ips were ‘rut ona and fielt, or on the march; generous emotions and emala- tions were elicited, and necessity produced union. The crusaders came in contact with men from thi, pe progree dividual ciyilization. The very preparations for the crusades set the industrial arts to work. [loquence was cultivated to preach the cross or record valiant deeds. New relations, combinations, and events led men te trace the causes of results. The historian became inquirer. The follies of the era- the faults of the Church were scrutiaized. ———- at an after period. wever enlightens, civilizes; and at the of the crusades we find the mind of man ex, to comprise an amount of knowledge of which not a trace wae to be found at their commencement; his intellect active, inquring, combining, ope A permanent and general impulse was givea to dividual civilization. The latter was as antagonistic to feudalism, as feadaliam was to ciel progress. An al five power had been de rallied around something—a city, a monarch. Men 4m no lenger be fevdaliom fell. In aly, the tendency mer in agian pac coma ih + i i a ny i