The New York Herald Newspaper, January 30, 1849, Page 1

HE NEW YORK HER ~~ NO. 5353. MORNING EDITION----TUESDAY, JANUARY 30, A LD. 1849. TWO CENTS. “THE ADDRESS SOUTHERN MEMBERS OF CONGRESS TO THEIR CONSTITUENTS. ‘We, whose names are hereunto annexed, adi.ress you in the discharge of what we believe to beascleme duty on the most important subject ever preseatsd for your consideration. We allude to the conflict between the two great sections of the Union, growing out ef a dif- ference of feeling and opinion ia reference to the rele- tion existing between the two races, the European and Africen, wi inhabit the southern section, and the ects of aggression @nd encroachment to which it has led. ‘The conflict commenced net long afterthe scknow- ledgment of our independence, and has gradually ia- creased until it bes arrayed the great botyof the North egainst be dips on . most vital Co m= - the progress of conflict, aggression lowed ag- | Saeint roaehment encroachment, until the; ve reached a point when a regard for © an eafety will mot permit us tqremain longer silent. The object of this address is to give you @ clear, correst, but briefaccount of the whole series of aggression @nd encroachments on your rights, with » ste:vment of the dangers towhich they expose you. Our object in making it, is not to cause excitement, but to put you in full possession of all the facts and circumstan- oes necessary to afull and just conception of a deep seated disease, which threatens great danger to you and the whole body politic. Weact on the impression, that in « popuier government like ours, a truv concep- tion of the actual eharacter and state of a disease is indispensable tojeffecting a cure. We have made it a joint address, because we be- lieve that the magnitude of the subject required ‘that it should assume the most impressive and solema torm. . Not to go further back, the difference of opinion and feeling, in reference to the relation between the two races, disclosed itself in the convention that framed the constitution, and constituted of the eatest difficull in forming it. After many efforts, was overcome by a compromise, which previded, i ‘the first piace,that representatives and direct taxes s! ‘be apportioned among tl cording to their re- spective numbers ; and that, in alaing the num- ber of each, five slaves shall be esti: das three. in the next, that slaves escaping into States where slavery oes not exist, shall not be discharged from rervitude, ‘but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom their labor or service ie due. In the third place, that Congress shall not prohibit the importation of slaves before the year 1808 ; but a tax mot exceeding ten dollars may be imposed om each imported And finally, that nc capitation or direot tax shall be laid, ‘but im proportion to federal numbers ; and that no amendment of the constitution, prior to 1808, eballafect this provision, nor that relating to the im- Portation of slaves 8o satisfactory were these provisions, that the second, Telative to the delivering up of fugitive slaves, was adopted Snanimously; nd all the rest, except the third, relative to the importation of slaves until 1803, with almost equal unanimity. They recognise the ex- istence of slavery, and muke a specific provision forits protestion where it was supposed to be the most e: posed, They go farther, and incorporate it, as an im- element, in determining the relative weizht of veral States in the government of the Union, the respective burd Shey. shor capitation and direct taxes. it ‘the that, without them, the constitution would eon adopted by the Southern States, and, of constituted elemente so essential to ‘the The Northern States, knowing all this, ratified the constitution, thereby pledging their faith, in the most colemm manner, aly to observe them. How that faith has been kept, and that pledge redeemed, we aball next proceed to show. With few exceptions, of no os importance, the South had no cause to complain prior to the year 1819—a year, it is to be feared, destined to matk a train of events, bringing with them pry, end great, and fatal disasters, on the country and its institutions. With it ccmmenced the agitating debate on the ques- tion of the admission of Missouri imto the Union. ‘We shall pass by, for the present, this question, and others ef the same kind, directly car oip eut of it, and shall proceed to consider the effects of that spirit of discord which it roused up between the two sections. It firet disclosed itself in the North, by hostility to that portion of the constitution which provides for the delivering up of fugitive slaves. In Jee progress, it led the adoption of hostile acts, intended to ronder it y yoo and with so ap oon rotary ea may. be Fegarded now as practically expu: a, con. poke How this has been effected, will be next explained. After a careful examination, truth constrains us to say, that it has been by a clear and palpable evasion of the constitution. It is impossible for any provision to be more free from ambiguity or doubt. {t isin the fol- lowing words : 0 person held to service, or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, regen into another State, shall, in consequence of any law or ion thereln, be discharged from such service or labor, but aball be delivered up on claim of the y to whom such service or Jabor may be due.’ Ail is clear. There is not an uncertain or equivocal word to be found in the whole provision. What shall not be done, and what shall be done, are fully and explicitly set ferth. The former provides that the fugitive slaveshall not be dis- obarged from his servitude Mg any law or regulation of the State wherein he is found ; and the latter, that he shall be delivered up on claim of his owner. We do not deem Te necessary to undertake to refute the sophistry and subterfuges by which so plain a pro- vision of the constitution hes been evaded, and, in effect, annull It constitutes an essential part of the iH compact, and of course of the supreme the land. As such, it is binding onall the federal and State governments, the States and the individuals 2oeing them. The sacred obligation of gempert ‘the solem injunction of the supreme law, which le- tors and judges, both federal and State, are bound to support, all unite to enforce its fulfilment, to its plain meaning and true intent. What that meaning and intent are, there was no diversity of opinion, in the better days of the republic, prior to 1819. Congress. State latures, State and federal judges and magistrates,and people, all spontaneously placed the same interpretation on it. During that period none interpored impr diments in the way of the owner seek- ing to recover his fugitive slave; nor did any deny his right to have every proper facility to enforce his claim to have him delivered up. It was then nearly as easy to recever one found in Northern State, as one found ine neighboring southern State. But this has ed away. and the provicion is defunct, except por- in two States.* hen take into consideration the importance and clearness of this provision, the evasion by which it has been set aside may fairly be regarded as one of the most fatal bio received by the South the Union. This ore concise); 3. In 2“ Historieally, we! object of this clause was to secure te the citizens of the slaveholding States the complete right and title of ownership in their alaves, as property, in every State of the Union, into which they might escape from the State wherein vr we id in itude.? “The fall recognition of thi right end title nrable to the security of this ras indi species of propesty in ‘all the slaveholding States, and,. indeed, was so vital to the preservation of their inte- rests and instituticns, that it cannot be doubted that it constituted a fandamental article, without the adop- tion of which the Union would not have beem formed. Its true design was to guard against the doctrines and princip'es prevalent in the non-slaveholding States. by eventing them from intermeddling with, or restrict Ing, or aboliabing the rights of the owners of slaves ”” Again: “The clause was therefore of the last im- rtance to the safety and security of the Southern Seater, and cont nee bevurreneere by them without ing their whole property in slaves The ‘was accordingly adopted in the constitution, State law or regula. tion can in any way regulate, control, qaalify, or re. strain.” ‘The epinion of the other learned judge was not ¢ as to the importance of this provision, unquestionable right of the South under it. Jad, Jdwin, in charging the jury, eaid:} “If there are an Fights of property whioh can ‘be enforeed—it one clti- sem have any vights of property which are invisiable ler the protection ofthe supreme lew of the State, and the Union, they are those which have been set at nought by seme of these defendants. As the owner vf property, which he had a perfect right to possess, pro- tect and take away— itizen of @ sister State. ea- titled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens of any other States- Mr. Johnson ground which cannot be taken the same ground om which the Dased If the defe te can bejustitied, we have no longer Jaw or government,” ler referring moie particularly tothe provision for deliveri jovernment itself is fog aves, he raid tions of gover: od rest on the right of property im slaves. The whole structure mast fall by disturbing the corner stone.”’ ‘Thene are grave, ai id admonitory words, They coafrm all for which the d. as to the clearness, impor- il character of this provision, oes which would Inevita: mm. But in spite of these 8, the violation then commenced and which they were intended to rebuke, has been fully and perfectly ummated. The citizens of the South, in their attempt tofreeover their slaves, now meet, instead of aid and co-operation, resistance in every form; resistance from hostile acts of legisiation, intended to baffle aud defeat their claims by all sorts of devices, and by interporing every description of im- gediment—resittance from judges and magistretes— apd. finally, when all these fail, from mobs, pore d: at ohiter and biacks, jh, by threats or force, resene the fugitive slave from the possession of his rightful im pt to recover a slave, in most of the mnot now be made without the ® Indiana avd Tilinoia 1 The cana of Prigg ve, the Commonwoa'th of Pennayivanta 3 Tho op of Jobneon ve, Tow pains ans others, hazard of insult, and even of life itself. Maryland® lost his life force en en- provisior in his claim tos ive slave under his 2. vision of constitution may be violated in ly a8 well as directly, by doing en act in its nature inconsistent with that which is enjoined to be done, Of this form of there is a striking in- stance connectvd with the provision ui conside- ration. We allude to secret combinations whieh are believed to exist in many of the Northern States, whose objeet is to entice, deco: trap, inveigie, and eeduce slaves to escape from owners, to pase them seeretly and rapidiy, by means organized for the purpose, into Canada, where they will be beyond the eS on ene: That to entice a slave, by whatever artifice, to abscond from his owner State, with the intemtion to reach of the provision or prevent his yy is as completely pugnent to it as ite open violation would be, is too ear to admit of doubt or to require fllustratien. And jet, as re] ‘tas these combinations are to the drue tutent the provieion, it is believed that, with the above exception, not one of the States within whose limits they exist has adopted any measure to suppress them, or to punish those by whose acy the object for whieh they were formed is carried into execution. On the contrary, they have looked onand witnessed with indifference, if not with secret appro- bation, s great number ef slaves enticed from their owners and placed beyond the possibility of recovery, to the great annoyance and heavy peounlary'g-* the bordering Southern States oe When we take into consideration the gra. .gor- tance of this provition, the absence of all uncertainty es to ite true ning and intent, the many guards by rrounded to protect and enforce it, and them reflect how completely the ject for whioh it rted in the constitution is dofeated by these infractions. we doubt, taking all together, whether @ more flagrant breach of faith ia to be found . Weknow the language we have used is }, but it is not less true ban strong. There remains to be noticed another class of reesive acts, of a kindred character, but which, in- stead of striking of the constitution relation between fo rack subversive im their tendency of of thi is for which the constitution was established. We refer to the systematic agitation of the question by the abe- litionists; which, commencing about 1835, is still con- tinued im all possibleforms Their avowed intention is to bring about a state of things that will force emanoi- pation on the South. T’o unite the North in fixed hos- tility to slavery in the South, and to excite diseontent among the slaves with their condition, are among the means employed to effect it. With « view to bring about the former. every means are resorted to in order to render the South, and the relation between the two races there, cdious and hatetul to the North. For this purpese societies and newspapers are everywhere tablished, debating :lubs opened, lecturers emplo} pamphlets and other publications, pictures and pe tions to Congress resorted to, and directed to that single | reed Tegardiess of truth or decency; the circ: jation of i ary publications in the South, the tation of ibjest of abolition in Congress. and the employme: emissarios, are relied om to exelte dis- content among the sla This agitation, and the ‘use of these meant en continued, with more or for of years, not without doing much towards effecting the object intended. We re- gard both object and means to be aggressive and da: gereus to the rights.of the South. and subversive, as stated, of one of the ends for which the constitution wasestablisbed. Slavery is a domestic institution. It to the States, each for itself, to decide whether nd, if it be established, whether it should be abolished or not. Such being the clear and unquestionable right of the States, it follows necessarily that it would be» fiagrant act of aggression on a State, destructive of its ri; , and subversive of its independence, for the federal government, or one or more States, or their people. to undertake to force on it the emanoipation of its slaves, But it isa sound maxim in |egbyre: as well as law and morals, thet no one hasa right to do that indirectly which he cannot do directly, and it may be added with Vee truth, to ald, or abet, or countenance another in doing it. And yet the abo- Htionists of the North, openly avowing their inteation, and resorting to the most efficient means for the pur- pose, have bee! mapting to bring about e state of Boat cipate their y Northern means by which they propose toeccomplish it. They have been permitted to pursue their object, and to use whatever means they lease; if without aid or countenance, also without re- tance or dirapprobation. What gives a deeper shade te the whole afiair is the fect, that ene of the means to t their object, that of exciting discontent among our slaves, tends directly to subvert what its preamble declares to be one of the ends for which the constitution was ordained and esteblished—‘“to insure domestic trasquillity”’—and that in the only way in which domestic tranquillity is likely ever to be disturbed. in the South. Certain it is, that an agitation so syste- tie—having such an object in view, and to into execution by such means—would, be- atic constitute just cause of re- y against which the aggression was directed, and. if not hee 0 appeal to arms for redress. Such being the case where an aggression of the kind takes place among independent nations, how much more aggravated must it be between confederated States, where the Union precludes an ap; toarms, while it affords a medium through which it can eperate effect?! Tkat it would Pe oh a use, er entered into the ima- gination of the generation which formed and adopted the constitution; and, if it had been supposed it would, a rhe that the South never would have gdopt- ed it. ‘We now return to the question of the admiesicn of Missouri into the Union. 1d shall proceed to gives ces connected pag mt Pe monstrance by the mneequ latter part o to Congress, tate constitution and government, in order to be admitted into the Union. A bill was reported for the purpose, with the usual provisions in susb cases. Amendments offered, having for their object te make it a condi- f her admission, that her constitution should 8 provision roe prohibit slavery. This brought on agitetin, ‘te which, with the effects that fol. lowed, has so much to alienate the Seuth and orth, and endanger our political institutions. Those who objected to the amendments, rested their opposi- tion on the high grounds of the right of self govura- ment. They cleimed that a territory, having reached the period when it is proper for it to form a constitution and government fer itself, becomes fully vested with all the rights of self, ‘nment; and that even the condition im d onit by the federal constituti lates mot to the formation of its constitution erpment, but its admission into the Union. purpose, it provides, ae @ condition, that the govern- ment must be republican. They claimed that Congress has no right to add to this condition, and that to assume it would be tan- tamount to the imption of the right to make its tire constitution and government; as no limt:ation could be im as to the extent of the right, if it be poeed admitted thas it exists all. Those who supported the smendment denied these grounds, and the right haan ie at discretion, what cendi- tione it pleased. In this agitating debate, the two rec- tions stood arrayed against each other, the South in favor of the bill without amendment, and the North epposed to it without it. The debate and agitation continued until the session was well advanced; bat it Spparent towards its close, that the people of Missouri were fixed and resolved {a their opposition to the propored condition, and that they would certainly reject it, and adopt a constitution without it, should the bill pass with the condition. Such being the case, it required no grest effort of mind to perovive, that Microari once in possession of a constitution and gov- ernment, not simply on paper, but with tors elected, and officers appointed, to carry them i: fect, the grave questions weuld be presented, w she was of right a State or Territory; and, ifthe » whether Cc ngress had the right. aud. if the right, the power, to abrogate her constitution, disperse ber legis. ture, rritcrial eondi- tances, too fearful to be met by those who tation. From thet time the only pe_ from the difficulty afforded A cempro- d) was offered, based on th terms. that the North should cease to oppose the admis sion of Missouri on the grown is for which the South contended. and that the provi-ions of the ordinance of 1787, for the government of the northwestern terri tory, should be applied to all the territory acquired by the United States from Francs under the treaty of Louisiana, lying north of 36 30, except the portion lying in the State of Missouri The northern members embraced it; and although not originating with them, adopted it as their own. It was forced through grere by the almort united votes of the North, ag & minority consisting almost entirely of member the southern States Such was the termination of thia, the first conflict, under the constitution, between the twe sections, in reference to slavery. in connection with the territo- ries. Many hailed itas » permanent and final aJjast- ment that would prevent the recurrence of simtlar conflicts; but others, less sanguine, took the opposite d more glocmy view, regarding it as the precursor jn of events which might d the Union asun- prostrate our polit: im One of these Xperienced and sagacious Jefferson. Thus id reem to favor his forebodings. -May a returning re of justice, and a protecting rrovi lence avert their final fulfitment, For many years the rubject of slavery, in reference to the territories, ceased to agitate the country Indi- cstions, however. connected with the question of an- nexing Texas, showed clearly that it was ready to break out again, with redoubled violence, on some fa- turececarion The difference in the oase of Texas adjusted by extending the Missouri compremise ne of 86 80, from ita terminus, on the western bound ary of the Louiria: to tl ry of Texas, Th period, The war with Mexico roon followed, and that termi- Dated in the acquisition of New Mexico and Upper Cailfornia. emb: ik Am Brea equal to about one half ley of tl If to this wa Missianippt ory uly be found to be in extent but little lees than that vast ¥ Kennedy, of Logereiown, Ma heavy peouniary Joes, imprisonment, | +. The near t of 20 kin the excitement between t an addition re- North and South, in reference to slavery in its connection with the terri- tories, which has become, since those on the Pacific were juired, more universaland intense than ever fects have been to widen the difference be- two sections. and to give s more determined end hostile character to their co! The North no longer reepects the Missouri compromise line, although adopted by their almost unanimous vote, Instead of compromise, they a' that their determination is to exolude slavery all the territories of United States, acquired or to be acquired ; and, of eourse, to prevent the citizens of the ithern States from emi- ting with their property in slaves into any of them. ‘heir obj it the extensi: a q slavery be extended or not! We do not deem it neosn- sary, looking to the object ef this address, to T the question, so fally discussed at the last session, whe- ther Congress has ht to exclude the eitizens of the South from immigrating with their property into territories belonging to the confederated States of the Union. What we propose in this eomnection is, to make a few remarks on what the North alleges, erro- neously, to be the issue between us and them. So far from maintaining the dectrine whioh the issue implies, we hold that the federal government has no 't toextend or restrict slavery, no more than to esta- blisb or abolish it; ner has it any right whatever to distinguieh between the institutions of one State or tection and another, in order to favor the one, end dis- courage the otber. As the federal representatives of each and all the States, it is bound to deal out, within the ephere of its powers, equal and exact justice and fa vor to all, uni je to discrimi- bet titutions of one and an subversion of end ich it was esteblished—to be the common protec- Entertaining these opinions, alleges we do, for the exten- To act otherwise, } crimination they ask against us in their favor. It is not for them nor fer the federal government to deter- mine whether our domestic institution is good or bad; whether it should be repressed or prererved. It be- to us, and mly, to deeide such questions. What then we de insist on, is. mot to extend slavery, but that we shall not be probibited from immigrating, with our pioperty, into the territories of the United States, becaure we are slaveholders; or, in other words, that we shall not on that account be distranchised of a privilege possessed by all others. citizens and foreign- ers, without discrimination as te character, profession, ercoler. All, whether savage, barbarian, or civilized, may freely enter and remain, ve only being excluded. We seet our claim, not only on the high grounds above stated, but also on the solid foundation of right, justice.and equality. The territories immediately in controversy—New Mexico and California—were ac- quired by the common eacrifice and efforts of all the States, tewards which the South oo: buted far more than ber full ire of men*, to # othing of money; and is, of course, on every pes iple of right, justice, fairness, and equality, entitled to participate fully in the benefits to be derived from their acquisition. But as imvregnable as is fiirouns, there isqnother not less 0. Ovrsis @ federal government—a government but States, as distinct sove- te the constituents. To them,as eral Union, the territories belong; and they are hence declared to be territories belonging to the United Stat The States, then, are the joint owners Now, it is conceded by all writers on the ject, that in all such governments their members are ual—equal in rights, and equal in dignity. They aleo concede that this equality constitutes the basis of auch government, and that it cannot be destroyed without changing their neture and character. To de- prive, then, the Southern States and their citizens of their full share in territories declared to belong to them in common with the other States. would be in deroga- tion of the equality belonging to them as members of 8 federa! Union, and sink them, from heing equals, into @ subordirate and dependent condition. Such are the solid and impregnable grounds on which we rest our demand to an equal participation in the territories. But as solid and impregnable as they are in the eyes of justice and reason, they oppose a feeble resistance to a majority determined to engross the who! At the last session of Congress, bill was passed estab- Hehing ® territorial government for Oregon, excluding i ‘he President gave his sanction a in which, not individual reign communities 1s supposed that the and would be, extended west of the Rocky mountains te the Pacifo coean. And the President intimated his intention in his message, to veto any future bill that ehould restrict ery south of the line of that com- promise. Asruming it to intention of the North promise live as above i Oregon bill eould enly be regarded as quiescence of the South in that line. But the de- Velopements of the present session of Congress have made it manifest to all that no such purpose or inten- tion now exists with the North. to any considerable ext Of the truth ef this, we have ample evidence in what bas ocourred siready in the House of Repre- eentatives, where the popular feelings are sconest and moet intensely felt. Although Congress has been in séssion but little more than one month, s greater number of measures of an eggressive character have been introduced, and they more me Laney end dangerous, than have 2 for years before. And what clearly diseloses whi ay be their origin, is the fact that they all relate to territorial aspect of the subject of ery, Or some other of @ nature and character intimately con- neoted with it, The first of this series of aggressions, is a resolution introduced by s member from Massaghusetts, the ob- ject of which is to repeal all acts or parts of acts which Feoognise the existence of slavery, or authorize the telling and disposing of slaves in this District. On question of leave to jing in a bill, the votes stood 69 jor and 82 egainst leave, The next was resolution offered by a member from Ohio, instructing the Com- mitte Territories to report forthwith bills for ex- wery from California and New Mexico.t It asred by # vote of 107 to 80. That was followed by s introduced by another member from Ohio, to take the votes of the inhabitants of this District on the question whether slavery within its limits sheuld be abolished. The bill provided, aecording to the admission of the mover. that free negroes and slaves should vote On the question to lay the bill on the table, the votes stood —for, 106; against, 79. To this succecded the reso- obo of @ member from New York, in the following words : “ Whereas, the traffic now prosecuted in this metro) of the republic in buman beings, aa chattels, is costrary pte fas. tice and the fundamental’ priacip'es of our potiticsl rd the tiene of the earth, Therelore,, ‘the District of Colam bia Prohibiting beget — the Mates sonened for rinse ores a as 800n As isistrech me marase.soe by trade in the qnestion of adopting the resolution, the Votes stood ¥8 for, and 68 against. He was followed by @ member from Illinois, who offered s resolytion for abolishing slav im the territories, and all places where Congress has exclusive powers of legislation; that is, in all forts, magesines, arsenals, dock- yards, and other needful buildings, purchased by Congress with the consent of the legislature of the State. This resolution was passed over under the rules ot the House without being put to vote. The votes in favor of all theee measures were confined to the members from the northern States. True, there are some patriotic members from that section who voted S ib if Leotard ie 10 in the progress of Jestions by their votes. sui elaed the onstitution. and of whom we regret been sacrificed at home by their pa- to ray many ha trietic courre. We bave now brought to close » narrative of the terles of acts of aggression and encroachment con- neoted with the subject of this addrers, ineluding those thet are consummated and thore still in progress. They are numeroun, great.and dangerous, and threaten with destruction the greatest and mest vital of all the inte- Tests and inetitutions of the South. Indeed. it may be doubted whether there is a single provision, stipulation, or gusranty of the constitution, intended for the seca- rity of the South, that has not been rendered almort novgatory. It may even be made arerious question, whether the encrosehments alr without the aid of any other, would not, if permitted to operate unchecked, end in emancipation, and that at no dis- tant dey. But be that asit may, it hardly admits of a doubt that, if the aggressions y commenced in the Houre, and now in progress, should be covsum- mated, euch in the end would certainly be the coase- =a in truth, would be left to be done after we have been excluded from all the Territories, including thore to be hereafter acquired; after slavery is abolicbed in this District, and om the numerous places dispersed «il over the South, where Congress has the exclusive right of legirlation, and after the other measures pro- pored are consummated. Every outpost and barrier would be carried, and nothing would be left but to finish the werk of abolition at plearure in the States themrelvos. This District, all places over which Congress bas exclusive power of legislation, would be asylums for fogitive slaves. where, a8 sooe as they pinced thelr feet, they would become, according to the Goctrines of ort Northern avsaliants, tree, unless there thould be some positive enactments to prevent it. Under euch a atate of things, the probability ir, that ‘mancipstion would rocn follow. without any final rot to abolish slavery The depressing effects of measureron the white race at the South, an intl a " Troomslstent er continuance of the existing re two. But be that as it may. it is pation did not follow, as a matter of ct im the States Id not be long nt of conrtitutional power would op- lations bet certain, i! em course. the fin a, Th pore a feeble resistance. The great body of the North js united against our peculiar institution, Many be- * Volunteers from the South—Regimenta, .. 3 Battalions. is Companies"; a Total number of velunteers from the South Volunteers from the Ni Total numbrr of velunterrs from the North. Being yossly too f the Sout the Nort, Bot tebirg the Nerth t* two-thirds fvrmiiFed tore than thres times ber du) proportion of ¥ 1 sisoe seperted to We Bume, ere. | Rea, § eve it to be sinful, and the residue, with inconsidera- ble exceptions, believe it to be wrong. Such being the case, it would indicate a very superficial knowledge of buman nature, to think that, after aiming at snovrion systematically ‘or so mai ears, and pursuing it with such unscrupulous dis: of 1d constitution, the fanati led the way foroed the body of t th to follow them, would, whea the finishing stroke only remained to be given, voluntarily pend it, or permit any constitutional scruples or siderations of justice to arrest it. To these ma: ded geression, though not yet commenced, ated and threate! prohibit what the abolitionists oall the inter je trade, meaning thereby the transfer of sli tate to an- worth. them together where they are, and work of emancipation. There isres- pg that it will soon follow those now in progress. unless, indeed, some decisive step should be taken in the mean time to arres’ the whole. The question then is, will the measures of aggression Ly one in the Houre be adopted? They may not, and probably will not be this session. But when we take into consideration that there is a majority now in favor of one of them, and a» strong minority in favor ot the other. as far as the sense of the House bas been taken ; that there will bein all probability # considerable increase in the next Con- grees bf the vote in favor of them, and that it will be largely increased in the next succeeding Congress, under the census to be tal next year, it amounts almort to a certainty that they will be adopted, unless tome decisive measure is taken in advance to prevent It. But, if even these conclusions should prove errone- ous—if fanaticiem and the love of power should, con- trary to their nature, for once respect constitutional barriers, or if the calculations of policy should retard the ption of these measures, or @' defeat them er, there would be still left one certai: to accomplith their object, if the determination avowed by the North te monopolize all the territorics, to the exclusion of the South, should be carried into effect. ‘That of iteelf would, at no distant day, add to the Noith s sufficient number of States to give her three- the whole; when, under the color of an it of the constitution, she would emanol- ate our slaves, however opposed it might be to its true intent. Thus, under every aspect, the result is certain, if ag- peticn be not promptly and dedly met. How it ia to be met, it is for you to decid Such, then, being the case, it would be to insult you to suppose you eould hesitate. To destroy the exut- ing relation between the free and servile races at the South would lead to consequences unparalleled in his- tory. ‘They cennot be separated, and cannot live to- gether in peace or harmony, or to the'r mutual advan- e, except in their present relation. Under any other, wretchedness, and misery, and desolation would overrpread the whole South. The example of the Britich West Indies, as blighting as emancipation has proved to them, furnishes a very faint ploture of the cy it it would bring on the South, The ciroum- der which it would take place with us would emancipate: vernment rich ani (mistaken as they turned out to be,) rather It was, besides, dis; te po! e owners, even in the act of oipating their slaves. and to protect and foster them afterwards, It accordingly appropriated nearly $100,000,000 as a com- pensation to them for their losses under the act, which sum, although it tur out to be far short of the amount, was thought at that tim @ liberal. the emancipation, it has kept up s sufficient military and vaval force to ey the blacks in awe, and a num- ber cf magirtrates, and constables, and other civil offi- cers, to keep order in the towns and plantations, and enforce respect to their former owners. To a con- siderable extent, these have served as a substitute for the police formerly kept on the plantations by the owners und their overseers, and to preserve the social and political su; ity of the white race. But, not- withstanding all this, the British West India posses- sions are ruined. impoverished, miserable, wretched, and destined probably to be abandoned to the black Very different would be the circumstances which emancipation would take place with us. If it ever should be effected, it will be through the agency of the federal government. controlled by the dominant power of the Nortbe: tates of the con- federacy, egainat the resistanc: d struggle of the Southern, y, bitterest feelings of hostility between them and the North. But the ree would be the case between the Dlacks of the South and the people of the North. Owing their emancipation to them, they would regard them as friends, guardians, and patrons, and centre, accord- ingly. all their sympathy in them. The people of the North would not fail to reciprocate and to favor them, instead of the whites, Under the influence of such feel- ings, and impelled by fanaticiam and love of power, they would not step at emancipation. Another ete; would be taken—to raise them to a political and rooial equality with their former owners, by giving them the right of voting and holding publio offices under the federal government. We see the first step towards it in the bill already alluded to—to vest the free blacks and slaves with the right to vote on the question of emanci- pation in this District. But when once raised toan equality, they would become the fast political associates of the North: acting snd voting with them on all ques- tions. and by this political union between them, hold- ing the white race at the South in complete subjection. The blacks, end profligate whites that might unite 1d become the principal recipients of and patronage, and would, in conse- above the whites of the Soath in the polities We would, in a word, change conditions with them- a degradation greater then has ever yet fi jot of a free and enlightened peo- andope from which we could not escape, should cipation take place, (which it certainly will if not prevented.) but by fleeing the homes of ourselves and d by abandoning our country to our for- become the permanent abode of disorder, poverty, misery, and wretchedness. ‘With sueh s prospect before us, the gravest and most solemn question thatever claimed the attention of » people is prerented for your consideratian : What is to be done to prevent it? It is a question belonging to you to decide. All we propose is.to give you our opinion. We, then. are of the opinion that the first and indis- peprabdle step without which nothing can be done. and with which everything may be, is to be united among ourselves on this great and most vitel question. The Want of union andconcert in reference to it has brought the South, the Union. and our system of go- verpment to their present perilous condition. Instead of placing it above all others, it has been made subor- dinate not only to mere questions of policy, but to the preservation of party ties and insuring of party suc- As high af we hold a due respect for the hold them subordinate to that and other arenes volving our rafety ne Until they are so held by the South, the North will not believe that you are in earoett in opposition to their encroachments, and they wilicontinue to follow, one after another, until the work of abolition is finished. To convince them that you are, you must prove by your acts that ‘ou bold all other questions subo: te toit. Ifyou ie me unit # in earnert, the je, and to a ealculation of consequences; and that may lead to a change of measures, and to the adoption of a ceurse of policy that may quietly and peaceably terminate this long confilct between the two rections. If it should not, nothing would remain for you bat to stand up immovably in defence of rights involving your all—your property, prorperity, equality, liberty, and rasety. ‘As the assailed, you would stand justified by all laws buman and divine, in repelling a blow so dangerous, without looking to coprequences, and to resort to all means necessary for that purpose. Your assailant and not you, would be responsible for consequene Entertein: there opinions, we earnestiy entreat you to be ui teryt measur proper to go at pr We hope, if you should unite with anything like upapimity, it may of itself apply s remedy to this deep-reoted and dangero 4 such should not be the care. that time will then have come for you to decide what course to adopt. M jay the whole subject on the being demanded, the motion Mestre. Clayton, Epruance, Poarce, B. Johneon, Motoalfe, Un- derword, Bell, Chapman, (risteld, Reman, Goggin, Clingman, TB. King, Barrivger, Stephens, Toombs, Morehead, Barrow, Cocke, Cronier, Gentry, laskell, Cabell, Flournoy, ‘and Pree ted in the negative are— Bunter, Butler. Caihous, Dowes, Tumey, At to, King. Borland, Westeott, Yulee Ri 8. McLane. athineon, Pu. Bedinger, Booock. W. eave MeVowell, Fult.n, B. Thompron, Kav, Uasiet, I, Eolme, Feet Papen, Wallace, Woodward, H. json, iver on, J. Jones, Lumbkin W, BR, W. Cobb, chiron, Davi Boveton, Li Brown, le, Baris’ A. G.' Brown, Featherston, J, Thompson, phins, Billierd, Hermanson, 18 Sere, Boyd, Peyton, Stanton, Themas, Kaufm: Bowlin, R. W. Joba: son, BV. ¥ Venable—60, Mr Bennien moved to re-commit the address to the ecmmittee, with instructions Mr. Mciane moved to divide the proposition, which was done, and the address was re-committed without eg ye 4, were as follows : ue uy Thote who voted in the affirmative are— Merers Clayton, Spruaree. Pearce R. Johnson, Berrien, Met- calle, Underwood. Musk, Houston, Chapman, Criafeld, | jgon, ne, heman, Flournoy, Fulton, Goggin, MeDoweil, Pendlevon, an, MoKay ‘obb. J. W. gones, T. Bora, Morehead, bell, Thomas, Pills: the negative are— Butler, Calhoun, H, Johnson, a R. Kir, Atchieon, Borland, Week on Bayly, Bocork, Bedir vi 1, Bol abla Daniel Woocward, Harsleon, Iverson, Gi sy 6; Harrie A. O orve, La Bere, Peyton, Hill, Stanton and . W. Jehneon—4U Mr. STEPHENS d that this meeting adjourn sine die, The yeas and nays being demanded, it was de- cided jn the negative— year 20, nays 59 ‘I bore who voted in the afirmat are— Mermrs Clayton, Sprnszce, Poaror, R. Johueon, Underwood, Met: nite, Bo: man, Usisheld, Rei Goggin, TB. King, Br head, Barrow, Cocke, Crvsier, Gentry, Teston— 20, 0 voted in the negative are. m Hunter, Butler, cath un, H. Johnem, Berrien, Twney, Downes. Foote, Davis, Kirg rand. To'ce, Westeotr, Lieusten, AL yy, Bodiager, cuck, Mo! ton, Dowell, Pendiet . ger, Clingman, McKay, Venable, Daniel, 1, Seaace, ace. Woodward, Haralton, Iverson, Gayle, Barris, Hilliard 4. G, Brown, J. Oy larmanson. Moree, La Sere, Bovd, Peyton. Hill, Seeks ews , Bowlin, and RB. W. Mr. Stephens, Mr. Chapman, Mr. Rusk, and Mr. Morebead requested committee; The chair Mr. B , in the place of Mr. Rusk, Mr. Kaufman; and in the place of Mr. Chap! Mr. Pearee. The meeting then adjourned, to meet in the Senate chamber on Monday evening, the 22d, at seven o'clock. MANIFESTO AGAINST THE SOUTH. Speech of Hon. Wm. H. Seward, at Cleve: land, Ohlo, October 26. i From the Albany Evening Journal, Oct. 31, 1848.) he erases, of the invitations which have brought me here, bas evercome at least the objections arising from the presumptuourness which seems to be implied in going from my native State to debate political ques- tions, before a people from whose eloquent orators and it has been my pride to imbibe inatruction. thro wreaths which an indulgent audience is som 98 willing to accept, im place of more important contri- butions. The occasion invites to @ consideration of many subjects, But the time is short, I shall waste Kittle on the prejudice: ich constitute the chief ca- pital of our political adversaries. The two ancient and obsolete parties originated in the debate upon queations i and waxed strong in tho discussion of the principles of administration proper for a neutral natin during the conflict between European bellige- Each performed its duties and fulfilled ita des- tiny; each contributed enough to be remembered in asting gratitude, and each was hurried, at times, into be fe id avoided— errors to tt ha avoided. ordain Thelr souletn beaver we trust.” Our duties are to the generation which is living, and to the generations whion are to come into Jife. Hf ise living faith, and not a dead one, that yields beneficent sruit He who aots from prejudice or from passion, is a bh who persuades another to act 80, makes him a slave. The ballot box is an altar of indepen- dence, not of slavery. “Thou of an independent mind, pA ila aha soni resien't, resnion’ eat fro ‘Who wilt He be, nor Ease aslave Ave seiteers, Virtue alone who dost r Thy own reproach alove dost fear, Approach this shrine and worship here.” 1am tocenverse with whigs only, and not with all whigs, but with some who propose to secede temporarily, if not permanently, from the association whore lab privations, defeats, and triumphs, they have hit! shared with perseverance and fidelity, not for aman, nor for men, nor even for for the common osuee, which thug far has us to- gether, and whioh the seceders promie to advance more effeetually by separ: . To such I may say, perhaps without presumption, “Hear me for my cause, And be silent that you may hear; Believe for mine honor, ‘And have respect unto mine honor, ‘That you may the better edge. I shall ask you to consider, first, the principles and policy which the interest of our country and of bu- manity demand; secondly, how we can moat effectually Tender thore princigles and that policy triumphant. ‘We never were, we are not now, and for s long time to come we cannot be, an unique and homogeneous peo- ple. The colonies whieh preceded our States, were off- shoots from an imperfect European civilisstion, Eng- land, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, France, Spal it serland, Italy, Germany, Holland, end’ Scotua ee tributed the original elements of population; with these were mingled the natives ot the compuleery emigration from the wilds of Afric: 1e Gieasters and privations of the Old World caused this flood of emigration to continue with daily increasing yolume; and our rettlements on the Pacific will soon. become the gate fcra similar flow from the worn out civilization or Asia. Our twenty millions are expand- ing te.two hundred millions—our originally narrow domain into a great empire, Its destiny is to renovate the condition of mankind, iy ©: bd The second principle of American oltizenship is, that our democratic system must be preserved and perfect. ed. That system is founded in t! tural equality of iT and their inherent and absolute right to politi- calequality. All men—not sione all American men, ne all white men, but all men of every country, complexion—are equal; not made equal by bumen laws, but bornequal. It results grom thi is, that every man permanently residing ins community iss member of the State, obliged to submit to ite rule, and therefere enti! equally with every other man to par Ucipate in its government. If it bes monarchy, he has aright to keep a musket to defend him: the government becomes intolerable. If it be a demo- oracy, where consent is substituted for force. right to a ballot for the same purpose, and be placed in his hands, he being a resident, ‘able to speed the bullet, or cast the ballot tion. Whatever institutions or laws we hi amongst us which deny this principle, are ought to be corrected, . * ’ existing rong, and ‘There are two antagonistical elements of society i America—freedom ona ery. ieee mony with our system of government, epirit of the age, and is. therefore, p: nd quies- cent. Slavery is in conflict with that system, with Justice, and with humanity, and ts therefore organised, otive, and perpetually aggrer: insists on the emancipation and elevation eli ‘y om its debas mt and bondage. ‘oil moistened with tears and blood; exults under the elastic tread of man i jeaty. These elements divide and olassify the American people ii ‘0 classes; each of these parties has its court and its sceptre. ‘The throne of the one te unin the reeks of the Alleghany mountains; the throne of the Other is reared on the eands of South Caroline. One of these parties—the party of slavery—regards dis- union as among the means of defence, and not ways the last to be employed. The other maintaii union of the Ststes, one and inseparable, now a ever, as the highest duty of the Ame: themselver, to pesterity, and to mankind, The party of slavery upholds an on the humiliation of labor, a8 necessary to the per- fection of achivalrous republic The party of freedom maintains universal suffrage, which makes men equal before human laws, as they are in sight of their com- mon Creator. ‘The party of slavery cherishes ignor: n. 4 ig bi A feguard of repablican instivutions. je party of slavery patronizes labor which produ- ces only exports to commercial vations abroad —tobac- co, cotton. d sugar—and abhors the protection that grain from our pb: e fields, lumber from our na- al from our native mines, and ill, and laber, from the free minds and willing hands of our own people. * . . e, because it party of liberty je, because it is the The party of freedom seeks complete and univernal emancipation. You, whigs of the Reserve, and you erpecially seceding whigs, none kuow #0 well as you, that there two elemerts exist and are developed im the two great national parties of the land, as / de scribed the: That existence and developement con. stitute the only rearon you can assign for eprolled in the whig party, and mustered banner, 0 zealously and #0 long. And now [ am not to contend thet the evil spirit | have described bas pow sessed the one party without mitigation or exception, and that the bereficent one hag, on all occasion tully, directed ine action of ti to you, to your candor and jus spirit has not worked ebietly in the whig party, and ite antagonist in the adverse party, . * * Slavery wes once the sin, of not some of the tes only, but of them all; of not our nation oniy, but of ell nations. It perverted and corrupted the moral tense Cf mankind, deepiy. universally; and this eor- ruption bees: a universal babit Habits of thought became fixed principles No American State has yet delivered iteeif entirely from those habits. We in New York are gailty of slavery still by withholding the right of suffrage from the race we have emancipated. You In Ohio are guilty in the same way, by a sysvem of biaek Jaws, still more aristocratic and odiow It te written in the constitution of the United States that five slaves eball count equal to three free men, His of representation; and it is wr'tten, also in viola. tion of the divire law, that we shall fugitive slave, who takes a refu bie relentless pursuer, Yeu bi because they have become an familiar as worde. and your pretended free soil al clal merit for maintaining these misscallea eaewar they find in the ces bot all this prove that the whi; ty have kept up with the spirit of the age- that it ts os te ad faithful to human freedom as the inert conscience of the American people will permit it to be? What, then, you say. can nothing be dene for fr the public conreience is inert? Y H mucb can be done— every thing can be done, Slavery can be Jimited to its present bounds—it can be amelio Tated—it ean be, and it must be abolished, and you avdl cap and must doit. The task is as simple aod eary 96 ite consummation will be beneficent, and i wards glorious, It requires only to fellow rule of action. y ti and on that particuler Cireumpiances deter done our y rest ratisfied thelr form Not at all, f the American peo. itutions and Jaws oan no more rise above of the people, than the limpid stream can climb above ite native spring. Inouleate the love of freedom, and the equal its of man, under ternal roof—see to it that = ‘are taught in aA and inthe churobes—reform your own je, extend o dial welcome to the fugitive who lays his weary limbe jor, and defend him us you would your pater gods; correct your own error, that slavery has an’ ich not be released, ows draws one drop of blood. inculcate that free States can maintain the rights pitality and of humanity—that Evceutive autho- in forbear te favor slavery— that Congress can de- ~that Congress at least can mediate with the holding States—that at least fature generations might be bought and given up to freedom, andthat the treasures wasted im the war with Mexico would have been sufficient to have redeemed millions aaborn from bondsge—do a! this, and inouloate all this, in the epirit of moderation and benevolenee, and net of retaliation and fanaticism, and you will soon bring the parties of the country into an effeetive asion Uj slavery. ‘Whenever the public mind shall will the sbelition of slavery, the way will ope; it I know you will tell me that thi then, go fe d if it feit; taught inthe worde, “ There things o1 it ye to hay to have left the others undone 1" (on @Bd BOE Oty Inteliiger ce. Snir Fever.—The British bark Thames arrived yes- terday morning, after the long passage of 68 days from Liverpoe), with 318 passengers. 76 of whom are siok with the ship fever, and three died on the passage; the sick were all landed on the Quarantine dock, and the ma- ority of were 80 feeble that the doctors found it timulating drinks given to them as It wae truly @ distressing sight to 60 many, ad been strong and healthy, co- d with filth and vermin, with scarcely any oloth- ing, and tottering with that terrible disease, the ship fever. The mate of the Thames was conveyed to the hospital in « dying a and the captain was very sick. Woe are informed by Dr. Harris that there are now over 700 sick in the hospitals at Quarantine, and lyipg two in a bed, and this Toorease of 76 will make it very diMeult to find scoommodations, such as the sick require, Tur House or Rerver.—The twenty-fourth anaual report of the managers of the society for the reforma- tion of juvenile delinquent been presented to the Legislature and the Corporation of this city. The re- port shows @ favorable state of things, as e: ing at the Refuge. There has beens large number of bo: and girls under charge of the officers of the institution, during the past year, only one ef whom has died. The whole number of children received into the House of Refuge since its establishment in 1826, is 4,307. The pumber ef children in the House of Refa, Th a di January, 1848, was 304 ng the T1848, 264, ma! total for 1848 of 668. The number remaining on the Ist January, 1849, was 856, Jeaving the mumber dirposed of during the year 1848, 218. T! te during the year 1948 were $24,122 32, Disbu: nts during same time, $22,896 10. boys are employed in king cane seats for chairs, in the manufacturing rasor strops, pooket books, daguerreotype cases, and other articles. The girls are employed in sewing and washing. {208 white children received at the Refuge, durisg the year embraced in the report, 169 were foreigners and 39 Americans. Strict attention is paid to the education of the youn, @elinquents, and the teacher's returns show @ cod, Progress made through the cuccessive classes. The Promotions are as rapid ss could be expected or de- sired. Im commenting upon the increase of the num- ber of inmates to thi tablishment, framers of the report remark: “ The rapid increase of crime in our oily and the constantly augmenting numbers of vicious and vagrant youth, isa subject oh serious contempla- tion. It would be serious enough if it onl: kept pace with the astonishing increase of one population, but it even outstrips it. There were committed to prison in the city, including those sent before trial, and after sentence, and excluding summary convictions, im 1835, 2,887 persons; in 1844,9,163 During this time the po- pulation increased from 270 080 to 312,710 (in 1846) or about 36.1 per t. ent., while the increase in crime was number of inmates inthe , in 1846, 174; and in 1848, 216, an increase of 21.2per cent.in two years, or over three times the growth of the city, which of late was about 6.90 per cent. for two years,” Tue Wratnen.—The weather, yesterday, was moist and uncomfortable.. The walking was prodigiously bad. Athreat of rain was suspended over the sity for the whole day, and, all in all, things were as uncom- fortable as need be desired; and the little mud larks who swept the crosrings were the only contented look- ing individuals visible in the streets. Dr. Bercuen’s New Cuvacu. iv Baooxtyn.—It is id that Dr. Beecher’s new ehurch, in Cranberry street, Brooklyn, is to be built immediately; and is to be shucteneteg in a style similar to the Tabernacle, in this city. nF 0q., U S, Commissoner. —The Alleged Slave Case—The case of Charles W. Storer, master f the bark Ann D, e Up to-day for examination. AIR was the first witness called and examined tenant of the United States Perry, pow en the coast of Brasil, Lieutenant John A. Davie, Commander; firstsaw the bark Ann D, Richard- non in September or Ootober, 1848, going to Rio under the command of Captain Peabody jhe staid there until about the 15th of December last; on the 14th of Sep- tember we raw a letter from the consul, which caused us to keep # look out: on the 16th of Deeember wesaw the bark getting under way in the harbor, and scon after she stood out; we stood out after her, and in the afternoon camej up and ordered ber to heave to: obeyed, and I went on board to examine her pa and to acertain her character; | found her jailing under a sea letter; I then proceeded te muster the crew, and questioned them as to their destination, and all of them, except the firat mate, made such ro tations, that with a 1 found on board. | proper totake possession of the versel [The peat ‘wes here produced, and is marked exhibit No. 1; it pro- poses to be asletter from Joshua M. Clapp to the be found at the end of this report) Witness in continuatton—I told Captain Storer that I was ordered on board to examine his vessel, and required him to show his b his sea letter, crew list, apd som pay pay to be all right, and the assumption was that the vesrel wae going to New York —but finding trom rew the vessel was not golng te New York. snd finding from the letter that she was to be delivered up on the coast of Africa, | thought it proper to seizeher. The paper, exhibiqNo. 2, te the sea if he handed me the protest, marked No 4; the ist @ marked No 6; anether crew list was also ded me, but 1 don’t know where it now is. Having overlooked the papers. | made a cursory exe- mination of the cargo, and then searched the cabim and sent to ceeeaie Storer for his keys. He did net. come himreif, but sent them by the steward, and I directed the latter to be present and see the search conducted. On opening bis ik, | found the letter No 1; l asked him (Capt S ) if. before opening hie be objected to my o; and atked by what authority | did it Q. Had you any conversation wi Other rs than those rodu h him about any a? apera he had, my examining his jority I did - Did you tend for bim before you made the t A Yes,and he refused to be present at it; the stew- ard was pretent. After opening the desk, the first Faper | got was letter No 1; after! made the searoh I locked up the desk, and ordered that ne one should bave access to it without an officer's order. 1 soon after made @ report to the Commodore, aad the pext day | received orders to seize the vessel and take charge of ber; the next morning | sent for Captain Storer, for the purpore of examining the papers in his preeence; when I opened the desk he took five or six of the papers in bis cap, and positively refused to deliver them up; | told him the papers were notin his posees- sion or mine—that they were in possession of the law— end if be did not give them up quietiy [ would use force; be still persisted in detaining them, and [ was compelied to order him to be arrested and the papers taken from bim by teroe Q— What ecrt cf cargo had they on board? A —They bad ric jerked beef, bread, ko. tion with him during th jot much; it was «delicate subject, and I to bold converrations with him; there howev A did not wie) ec metbi 0. ihe sailing master (Brad- ford) bad reveral conversations with him, Cross-examined— When coming out of the harbor she made no effort to avoid ur; there were no arms om bourd except afew pirtols; no cutlasses, and only & rmall quantity of powder; the papers he insisted om keeping, did mot. h \d. relate to the voyage; there wes about 1200 gallons of water on bard, the crew con sited of eleven persons; the quantity of water on board would be enough for them for three montha; there was e boat lowered out astern of the bark, which left ber before | boarded her; there sppeared by the glass two perrons sitting, bes des those that pulled; all tbe papers marked by me. and are mambered from | to124. The care was adjourned to Wednesday, and Captain Storer held to bail, in the meantime, in $6,000. The following is the copy of the letter alluded to:— Rio, 15th Dee., 1848. Dear Sir—You will conduct the voyage you bout to commence, a6 master of Ano D Richard- p, in conformity to the charter party wh'ch you have in your posression. You can eell bark on the coast: of Africa. taking @ bill of exo , drawn sgainst Marval Pinto ae Fi able to my order, for 16,000 Spanish do! I wish yous safe and pleasant veyege. Yours, ko, JOSHUA M. CLAPP. To Captain Cuas. W. Storen. Mors or THe Witiiametown Mysrsry.—It ap- pears that Cynthia Barker, who died at the house ofDr. Roberts, in Williamstown, a fow weeks sii wana pative of Palmyra, Wayne Co, N.Y. She le there for Albany some four years siv i'd bere com- erobant tallor. veer Syracuse.— Albany Knicke bocker, Jan, 29