The New York Herald Newspaper, April 10, 1849, Page 6

ATFAIRS I Our Dubiin Co i N EUROPE. espondence. win, Mare 23, 1419, hich Butiers—Distress—Lie Rate in Aid—Rail, oas's—Dujfiy’s Case, Little news hes transpired since I wrote to on St. Patrick's Roman Cutholies and O: "That d wh North, yas usnal, was ce men, in the brited typ hy in some iast nied tomany thonsan f pers espect to the memory of their patron saint, sjority not at all disinelined to pitch into s,the Orangemen. At Crossgar, near | Pewnpatrick, a futal cellision took place, and on authorities interfering, a policeman and a wo- nd several wounded. ce 5 ,in which it is reported two persons dand several wounded, te in aid” bill eres gains ground repidly. Lord John Russell has given notice that on Monday next it will be introduced into the House of Commons, and if it, can be attempted 1 credibly informed the govern- anding the remonstrances é some strain every nerve to accom- pith it: cometh gaat be done, and, to the great of the people,, whatever is done, is imma- rial, so that relief is obtained. Treally do not know what will become of the in- habitants, though the tide of emigration is so rapid that if it continues as at present, the only persons who will remain will be pauper tenants and pauper landlords; the papers from the South state that landed proprietors and merchants are_ selling their estates and establishments, and emigrating; and several families emigrating trom the ents liad to return to their homes in consequence of there not being berths sufficient for them. Mr. Serope, M. P., proposes to, bring in a bill to amend the poor law, to. be entitled, a bill ‘To Promote the Em- ployment of Labor.” os ‘Ail the city wards are about getting up memo- rials, petitioning for the liberation of Mr. Dufly; it is not likely that government will offer any se- rious objection, as they have already got enough of him in their State trials. Sheep and cattle stealing has become so frequent in this country, that public meetings are being held for the purpose of petitioning Parliament to enact laws to remedy it. In the west of Ireland it has gone to its fullest extent. 2 A meeting of the grand jurors and magistrates of the county of Galway was held on. ‘Tuesday last, for the purpose of considering the best means of forwarding the project of the extension of @ line.of railway to Galway, in_ anticipation, of Lord John Ruseell’s promised aid to Irish railroads. | A me- morial was agreed upon, and a deputation ap- pointed to wait upon the premier. It this under- taking were completed, there is no doubt that Galway will the packet station for America and the West Indies, which would greatly facilitate the means of communication between those countries. ‘ovessions, the ment, n¢ influential partie: several provinces cf Turl The latter State is also actively preparing for war. ; The hoetiliti tween Germany and Denmurk ubeutbei med. Proposals reccatly wide nd fer the prolongation of the a sn rejected by Dent i settle a peace are. still going on. re yesterday etete that a part is already on the way to German coast. Meanwhile, the haye recently received orders to mie fi ‘ A division of 12,000 Prussian troops will at once be sent by the nment here to Holstien, but will not ond the frontiers of thatduchy. It is not yet known who will be the commande f the German troops in ¢: the war is resumed. General Von Wrangel, who has been offered this post, has declined to accept it. ‘The apprehensionsentertained thatthe eighteenth of this month, the anniversary of the revolution, would not pass without serious disturbances, have ‘coved unfounded. Great military measures had been taken to prevent all demonstrations on the part of the people. An order had been issued by General Von Wrangel prohibiting processions and other solemnities in honor of those who had fallen in the revolution, The burial place of the herees of the eighteenth of March, was occu- pied by troops, and strong patrols, traversed the streets of that part of the city during the whole of the day. Seyeral regiments of cavalry and in- fantry were stationed near the burial ground, and General Von Wrangel himself was present with his staff, directing the military operations. Bat besides a great, concourse of visiters to the graves, no demonstrations in honor of the dead were made, and ull passed off quietly. : ‘The chambers have, until now, been occupied principally with framing the reply to the address of the king, but will shortly commence discussions on the constitution. The Reception of Gen, Taylor's Inaugural Address in England, {From the London Times, March 23.) . ‘The inaugural Message of President Taylor will not fuil to excite a certain sort of admiration. If it does not appeal to the warmest sympathies of an Englishman—if it does not possess that semi- tragic interest with which regal Europe listens to the few and eolemn declarations of her princes, it is for reagons some of which are immensely in fa- vour of the American Republic. In these elder countri e heir of a throne founded in the ob- scure originals of history addresses the assembled representatives of many classes, many races, many interests, and, many traditions. He ean seldom escape an explicit reference to the greatest cala- mities and difficulties that a nation can suffer in itself or by its international, relations. Perhaps we are menaced by the ambition of a neighbor, or entangled in the quarrels of allies; porbaut the soil of these isles or a branch of employment is too crowded; perhaps effete institutions ‘are to be renovated in the face of inveterate prejudices per- haps the knotted web of medieval law is to be un- ravelled; at one time pauperism cankers the soul of self-enslaved myriads; at another time famine decimates aneglected and helpless race; factions lacerate and debt burdens the land. In the midst of festering sores ever ready to open, and sur- rounded by conflicting cries, the sovereign twice. On Monday last, the great Southern and Western Railway opened as far as Fermoy, and on the same day; Mr. Bianconi discontinued running all his cars with the ption of one from Cork to Clonmel. A great number of them are to ran in the North, Up- wards of two hundred horses, however, will be discontinued. sche The cholera has made fearful ravages in Lime- ick. Early in the week, there were upwards of ty cases, and only eight recovered; but from rovnts received this day, Lam happy to say the divease is ubating. Belfast is now ‘almost’ free fiom it. Dublin las, ue yet, escaped, which is probably owing to the precautions which are taken, \ sanutory commission has been sitting tor some. time past, which has charge of the regulation of the health of the city. F 4 At the Clonmel ‘Assizes, on Friday last, five respectable young men were indicted for paring with Mr. Doherty, the barrister, been illegally trdining and drilling. On account of the Crown not pressing punishment, they pleaded guilty. Our Berlin Correspondence. Berwin, March 20, 1849. The Crisis in. Germany—New Constitution of Austria—What will be the Course of the Nation- al Assembly at Frankfort?—The Austrian and Russian Alliance Against Germany—The Con- centration of Troops—The Absorption of Tur- key—Anticipation of Hostilities on the Danish Question—The 18th of March, §c., ec. Anothex coup d’ctat has been carried out within the last ten days. The Austrian Parliament ig dissolved, and a constitution octroyée is promulgat ed for Austria. Th® announcement of this event has created the most profound sensation through- out Germany; and whilst I write this, the destiny of. the German nation is being decided by the re- solution which the National Assembly at Frank fort is about to adopt with respect to the formation of a union of the German States, with the exclu- sion of Austria, and the election of the King of Prussia as the head of the German empire. | ‘The hostility of the cabinet of Olmutz against Germany hag excited indignation in the breasts of all true patriots. The alliance between Russia and Austria is a fact no longer to be concealed frém the public; the occupation of Transylvania by the Russian troops, and the concentration of Russian forces on the frontiers of Germany, have awakened serious apprehensions of an, invasion on the part of Russia in the German territory, whilst they have proved, beyond a doubt, that a concerted plan between the cubinets of St. Petersburg and Olmutz is in operation against Germany. But the dissolution of the Reichstag and the con- stitution octroyée, issued by the Austrian govern- ment, are not merely a fresh confirmation of this. Matters have actually been hurried into a crisis in consequence of these, measures of the cabinet of Olimutz. ‘The separation of the German States of Austria from Germany has become a fart ac- compli; for, by the new constitution for Austria, all the States of ‘that empire are united in on . no part of Which can be severed from the whole, of forma memberof another State. The intelligence of the dissolution ofthe Assembly at Kremsier, and the publieation of this constitution, excited the utmost sensation in this city; but at Frankfort it created the greatest indignation against Austria. Another note from the government of that State to the cen- tral power was recei by the latter at the same time, in which the new constitution is announced, and it is proposed on the part of Austria that a union +hould be formed, in which the whole of Austria might enter. Every State forming a member of that union should govern itself as it liked, and there should be no parliament, but mere- ly one representative chosen for every million of people. ‘The Senate, consisting of these represen- tatives, should form a States Council, and the go- vernment should be vested in delegates to be ap- pomted by Austria, Rus: and th (ed og States, According to this rty-eight rep: sentatives would iA sent by Austria, whilst Ger- many would only send thirty-two. The Selavonie, Croatic, Magyaric and Italian nations, of which Austria’ is principally composed, would, therefore, soon gain the ascendancy over the German popula- tion, and within the next ten years the German States would form provinces of the Russian and Austrian empire. Convinced of the necessity of making one more probabl y the last effort, the Na- | tional Assembly ui*Frankfort is at the present mo- iment discusnag the motion of the: aapethy Mts Welcker, proposing at once the publication of the new constitution for Gennany, the formation of a union, with the exclusion of Austria, and the elec~ tion of the King of Prussia as the head of the Ger- man empire. ‘The result of the vote, which is, it is believed, at this very instant passed at Frankfort, on this motion, cannot yet be known here. But [ can assure you that though the existence of the union and of the National Assembly is at a are few sentences, the chief merit of which is that they put a fair face on the sufferings of the nation and the short-comings of the legis- lature. Across the Atlantic we, see everything changed. | There, a youthful erties with a aris ly increasing population and a whole world before it, is bounding on to new re; 3 and new shores. Political ambition, mercantile rivalry, the jealousy of cla and of x, are subdued before the ardor ofa race of which wealth, in every form, is the prize. The chosen leader of the people ad- dresses a great company of adventurers, started afresh on stich an enterprise as the world never yet saw. His topics are duty and hope. His tone, and the very rythm of his sentences, remind us of, the deliverer leading his armies into a long- promised land. ; The most distinctive features in General Tayler’s addrees, are his renunciation of all party ties, his reference to the traditions and the early Presidents of the Union, his pacific aims, and the impartiality he desires to muintain between the various branches of industry and wealth. Such profes- sions are easily made; but never was a President more entitled to make them, either by the circum- #tances of his election, or by his known character. ‘The exaggeration, or rather the burlesque of poli- tical controversy, which, in the United States, has afforded inexhaustible materials of satire to the European stranger, has gone a good way towards effecting its own cure. The late eletion wag the result of an amicable and a wise compromise. The merits of the man, as proved, in a difficult and pro- tracted war, and as further illustrated in what we muy call a most gentlemanly canvass, showed him to be the person in whom all parties could meet without loss of credit or standing. It is, in fact, the peculiar position of the American President, to be the, arbiter and umpire of that unparalleled federation. The same policy which has placed the capital in a neutral district, one to no State, on the river which divides the Northern from the Southern States—the agricultural from the mer- cantile—suggests that the occupant of the “ White House” should be a peculiarly neutral man, The language of the address is that which, in the United States, has long been associated with the whig policy. It expresses a cordial adherence to the existing practice of the Executive, and a yalue for those who have acquitted themselves well inthe service of the Union; but, particularly, a reliance on that peiiad se eae by which alone the integrity and identity of constitutions, is pre- served. “In the discharge of these duties, my guide will be the constitution, which I this day f eserve, to protect, and defend. Fi the interpretation of that instrument, I shall to the decisions of the judicial tribunals established by its authority, and to the practice of the govern- ment under the earlier Presidents, who had so. large a share in its formation. To the example of those illustrious patriots I shall always refer with reverence, and especially to his example who was, by so many titles, the father of his country.” For our own part, we believe that both in politics and in Jaws, there is a much less interval between the Union and the mother country than is generally assumed, It was the rule of the, first President, to give up no more than the necessities of an inde- pendent and republican organization absolutely required. To this wise abstinence from gratuitous innoyation may be ascribed a stability which has surprised the Whole world, and which promises to. last for. ages still to come. Even in the midst of revolution and civil war, when it was necessary to cut the natural tie between the mother state and the colony, with the strongest means and the most strenuous determination—even then were found men, and they the leaders of the movement, who could warn the infant nation to. stand in the old paths, and who could proclaim the oracular warn- Ing, antiguem exquirite matrem. In that wise foundation of the American policy we recognise atonce the surest pledge of permanence, and of. i ympathies with the parent state. rs, the ‘“‘whige,” in other words the conservatives of the Union, have been passing through the same political phase as the conserva- tives of this country. They have been ardent pro- tectionists. It is unnecessary here to fight over in a battle so thoroughly decided in this coun- 0 we will assume at once that the enlightened “whigs” of the new world will no longer confound imports with innovations, and suppose bales of foreign produce infected with revolutionary princi- ples. We have no doubt they are rapidly throw- ing off this error, especially now that the Pacific is Opening its shores to their enterprise, and tell them that there is room for all. in this world. Ge- neral Taylor, at least, though tied to the word, suf- ficiently guards himself from being supposed to ad- voeate the thing commonly understood by “ pro- tection The declaration of impartiality runs through his address. He appeals to his election by “the body. of the people,” and to his previous “gasurance that his admi on would be de- voted to the welfare of the whole country, and not to the. support of any particular section or merely local interest ;”—an appeal which he, could hardly carry out by enriching a few cities in New Eng- land, at the expense of all the‘other portions of the stake, it is generally believed here that the mo- tion will not ie carried, or receive but a small ma- jority. In any case, however, 1 am bound to tell you that strong doubts are entertained whether Uni When, therefore, the General says, “It shall be my study to recommend such constitu- tional measures to the Congress as may be neces- sary and proper to secure encouragement and pro- the king of Prussia will accept the offer under any other conditions than those stated from the first, viz the concurrence of all the princes of Germany. But the present state of things and the evident danger of a general European war, which becomes more threatening every ho: if the motion of Weleker be adopted, influ the greater part of the Gennun princes to give their assent to the election of the king. Nevertheless, up to the pre- sent moment, this is by no means certain. One thing, however, you may rely upon—that if the National Agsembly rejects the proposition of Welcker, it will completely extinguish itself in the opinion of Germany and Europe. Its dissolution and the publication of » constitution octroyée for Genmany, by Aust Prussia and Bavaria, it is believed, will then have heeome unavoidable. It ig stated here to-day in well informed quarters, that the Austrian government has just declared to this government, that, if the king of Prussia should accept the crown of the German empire, it would be regarded us a breach of the peace. An army of 70,000 troops, as we have been informed by prt vate. letters, is reserved by the Austrian ment for the event of a war with Prossia and Ger- many. Austria, however, counts on the support of Russia in case of heetilities with the German States. According to the latest necounts have of the movements of the Ruesinn armies, all dis- posnble forces are being concentrated in the south tection to the great interests of agriculture, com- merce, and manufactures,” we will not suppose that he means a policy which must certainly en- courage and protect manufacture at the expense of the other interests wisely associated with it, He can only intend a course which will equally en- courage all, by opening every possible avenue to the general increase of the national resourees. (From the Liverpool Times. ] veh General Taylor, the new President of the United States, assumed office on the 5th March, on which occasion he delivered a short address, explanatory of his future policy. Ie commenced by repeating his often-expressed determination to govern with- out regard to local or gectional prejudices. With regard to the army and navy, he recommends that should be kept in the highest state of efficien- thongh (as will be seen from a subsequent pas- of his address) only forthe purpose of resist- ing aggreesion—not of inflicting it. | With regard to foragn nations, the course which Gen, Taylor recemmends is one of strict neutrality in their dif- ferences with cach other or amongst themselves ; and of conciliation and peace (whereyer peace is i sible), even if difficulties should arise with the ‘nited States (which, however, he does not anti- cipate). Nothing can be more honorable to Gen. rthen the s nents which he expresses on this subject ; and we are sure that these sentiments and southwest of Russia. The cabinet of St. Pe- terslurg, it is believed, in eonjunction with Aus- tria, at present contemplates to take possession of j will be reciprocated by the government and people ef England. On the oecnsion of the last difference this country and the United States, the government offered, but im vain, to refer a Erglieh the questicn in dispute te the decision of an impar- tial umpive. dé any: difference should arise be- tw he two countries during the presidency of for, we may conclude, with confidence lowing passage inh ural address, that he will not refuse that che easy, and truly honorable method of settling differences: —* As American freemen (says the gall cannot but sympathise in all efforts to blessings of civil and political liberty; but, at the, same time, we are warned by the admonitions of history, and the yoice of our own beloved Washing- fon, to abstain from entangling allianees wath fo reign nations. In all disputes between contlieting governments, it is our interest not less than our duty to remain strictly neutral ; while our geographical position, jthe genius of our institutions and our people, t ing spirit of civilization, and, above ull, the of religion, direct us to the Cultivation of peaceful and friendly. relations with all other powers. It is to be hoped that no inter- national question can now arise which a govern- ment, confident m its own strength, and resolved to protect its own just rights, may not settle by wise negotiation ; and it eminently becomes a g9- vernment like our own, founded on the morality and intelligence of its citizens, and upheld by their affections, to exhaust every resort of honorable di- plemacy before appealing toarms. In the conduct of our foreign, relations 1 shall conform to these views, us I believe them essential to the best inte- rests and the true honor of the country.” ‘The most doubtful point in. this address is that which relates to the question of protection. It will be seen that what he says is—‘ that it will be his study to recommend such constitutional measures to Congress as may be necessary and proper to se- cure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufac- tures.” It isnot easy to tell how much per cent this means on goods or shipping; but it certainly does not give one the impression that General ‘Taylor would be a party to a, total and uncondi- tional repeal of protecting duties either on manu- factures or shipping: Fortunately, however, he is a candid straightforward man, and there can, therefore, be no difficulty, in learning (at the right time) how far he is wi et to ee and in regula: ting our measures recat 8 e know that it is the opinion of very intelligent Americans that he will never consent to open the coasting trade of the States to British shippiny English View of the Crisis In Canada, From the London Times, March 21,} The bill ‘for Compensating the Rebellion Losses in Lower Canada” need not be so outrageous a pro- posal as it has been described. A similar measure tee long since been passed for Upper Canada, though the predominent loyalty of that district proved an effectual bar to ‘any rebel desirous of athare in the boon, The present bill has been some time contemplated for Lower Canada, and has apparently been delayed, from the difficulties which the divided state of the population threw in the way of a settlement. So long as the loyal party were in power, it was likely that they would frame the measure on the most exclusive, and, for Lower Canada, the most unpopular principles, A commission was some time since appointed to in- quire into the losses occasioned by the rebellion, and a letter addressed to it by Mr. Daly, the late Provincial Secretary, instructed it to receive and investigate into all claims, even, as we are given to understand, beyond the original scope of the commission. ‘The bill introduced by M. Lafon- taine, it is maintained by his friends, is in perfect accordance with that letter, though we do not see how a comprehensive in eu justify a lax and objectionable selectior e are further told, that so far from the bill being expressly for the good of the rebels, nine-tenths of the persons to be compensated took no part in the rebellion; and even with regard to the property of confessed rebels, we are aasured, what is very conceivable, though not much to the purpose, that any compen- sation granted upon it will fall into the hands of unofiending creditors. It will probably be remembered that the property in question was generally destroyed by the com- mon chances of war. Excepting a trifling pre- liminary collision, the first actual fighting ensued on the attempt to See M. Papineau and some of his associates while they were ayowedly orgaiti= zing a rebellion. The village of St. Denis was fortified and defended by the rebels against Colonel Gore, who was obliged to retire wit! considerable logs, leaving a six-pounder behind him. That six- poms however, had done some damage to a large fortified stone house situated in advance of the village, and surrounded by some extempore works. The damage done to this house, the pro- perty and the castle of Mr. Wolfred Nelson, is one of the items of the proposed compensation. Mr. Nelson, who was then conqueror in the field, has since triumphed with equal success over his po- litical antagonists. Instead of his * large fortified stone house,” he is now, probably occupying and defending an official residences and, besides cap- turing the six-pounder, he is in conditi n to make Canada pay for the shot. This, then, is one case of damage. On the same day Lieutenant Colonel Wetherell attacked Chambly, stormed the works which the insurgents had erected, and burned the village, with the exception of one house. We pre- sume these are to be paid for, as wellas the bridges which the insurgents had broken down to retard the Colonel’s approach. A more considerable ar- mament under Sir John Colborne captured St. Eustache after a severe engagement of an hours’ duration, and after great loss on the part of the in- surgents. The church, which they had turned to some account as a fort, shared the fate of war, and was burnt, as were also many fortified houses in its neighborhood. Whether they were fired by the usual accidents of the conflict, or by the hands of the exasperated royaliste, or by the rebels them- selves, no man can tell, and it now matters not. But it seems they are to be paid for. | There were various other cases of damage. A mill was garri- soned and held for some weeks by American sym- pathisers, who only took to their heels when a few shots from a real siege train began to shake the old walls about their ears. 4 f Now, as things have turned upside down since 1838, and what was then the rebel camp is now the government of Canada, it is obvious that no mea- sure of compensation is likely, to pass which does not include some of the offending gentlemen them- selves in the bill of damages made out. The alter- native is either no compensation to-anybody, or to all alike. This must be very annoying to the roy- alists, who marched to and fro, and who incurred expense, wounds, and loss of health, by. their prompt succor of the State. We do ‘not like it ourselves, It is not an encouraging or an edifying spectacle, considering how many there are amongst us who would like to rebel next year, and find themselves her Majesty’s advisers in 1800. If we would judge of the feelings excited in the breast of suchf ardent royalists as Sir Allan M’Nab, we must suppose a parliament of chartists and repeal- ‘rs, not only ding among themselves all the es of the State, but also compensating one ano- ther for their past sufferings with magnificent grants from the treasury. In fact, what we now Witness in Canada will help us to form some idea of u real Irish legislature. What a bill of costs would be made out at once there against the trea- sury! There would be compensation for the re- helfion losses” of 1640; do. for 1798; do. for 1848 ; do. for penul laws; do. for alleged destruction of Irich manufactures; do. for the expense and trouble of agitating for emancipation and repeal; do. for Daniel O'Connell and-all his family; de; for-yoy~ age to Bermnda and back; do. for various wan- derings on the Slievenamon mountains; do. for to France, the United States, and other places out of British jurisdiction ; do. for ruin o prospects, exclusion from office, and other injuries, too many to be told. Besides the living victims of oppression, the injured dead would be represented by their heirs, and we question if the whole reve- nue of the United Kingdom would be adequate to meet the long claims of immemorial rebellion. That the | population of Canada should be considerably excited at the proposal, and at s6me other which sthey class with it, is by no means sur- prising. Even if we could hope ‘that they have fomewhat exaggerated the enormity of this mea- sure, still we must regret their settled impression that rebellion has been rewarded und loyalty in- sulted by the British Crown. Such an idea is in- iris ‘anywhere, realy: in a colony which hungs by a thread. After all, however, we are dis- posed to set down much of this excitement to the simple fact thut parties have changed places, and that the colonial clique, which for generations mo- nopolized office, power, and pay, and which, we regret to say, abused its trust very scundalously, is now in opposition, with no other inducement to loyalty than what the mass of the people have at all times, It is all very well to arraign the in- justice of the fates, which have made loyalty and rebellion change places; but we, in the mother co mty are so accustomed to that see-saw sort of work that we take it a8 matter of course, and con- clude every five or six years that it is now the turn for the others to come in. Sir Allan M’Nub, his fumily, and friends, had their full swing of office, and certainly made hay wl their sun shone. Another set of men are in now, and they seem equally determined to make the best use of their time. " Offices are being filled up ns fast as they fall; and, as they do not fall faust enough, offices are made for the occasion. There is no- thing new in all this. At least, we are accustomed to it. We can only recommendfour brother royal+ ists to resign themselves to the invariable condition of constitutional and responsible governments. [From the London Times, March 23.) When. our loyal readers ure informed that the Europa hag brought us whole acres of Canadian debates, with speeches and letters innumerable about the “rebellion losses,” they will expect to find their worst anticipations realized, In common, { rent with some members of the British Louse of Commons, they will expect to hear that the Canadian rebe Is, having now got the upper hand, are screwing the unfortunate Royalists with a vengeance; und that Messrs. Papineau, Wolfred | that for a’ sum of £327 12s. clon, Mackenzie, and Co., are now revelling in the plunder of the tories. We ate very sorry to isappoint that love of the marvellous and ‘the il which ean feel a sort of pleasure even in Jamities of meritoriqus men, Blank and un- tinge as the announcement will be, truth com- pels us to sey that thus far there is no real groand for the panie which has suddenly seized a portion of the public en Canadian affai No act has been re the Colonial Par- definite scheme of com- the ale name, or a single m actually adinitted by the Legislature ; the have abolished them in this Btate, with ail their inei whele is et menubibus; it us true there has be a tremendous and mostnoisy incubation; the Lower has hefd an almost continuous session for a fortnight, the opposition have made Mee by relayes and bat for w vigorous. fist 1 little strategy, would have been speaking at ; but we assure our readers, incredi- appear, that the origin and result of a host assumed the form of a grand loyalist rebellion, may be comprised in this short simple resolution, moved by the Hon. Mr. La General— That this House do i to take into ssity of establishing the amount of rred by certain inhabitants of Lower Canada during the’ political troubles of 1837 and 1838, and of providing for the payment thereof.” Whence then all this ferment? Why is Sir Al- lan M’Nab working up the loyal population to fury, and why does Upper Canada talk, of “ wmexation” with the hated “stars and stripes?” Why are Durham, Sydenham, Metcalfe, and Elgin now pro- med traitors in disguise? Why is England i i colonial exasperation W— question has inte hing. Cl continually sent in, and compensation has actually been given. In Upper Canada compensation to the amount of £40,000 has long since been awarded. As for Lower Canada, claims came in so thick that in 1846 the government of the day, being itself unable to give them due consideration, appointed a commission to receive and investigate them. ‘The commission, finding that some of the claim- ants were the gentlemen who had themselves done the mischief by taking part in the rebellion, asked for further instructions, and received them, to the effect that every claimant should be admitted, ex- cept on legal proof of treasonable practices. The commission was not a judicial body, and had no means of deciding on questions of guilt, except where there existed a conviction in # court of law. So matters stood before the present ministry came in, and under the very persons who now head the op- position. It it evident therefore that nothing can be objected to the present resolution which could not equally be objected to what has been done long be- fore under very different auspices. What, then, is the peculiarity of the present case? First and foremost comes the unpalatable fact that what was the disaflected and rebellious party in 1837 is now in power, and commands a@ majority in the legisla- ture. It is, therefore, surmised that the bill found- ed onthe present resolution, and the whole course of action arising therefrom, will show un eyil bias in favor of the rebels—that their claims will not be properly sifted, but, on the contrary, favored. The * royalist.” party is discouraged ut the fact of this investigation and award being conducted at such a time, under such a government, and such commis- sioners as are likely to be chosen. | It must be admitied that there is ample room to do u good deal of mischief, if the powers that be are not restrained by conscienticus considerations. ‘The list of claimants, which we must beg to re- mind our readers is not anew thing, but published in the appendix to the journals of the Canadian Legielature for 1846, contains 2,176 names, and the total sum claimed is £241,975. A violent partisan asserts that nine-tenths of the claimants are of French Canadian origin. Most of the claims are for property destroyed, but some are for casual, speculative, or imaginary losses. Among the latter sort are claims-or loss of time while in exile or in prison, claims for presumed logs of business in con- sequence of the disturbed state of the country, and demands for the Popayment of passage money froin Bermuda to Austra’ One of, the most impudent ta. demands, says the colonial journa! we refer to, is ., taken from the trea- ay of the church of St. Cyprien, forcibly “ enter- ed by Dr. Cote, against the will and remonstrance of the churchwardens,” the fact evidently being that Dr. Cote, and the physical force of the “parish, being Roman Catholics and unhappily also rebels, applied to the purposes of the rebellion the funds o their own church, and now demand that the Colonial Legislature shall make good that sacri- lege, and so reimburse to the rebels the costs of their rebellion. ce hare & yritcce Bro Piacad’ obggt That,these claims will be met in a partial or an indiscriminate manner is only a matter of surmise. That they willnot.all be granted, is evident from the fact that on going into committee according to the above resolution, the House very speedily limited the amount of the intended grant to £100,- 000, which, from the fact of some payments in an- ticipation, is only a new grant of £90,000. * * * * * * We continue of opinion, therefore, that at pre- sent it ia quite unnecessary we should throw our- selves into an agony of indignation at the conduct of the Canadian cabinet. The province, of course, is ina terrible excitement. Sir Allen M’Nab is now out of office, and has nothing to do ; so to sa tisfy a mind of more than common enerey, he has taken to agitation, and is lashing the whole colony into foam. But happily we are out of hearing, and can think of the matter at our leisure. We confi- dently hope that there will not arise an occasion for the use of Her Majesty’s veto, as Mr. Gladstone and some others appear,to apprehend. ‘The debate on the minisferial side in the Canadian Legislature shows great moderation. Now, though modera- tion of Janguage is say enough in the victorioug pes: ty, it is also a pledge of moderate conduct. Even the terrible Dr, Wolfred Nelson, whose mon- ster claim is the subject of such angry comment, has declared that he only maintains it because by surrendering it he would prejudice the similiar claims of many poorer persons. A letter by Mr. Hincks to-day gives the ministerial view of the case, The reader will also gather from it that the question has gone off into many more issues than we have ventured to take up To inflict on the British public an interminable equabble about the local appropriation of the colonial revenues would, indeed, be an unnecessary addition to the existing miseries of British life. The Critical State of Affairs in Europe—The Attitude of Russia—The Possibility of a E an War, From the London Times, March 17.] j advert with reluctance to a subject which threntens not only to add a serious cause of dis- sension to the numerous controyersies and dis- putes now afflicting and. distracting Europe, but which has _already occasioned some coolness be- tween the British government, and that cabinet of the North with which it is at this time our espe- cial interest to maintain amicable relations. But the manifest alarm of the Turkish government, and its uetive preparations for defence—the attitude of the British Ambassador at Constantinople—the language attributed to the last communications of the British cabimet—and, above all, the tone re- cently assumed by the Emperor of Russia himself, are facts calculated to give far more importance to the present state of the Eastern question than has of late heen attached to it. Jt must be acknowledged, that at no period since the revolution of February, has the aspect of Europe been less pacific. In Italy, the outbreak ‘of hostilities is daily expected; in Denmark the armistice expires next week, with no immediate indication that the preliminaries of tb will be signed within that period; at Frank- fort the scheme of a German empire has been re- vived by Welker, in the form most hostile to Austria; in Hung: y the war is carried on with doubtful success. not without the assistance of a dangerous and costly ally; at Gaeta conferences are about to open between the Catholic piri with a view to the restoration of the Pope by force of arma. All Europe is filled with wars and rumors of wars, save that, by a marvellous exception, which still gives us hopes of peace, the French nation haye learned by their recent misfortunes, the necessity of adhering to that pacific and con- rervative policy which the government of Louis Napoleon practises in concert with this country, We had hoped, and we have not yet ceased to hope, that the Emperor of Russia, clearly diseern- ing the causes of the manifold disorders of these times, would steadily reserve the influence of his PSM at dal hl the resources of his empire, to up- hold and assist by lawful means, the restoration of those principles of authority and right which have been so openly violated, and that, without display- ing any arbitrary intention of interfering in the in- ternal] affairs of other countries, he would hold him- eelf in readiness to combine with other stable go- vernments, wherever justice and the peace of Europe might require such protection. ‘That temperate and dignified policy which the Russian cabinet has hitherto pursued, would naturally insure to ita fair and useful influence in the affairs of the Bal- tic, in the alliances of Germany, and even, less directly, in the arrangements of Southern Europe ; but such a policy is wholly at variance with the prosecution of selfish and ambitious schemes in the East. If we are to hold that the Emperor ef Rursin is capwble of taking advantage of the pre- sent distracted state of Europe to. turn own arms against the Ottoman empire, he has a direct interest in aggravating the confusion which has puralyzed the world. He must be perfectly aware that democratic governments, just emerging from a revolution, or still struggling with social anarchy, are wholly unable to oppose any serious resistance to the miftary execution of projects, which at any other period would have called forth the ‘ition of every statesman and every army in Europe. But he inust alro be aware, that such an underta- king would estraxge hiee government from every & | Mineio in an inexpugnable position, c cabinet which is interested in the maintenance peace and the restoration of order. He mld Fimectf become the accomplice of the revolution, as completely as Alexander became at Tulsit the accomplice of Napoleon in his worst projects. The conduct of the Russian court in these circumstan- ces will determine whether it_ 1s governed by prin- ciples or by ambition—by a firm adherence to the cause of authority, or an unscrupulous pursuit of traditional conquest. 3 Subsegently to the disturbances which occurred last summer in the Moldo-Wallachian provinces, and to the occupation of those provinces by the Russian and Turkish troops, the Russian Embassy at Constantinople was instructed to urge the Porte to accede toa modification of the existing regula- tions for the nomination of the Hospodars of those principalities. By the treaty of Ackermann, con- cluded in 1826, it was stipulated that the Hospodars should be nominated for seven years, and might be deposed by the suzerain or the protecting powers ; by the treaty of Adrianople, signed three years | t was agreed that they should be appointed for li The Russians required, for reasons of their own, that the Sultan should consent to revert to the former conditions of the treaty of Akermann. ‘We shall not attempt to examine, the precise merits of such a question; but certain it is that this demand was Vigorously resisted by Sir Stratford Canning, and was, thereupca, rejected by the Porte. The Turkish Ministers were probably well aware of the danger of this species of opposition to the cabinet of St. Petersburgh, for they instantly proceeded to arm the whole frontier of the emire, looking at the same time to England und to France to sup- por them in the which they had beenfin- duced to adopt. mperor of Russia, on the other hand, has signified his extreme displeasure and irritation at the measures taken by Turke' and her other allies to oppose his views on Mol- daviw and Wallachia, and has intimated, in in- direct language, that the next time he makes a campaign across the Balkan, it will not terminate at Adriunople. ; : Although weno not entertain’ a very lofty opi- nion of the military resources of Turkey, it would be an error to estimate them no ghee than they were during the campaigns of 1823and 1829. At that period the fleet of the Sultan had just been destroyed at Nuvarino, and Admiral Greigh was complete master of the Black Sea. The reforms ofthe Turkish army were in their infancy, and Egypt contributed little to the defence of the em- pire. At the present time the Turkisharsenals will send out 40 ships, of which 8 or 10 ure three-deck- ers; the army now in preparation amounts to 300,- 000 men, of Which about halfare irregulars, who are already on their way from the Asiatic Pashalics to Constantinople; the revenue of the Ottoman em- pire has prodigiously increased since the abolition of monopolies ‘in I and there is every reason to suppose that Abbas Pasha, now hereditary ruler of Egypt, who has just received his. investiture at Constantinople, would place the whole naval and military force of that dependency at the disposal of the Porte, his suzerain. Sueh a force, aniunated by religious fanaticism in the defence of the cities and provinces which they have occupied for four hun- dred yeurs, is not to be despised, even by the great- est military power of Europe;and we still infer that the Emperor Nicholas will not push this contest to extremities. f : The real advantage of the Russian party, at this moment, lies in the division of the European pow- ere, and especially in the want of confidence be- tween the two most pacific of them—Austria and Great Britain. Were the ancient bonds of union between the courts of St, James and Vienna in full force, and, still more, if the government of the French Republic were iuduced to co-operate with Austria as well as with ourselves in the formiduble nestions which are agitating the South of Europe, the progress of Russian absolutism on the Danube, and the permanent triumph of anarchy in Italy, would be ulike impossible. We have no doubt that the language of Sir Stratford Canning has been that of a statesman manfully resolved to defend the traditional policy of his country, to support the jp- tegrity and independency of the Ottorian Empire, and to avert an aggression which must be fatal to the general peace, “But it is of extreme importance that not a word should have been said at Pera with more energy than will be shown in Downin; street, and if Russia construes the preparation o} Turkey into a pretext of war, it must not be for- Sete what responsibility rests with powers who huve countenunced those preparations. For our- Goito, Radetski first retired under the fire of P 4 then under, that of Verona and Mantua. Finally, he had reeelved by the route of Trento ard Vi the reinforcements he required, he profited by the ioned extent of the Piedmontese line, whiela prudently reached from the Lake of Garda tothe frontiers of Parma and Modena, and broke it in the middle, throwing it in disorder on Cremona on the on@ hand, and on Brescia on the other. Will the Marshall recommence this campaign, which soldiers have ade mired? That will depend a good deal on the marchof the Piedmontese, If they commit the enormous faulé of attempting to cover all Lombardy instead of only marching, according to all the traditions of the wars of Italy, by the line of the Po on Mantua; if Gi Chraanowski, ceding, as the King of Sardinia im) dently did last year, to the cries of terror of the Loma bard towns, should undertake with his fifty and od thousand men to cover all the country from Milan, not from Bergamo to Cremona, it is difficult to that he can maintain any given point before the 60000 or 80.000 men whom the Marshal may always have under his hand, and there will come to pass a second time, what we had the grief to see last year—the montese army destroyed in a single battle, withou® finding « place to teastemble, It must be hoped that the cruel experience of the last campaign will influence the Italians and their general in the present, that the sad lesson of Custosa will be lost neither on the sole diers nor the chiefs, that neither will advance, as did before, by chance, and that they will udenstanel that they have before them » formidable enemy, of whom they cannot free themselves exeopt by pru perseverance, and energy. It must. be hoped, also, tl the populations, roused by the noble example of Piede mont, will not content themaclves with sterile > and will not lose their time in sit to the success the Italian arms, but that. they will rise as one man to! drive away the foreigner. Without this rising en maseeg without great union, iron discipline, and first-rate strategy, there is nothing to expect from the new eame paign; but with them, on the contray?in the state im. which the interior affairs, and especially the finaneegs of Austria are, this campaign may be decisive. Manifesto of the Pledmontese Goverumen® to the European Powers. The Sardinian government, forced by the pros gneve of events toresume: the course to Which thé esire of the Italian people, determined to re-con= y er their independence, had called it, turns cone fidently to the opinion of Europe, in order that its intentions and conduct may be justly appreciated ‘The origin and progress of the Italian revolution, which broke out in consequence of many causes, slowly accumulated and matured by time and bi the progress of civilization, need not here be sta: The first cry which itsent forth was the vow to restore national independence;, the object to whicky it proved itself constantly faithful in its various phases was to remove the obstacles to the aecom+ plishment of thatvow. ‘These obstacles are all com- prises in the domination of Austria over thie. purdo-Venetian provinces, and in the influences: which she, either openly or secretly, constantly, aspired to exercise, and really did exercise, in vyurious States of the Peninsula. Hence it wa natural that the Italian revolution should see Austria her principal enemy, and that it should unite all its strength against her. Could the Italian governments, even had they wirhed it, have annulled that vove of the Italiam revolution? The most spontaneous and serious considerationslead to the conviction that they could. not, and then less than at any other time, For the nations who had just obtained from their govern= ments those liberal institutions, the desire and necessity for which were so inveterate, felt not only love for their newly-obtained liberty, but also the conviction that true ‘liberty cannot exist w based on independence. And, therefore, had not the governments shown themselves staunch fri to independence, the people would have conceived: suspicions against their sincerity, and would only. have #een momentary concessions easily to ba. withdrawn when circumstances might have ed in those very liberal institutions. Nor could tia people, besides, have avoided the constant fear that their new condition would be continually opposed by Austria—a perpetual enemy {6 liberty in Italy—bes cause thete she always saw the principle whickhmuet destroy her dominion and influence. Hence itisclear: that the Italian governments could not attempt ta restrain their people without, as it were, civereine themselves from them, and throwing their Stat into all the horrors of civil war, to be followed, ‘of course, by the greatest disorder and the dissolutiony, of every social institution. t Ptqme . Were the Italian governments to oppose the dee sire of their people, merely in obedience to the presumed tights of Austria? These are founde In possession and in treaties. But as to ji possession, selves, we should deeply regret the occurrence at this.crisis in the affairs of Europe of an event cal- culated to disturb the harmony of our relations with the head of the Russiun Empire, and to add so large an element of discord to the chances of war. Such an event would be disgraceful, and in the end calamitous, to Russia herself; but it would be still more fatal to the restoration of order on the continent of Europe, and possibly to peace through- out the world. Aspect of Affairs in Italy—Anticipated Hostilitics. (From the Paris Si¢clo.] What is the effective force of the Italian army? It is difficult to say. Italy, without reckoning the Lom- bard-Venetian kingdom. the kingdom of Naples and Sicily. could, including the legions of Nice and Savoy, place 150,000 men under arms. number of men, when well commanded, attacking the Germans on the whole line of the Po, to Payia and the Adriatic, raising iu their passage Parma, Modena and the, Legations, would assuredly be formidable. and could surely suc- ceed in a few months to send him routed on the Tyrol and Illyria, or to block -him up in. such #, way-on Man- fua.and Veron, that no Other Course “could. remain cpen for him than that of Wurmsur, The military ta- lents of General Chreanowski are highly apoken of, May heaven aid him, for he is opposed to an adversary of rare experience, who last year conducted himself like a captain and a politician. Jt would be glorious for the Polish general to triumph over such a general. But, unfortunately, he is fur from having the 150,000" men just spoken of at his disposal. There are no regular troops capable of fighting u pitched battle, but those of the Piedinontese ariny, consisting of 55.000 men, ‘The First Consul had not. it is true, #0 many, but he was First Consul. Will they suffice to General Chraa- noweki ? We hope £0, sincerely, for there is nothing we desire more ardently, after the bey iness of Frince, than that of Italy. To the regular Moaipon tose troopa must be added 20.000 or 30.000 volunteers, corps-francs, &e.. composed of Lombards, Romans, and Tuscans, ‘These troops are brave, but not being accustomed to discipline, they eannpt render any great service, If the Lombard volunteers haye not more discipline than they had a year back, they will lose plenty at imen with- out doing much good. ‘Phe same may be said of the ‘Tuscans, who suffered so much under Mantua, without doing great'damage to the Austrians, Ax to the Ro- mans, now that the Pope is not there to restrain Durando, they will act, no doubt. on the frontiers of tin. But they will not act effectively, if they are pr organized than they were nine months ago, on the Drenta, between Treviso and Vicenza. Charles Albert has also a fleet, sufficiently numerous and well sof the Venetians, it manned, Joined with the ere may keep the Adriatic free. Venice, well vietualled, by « tunately, letters inform ue t which was eo much felt last year, has not been made up. That is greatly to be regretted, for with steamers the Austrian flotilla would be rendered militarily uxe- lex; but. by sacrificing some yeasels, as Admiral Albi- ni advised Inst year, it would be foreed under the fire of the coasts of Mlyrin, with « great chance of dextroy- or fi ing it, This would be a result of great importance: it would have for first effect to cut off one of the inc of communication between Austria and Venetia. ‘The flotilla ie almost completely composed of nd the Sardo-Venetian armament, with its euiling vessels, is powerlvss when the wind blows from the ent to prevent vessels passing from ‘Trieste and Bola to the coast of Venice, Will General Chrzanow- +ki, with his talents and the forces of which he can dis- pose, cast the Germans into the Adige and the Adria- tic? He will have great difficulty in doing so. Marshal Radetzki, according to the lowest calculation, ean bring 100,000 men into the field, without including the garricons of Peschiera, Verona, Mantua, Palmanova, and Opopo, amounting to probably 48,000 or 80,000 more. All these troops are exceedingly firm, accus- tomed to fire, proud of their success, feeling « certain contempt for their adversaries, full of German honor, and, at the bottom, whatever rumors may be circulated, exceedingly attached to their stands The Hunga- rian desertions, of which the journals «peak so much, are quite insignificant. The italian populations have the misfortune of very often taking what they desire for what they ree, The truth is, that very few Hunga- rinns have quitted the Austrian army. That is owing to the excellent organization of that army; there are no Hungarian regiments there, any more than Bobe- ian or Croatian ones. There are nothing but Aus- trian regiments, in the ranks of which Hungarians, Croatians, and Bohemians live, fight. and die one b; the side of the other. Desertion is dificult with «ue! a eystem, and takes place but ina very restricted man- ner, Two things must now be borne in mind; the firet, that these 100,000 Germans oecupy exceedingly +trong positions; the second, that they have in Mar- that Kadetzki, one of the most experieneed generals of modern times, The Austrian army can successive! defend itself with six great currents of water—the Ti+ cino, the Adda, the Mincio, the Adige, the Piaon, and the Tagliamento, The Mineio, the Adige, and the _Tagliamento, above all, can lead for their passage to ranguinary battles, h of there rivers is, 40 to speak, the retreating line of the other. Beaten or turned on the Ticino, the Austrians can form them- elves again at Lodi and Cremona on the Adda.— should that river be forced, they can withdraw on the ered by the triangle of the fortresses of Peschiera, Verona, and Mantua. On the Adige, they will find Legnago, and the formidable line which foreed Bonaparte to fight the battle of Arcole, and Messen that of Caldicro, Finally, in Venetia, supported on Palmanova, they could, on the Piaya and the Tagliamento, retrieve by by a single victory, all thelr fairs, Few arinies were ever better situated, and Italy must witness more than one day of heroisin before she can get rid of these troops, Marshal Radetzki, too, is a man to turn all there advantages to the utmost account. as he has already only too well thown. The intention is ascribed to him of finishing at the beginning of the campaign by giving battle on the Ticino, This rumor appears to be reat! phat Fouree it has been derived, that it has only the value of a rumor, followed lust your, ax _mny be remembe different Hine of conduct. After having abandoned without combat, not only the Ticino, but even the Adda, he stopped on the Chiewe, a little stream in advance of wrallel to the Minico, and he waited for the Piedmon ese in the fainous plains of Monte-Chiari, which for thirty-four years had rerved as manenvring fields to hie treops, Out off in thie position by Chartes Albert, who advanced from Cromoua by forced uiarelos on credited in Medmont, but we know not from It is useless to way Th Marshal it may always be inquired what was its origi H and as to treaties, how they have been estublisheds and how observed? sig \ , Above all, it must be considered that the ge sions of Austria, in the several territories of which, the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom was com P are of varied origin. For it is not to be bel ievedk that Austria means seriously to refer to the ancient « rights which the Emperors of Germany boasted. of over Italy—rights which, supposing them to be hise torically admitted, have been entirely destroyed those very facts.and those very stipulations w which Austria takes her stand ‘to support her pres tensions. To reproduce the titles of possession of Austria for these provinces, which formerly i tuted the Duchies of Milan and Mantua, wo! renewing the dispute on the legitimate reversibilix ty of the fiefs of, the empire; it would be revivingt ” the principles of a defunct jurisprudence to judge @ ine and present question. If those provinces which formed the continent of the Venetian public are considered, the possession of Austrig, emerges as founded only in one of those great are bitrary acts, ever reproved by universal conscience a8 being contrary to all the rules of justice and equity, und in virtue of which two ‘great, powe ers agreed upon a compensation of territories by’ making a emall state disappear. The Sardinian government well knows what arguments may ber adduced when it is pretended that the heree- ditary character of the past is preserved untouche ed, or when all the arbitrary acts of mer@ might are to be legitimised; but it would be ashamed to confute them in these days in the presence of Europe, which has already acknowe edged, or is on the point of acknowledging, the necessity of reconstructing universal | right upon a new basis. Profoundly convinced that tha preservation of the civil order of things depends upon obeying this necessity, Sardinia does not ree coil, nor will she recoil, from the consequences cf the ie as she has frankly adopted; and, ready. as she is todefend them with all her, might, she does not hesitate in most loyally declaring them. _ And, therefore, the Sardinian government, beé lieving that the Italian. governments cannot recog= nise Austria’s right, of possession, further believes, that her pretensions, founded on treaties, are not the less groundless. ‘The old treaties need not be mentioned, because they have lost every value ire consequence of the successive stipulations that profoundly altered them ; and as to the treaties of 1815, to which Austria, more particularly refers, it is known to the world that Italy was forced to une, dergo them, and that Austria, as well in Italy as i other countries, completely eluded, the spirit them in the interest of her policy of absorbing the® various nationalities which compose her statess And how ean the idea fail to present itself taneourly, that Austria cannot be admitted to el in Italy the treaties of 1815, after she herself has broken thom by the violent occupation of Cracow, against which the protests of all Burope still tes sound. Moreover, if treaties can settle questions pending between nations, they cannot dispose the very existence of nations, no more than they can cancel history, abolish a language, or deter= mine that a transitory fact created by foree perpetually prevail over the laws established by nature and Providence. Italy must, like other. countries, exist by herself, not, merely in geogra= phy and statistics, but in the intercourse of civi- ized nations ; this has been for many ages the de« sire of all the nations of the Peninsula, the constant manifestation of Italian opinion, und fe ings, in science, literature, and art; the object’ wi ale at various times some Italian governments had in view ; the meditations of the most e minds ; the hopes of an innumerable host of mat tyrs of liberty. This desire, this manifestation, this object, was during a whole year the unanimot cry of all the populations of Taya ery that dai'y increased in energy and menace at the announces ment of all the acts of violence Austria had re course to to restrain the provinces subject to het. dominion—a cry that changed into a universal une. restrainable call to arms, at the outbreak of the. revolution of Lombardy and Venice. Could the Italian governments oppose such an explosion of the national will 7 ‘The Sardinian government does not shrink from. the responsibility of having commenced. the wat of Italian independence ; on the contrary, it. bee lieves it may be proud of it, not because in so do- rded to the desire of the people, and thas. I ived the most sacred principles of social ore der. All the governments of the Peninsula there agrecd with Surdiuia ; all sent their contingent to the war: all showed thus that the vow of. tala, dence the vow of all the people ot Sardinian perenne feels it beneath ite ity to epecity the unfortunate complications by” hich it remained alone in the straggle. It wi fain not pronounce a word which might be painft to the princes who were its former allies in the commen cane, and perhaps guilty only of havinge obeyed filse councils and blind fear. But for its own legitimate defence, it cannot avoig declaring that the bad success of the war, and the recent changes that have taken place in Central Itly, are pincipally to be attributed to those governments thet opposed the decided will of the people for nae tional independence. Ambitiousintentions of Sire dinia were spoken of; but how could such ets si< rions be conceived on secing that inthe Lonibardo= nitian pre and ihe duchies, inostly oceus pied by her victorious prcie, she abstained fi of power, till those populations ‘iad every exer proved, by their tnanimous suffrage, that, a as they were in aeqniring independence, they were equally eo in wieiting to unite themselved to the Sardinian people ? he Itnlion revolution was ao cused ef ap intention cf questioning ev ory Uhings a