The New York Herald Newspaper, October 30, 1848, Page 1

THE NEW YORK HERALD ) * t e Sere. AFFAIRS IN EUROPE, OUR FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE. Livervoor, Oct. 7, 1848. Cave Johnson and the International Postage—His Interference with the New York Editors. Cave Johnson’s interference with the arrange- ments of the New York press, for receiving slips of news and telegraph despatches by the English steamers, after all the trouble and expense attend- ang such an undertaking, is regarded here with universal contempt. : "The movement being evidently one for forcing the English Government into some sort of a com- promise for the settlement of an international postal arrangement between the two countries, but in this, like all the acts of that profound sage and statesman, he will come out the little end of the horn. If, by such a course, the object could be ac. complished, the end would justity the means, but eople on this side do not believe that a few slips of news, placed on board the steamer after closing the mails at the Post-oflice, for the accommoda- tion ofthe New York press, would materially af- fect the revenue of the Post-office department, to justify such a mean, contemptible act. ‘The time has past, and he need no longer ex- pect that such a course will gain for him the repu- tation for economy, for which he has been so long mg. ie last steamer you were advised of the course to be pursued hereafter by. the agents of the R.M. steamship company. From intimation received here by Messrs. McIver, the agents of these steamers, that the Post-office authorities at Washington were going to prosecute any infringe- ment of the Post-office laws, they have given no- tice that slipsof news, telegraph despatches, and. in fact, nothing intended for the public press, will be allowed to be sent by these steamers outside the mail. Hereafter, the “News ar is nor no other “Boy,” will have occasion to board these steam- ers before their arrival at Jersey City. % By permission of the proper authorities at Washington every accommodation will be ex- tended tothe press, to enable the carrying out the arrangements which have been completed, {or re- ceiving news by express and electric telegraph trom London, Paris, and all parts of the Continent, up to the very moment, and frequently, after the steamer has left Liverpool. Col. Maberley and the Liverpool Postmaster decided that it is, perhaps, not strictly legal to allow intelligence either written or printed to be sent by these steamers outside the mails, yet, as the intelligence was public, and not private, and did not arrive in Liverpool in time for the mail, there could be, no objection to sending outiside. But information having been received that these ves- sels were to be prosecuted for doing so, the agents have been obliged to adopt such a course for the protectién of the company against prosecutions on the Ameiican side, very much, as we are assured, ‘against their wishes. ‘This abuse, or violation of the United States Post-office law, which Cave Johnson undertakes to correct, should be a matter then for this side, and not the American side, to interfere with. The injustice of the terms demanded of our go- vernment, by the English Post-oflice authorities, for the settlement of a postal arrangement, was most rascally; but, long accustomed to similar acts of that respectable government, of course, we thoughtnothing of it, but this last one of Cave Johnson, toys the climax. We have heard it intimated, that, as an offset, the English government would compel despatches, going and coming from the American government to pass through the Post-office, and the same courtesy would be extended to bearers of despatch- es, as to other passengers, and no different. Paris, Oct. 1, 1848. The Insurgents— Remarks—Lamartine — Socral- ism—French Habits and Ideas. Nine battalions of insurgents have been sent out of Pans to Havre. A new commission has been appointed to examine the cases of those who have been sent to Havre a second time, and to recom- mend to mercy, &c., all those whose cases are found attended with mitigating circumstances. It is estimated that the number will be reduced by this process, one-fourth part. There is a strong disposition to punish only the principal chiefs, and to allow as many of the instruments to escape as may be practicable and safe. I believe only about two thousand now remain at Paris. Some twenty or more large barracks have been erected upon the esplanade in front of the Hotel des Invalides, for the troops, during the winter— they are of a very permanent character, and indi- cate that the government believes that they will be needed for many years to come, in which opinion I concur, although I have not changed my opinion, made up at the commencement, that the republic will succeed; but it requires more force to hold in subjection the turbulent spirits than at first I an- ticipated. Socialism has sprung up, the avowed enemy of society; and the violence of the press and ef the Assembly, have conspired to give an unexpected strength to the elements of disorder; and, although I was prepared to see the leading men of France, uaqualified to understand and to frame a wise go- vernment, upon a republican plan, I was_ not quite prepared for the want of information which exists upon this subject, and the egotism and vanity which are so great an obstacle to their learning, ex- cept ata very moderate step. The South Ameri- cap States call their governments republics, and im form they are £0; in fact, they are military des- potisms; the sword makes and unmakes the su- reme chiefs. To a certain extent, the republic of Franee must lean upon the sword for its support, certainly through its years of oa Te will re quire years for the French, high or low, to learn to have any respect for the laws of the country. There, musket is their law; if they do not like a man, or a measure, they catch up a musket, and ran and shoot. Thisis theiridea ofa remedy. It 18 all the remedy they have had under a monarchy, and they have not yet learned to appreciate the idea that the republic affords them any other. To overthrow the present Cig eel is, the administtation of General Cavaignac—the leaders rely upon a forcible demonstration, not upon bal- lots ; and a man like Lamartine avows in the As- sembly, that he votes for a single Chamber, be- cause he considers that the state of things is to be provisional; and that ina provisional state a dic- tator is necessary, and that one Chamber isa dic- tator. What ideas for a statesman !—founding arepublic, and forming a constitution, free suf- frage and a dictation !—a constitution having no checks against the violence of an assembly! This is Lamartine, and his ideas of civil government. Then, again, the want of free schools in the coun- try, and their system say and priesthood, will retard the progress of information very much. In Paris, the power of the socialists is very great, nd the present organization of society tends to increase it ; for except property, every other thing as nearly common. Eight months in the year, the inhabitants of Paris live in the streets and equares, and dine in the restaurants. Thousands and tens of thousands of children and_nurses fill each one of the large play grounds. Ladies, in hke numbers, take their prt kautting, &c., and help fill up the same grounds, sitting all day under the shade, as our ladies would in their draw- ing, rooms. Gentlemen are walking or reading— guards are marching round—others are gaming in every variety known to them. Little girls and lads are driving the hoop, jumping the rope, roll- ing the ball, or engaged in chasing each other. During the day all live like one great family— im common ; in the evening, they promenade to- gether, dance together, in twenty diflerent places, upon the ground, in hundreds, and sometimes thousands, in company; and ata later hour men and women retire, under such circamstances, as such associations, single rooms, absence of family restraint, the toleration of public opinion, and the want of ample means of support upon the part of females, is celculated to create. This mode of life creates the most perfect decorum of external con- duct, among ail grades and classes, and all ages ; there 1s never any rudeness or vulgarity, of con- Thave never seen any rude children even duct. in Pa If what one has, another wants, he of- fers a price for it, from matters of the value of one sous upwards—all seats are purchased daily—mo- ney will command anything that there is in Paris, and at any time ; and if a lady were asked to sell her shoes, or her stockings, she would take no offence at it, provided the offer was politely made, and under proper circumstances. If she does not | wish to sell such matters, she will tell you so; but no offence is taken at the request; it is all con- Sidered as a matter of course. Where, therefore, all live in the streets, and squares, and restau- rants during the day, and the mass of young men and women make such arrangements for them- selves during the nights as they may find agreea- ble, profitable or necessary. Communism has astrong hold, and inst a government that de- clares that family and property are two institutions worth preserving, itcan make a strong and an or- ganized opposition; and time, and instruction, and change of habits, only, can eradicate theevil. None of these habits or associations create any degra- dation—they, therefore, have a strong foundation. OnsERVER. Paris, Oct. 2, 1848. The Banquets—The Red and Trt-Colored Repub- lics—Election of President— The Courts. ‘Lhe banquets at Toulouse and Bourgess and the scene of Saturday in the Assembly, are creating a grand agitation m Paris. The officers appointed by the Minister of the Interior and Instruction, at- tended the banquet at Toulouse ; but the com” mander of the military ston had decided not to ; but, pressed by the committee to attend, he sent a despatch to the War Office, to ask for instructions. Gen. Lamoriciere referred it to Gen. Cavaignac, who promptly decided to refuse the authority ; but the other mmisters had not time to assemble to settle the question as to the other officers. The course of the Minister of the Interior in respond- ing to the interrogation, does not appear to be satisfactory ; he refused to believe the facts as stated; but Ido not see that he failed to give assur- ance of furnishing the proper redress, 1f they were found to be as stated. But Gen. Cavaignac under- stands the’ object of these banquets, as any other man of sense must, to overthrow him and the tri- colored republic ; and he will take care hereafter, without doubt, that no man in authority shall at. tend them; and I have little doubt that, in the end, he will find it necessary to apply to them the same regime as he has to the press of Paris; for the point has come to this, that whoever 1s the strong- est will rule in France. The tri-colored and red republics are at issue; und the sword will yet, once more, be drawn to decide the issue. Ledru Rol- lin now is the acknowledged head of the red re- public, and Gen. Cavaignac of the tri-color; and I predict that the latter will triumph, and that if the former pushes the question to the final issue, he will rue the day that he decided to adopt that measure. I have endeavored to get admittance in the Assembly to-day, to hear the interrogations of Ledru Rollin, and. the response of Gen. Cavaig- nac; but I was a little too late to receive a ticket of admission. The two chiefs will come to the tribune to-day, I presume, in opposition ; and able es Ledru Rollin unquestionably is, he will en- counter a cooler and abler antagonist, in my judg- ment, than himself. The contest 1s assuming an imposing attitude ; and the red republic 1s begin- ning to act openly, and evidently to organize, to try its strength with the existing administration. Blood may not flow, but I expect to see it again tun in the streets of Paris; nothing can prevent it but the promptitude of the government in pre- paring for it, and the consciousness of the insur- gents that they will be overthrown. Connected with this matter, is the election of President of the republic, and the excitement of parties upon that question. It will be a trying time for France, when the Presidential election goes to the people. The press will demand to be free to discuss the merits of the candidates—the excitement and struggle will be tremendous ; and there is no foreseeing the result of the issue. It is pot get decided that the election of President shal go to the people ; that question is yet to be settled, as well asthe time and manner of the elections. Other banquets are in preparation, and the ground assumed is, that the government has refused to guaranty, in the constitution, labor to the people, and that itis not a democratic and social republic. ‘here was almost an émeute in the “Assembly on Saturday, and a fight on the spot; but for the rally of the men ot the tri-colored flag, those of the red flag would undoubtedly have taken the orator off the tribune. One duel between two members 18 to be fouzht ; and it will be well if this is all the blood that flows from that violent transaction, M. Marrast is denounced for not assuming his place, temporarily occupied by one ot the Vice Presidents; but he stood a little back of the chair, as tranquil during the scene, as if nothing unusual was taking place. Our people mean very little By such violent scenes—the good sense of the people generally prevent such tran- sactions having any bad influence out of Congress; but here the matter is far different. Of itself, it means force, and its example upon the mass 1s terrible. Nothing but the lesson learned in June, proven an immediate resort to atrial of strength; ut the red republic fears General Cavaignac, and, at present, will not attack.him in the streets, fate to face. ‘ ; 5 The courts are still engaged in trying the chiefs of the insurrection ef June; and generally their sentence 18. imprisonment from one to twenty ears ; and ina few instances for life. No one as yet been sentenced to death; in one case two of the Seine judges voted for that measure ; I have seen no similar instance in any of the trials; aor do I see that the evidence developes any case of unusual cruelty for such scenes. I think that Barbés and his associates will not be tried until after those of June shall have been finished ; these cases are to go before juries, as Paris was not in a state of seige on the 15th of May. The hiding place of Caussidiere is not yet known. 7 The Nattonnel of Saturday, contained an impor- tant article on the power of France to make war, and her resources, and upon the probable condi- tien of Eurepe, under two aspects—one, in case England was neutral; the other, in case of her hostility. In both cases, Russia was regarded as an active enemy. Parts, Oct. 3, 1848. The Interpellatrons and Response of Gen. Cavargnac —Critical Condition of these Questions—Police in Paris. The anticipated interpellations took place yes- terday, at which Ledru Rollin made a pretty full exposition of his views, in reference to the foreign policy France ought to pursue, and his fears of the course the government were actually pursuing ; h® contended, that to support Italy now as anadvanced postand alliance with Germany united, was to pursue the democratic course which France de- manded, and which law, interests, and honor re~ quired ; he said that the government had not done so, but had rejected the ambassador of the gov ernment at Frankfort, which was to repulse the democracy of Germany itself; that the courts o Russia, Austria and Berlin, were aa waiting to arrange political elements at home before they at- tacked France, and then it would be too late to have Italy for even an advanced post of defence, He contended that the government of France was mediating upon the basis of the treaty of 1815, and was pursuing the foreign policy of Louis Philippe —that of entire neutrality—and was of course dis- membering the republic. General Vavaignac re pled that, to recognise the principles of the treaty of 1815 as a basis, would not be a mediation ; that whether the monarchies had little or much sympa- thies for the French republic, was not the question; nor,whether he or the nation had more or less love for the treaties of 1815; but, as the Assembly did not demand a disclosure of the basis of the media- tion at the commencement, now it was in pro- ress it seemed to him inopportune, and he hoped the Assembly would pass purely to the order of the day, which they did, by about one hundred majori- ty—Louis Napoleon voting in the negative. Upon ademand of a member to knowin what sense the government understood this vote, the Minister of Foreign Aflairs responded that it did not lessen their responsibility. Ledru Rollin declared that the pega a id less knowledge of the diplomacy undera republic than the Chamber had under the monarchy. Itis certainly a grave responsibility for the government to assume ; and yet, acting with England, I do not see how the negotiation. could be well conducted otherwise; for, if the whole matter was thrown open before the As- sembly, to be discussed in a wild debate, before 900 men, England would probably withdraw from the mediaticn, and Austria would withdraw her acceptance of it, and war would ensue at once ; and yet the minority vote was very large ; but I think so ee a minority was not in favor ot throwing open the correspondence, but only of passing a resolution reaffirming the ground of the Assembly in May last. But the people of France and of Lurope are diplomatists; and in their foreign relations there is no knowing, certainly, what to- morrow will produce, ty, knowing what is to-day. lam satiefied that the French government does not regard Italy as in a condition to sustain a re- Jubhic; and in this impression they are sustained by those who know Italy and the Italians best; and they have no particular desire to build up a monarchy under Charles Albert upon their own borders. I do got understand that the Italians de- sire arepublic; and if they had one, they would probably fight among themseives, as soon as they Nad one established ; but they desire to be relieved from the galling yoke of Austria ; and in this they have the sympathies of the civilized world, as well as of France. The question is how to adjust a subject so difficult, when Austria is in military pos- session, and demanding to maintain her privileges and power under thejtreaty of 1815; and, sustained in this respect by Prussia. Piedmont, Lombard and Venice, on the one hand, are to be arranged ; and the claims of Austria, for territory expenses, &c., on the other, to be satisfied; and the self- pride of the power at Frankfort to be reconciled. Vainly here is a work to be consummated. The new cemmission, instituted to inquire into the cases of the prisoners, is one of mercy and not of revision on judgment. Its object is to recom- mend, understandingly, cases to the executive for mercy. It isa humane proceeding, which is in Beano Wi every act of the French government, since the revolution and the rebellion. Never was a government more lenient and mercitul; and yet that of Gen. Cavaignac is exceedingly firm‘and watehful. _ ‘Two clubs at Paris have been closed last week for violent remarks, and the officers prosecute for permitting such a violation of law. The police is now very rigid in Paris ; and vet it an- noys no one but the evil-disposed. The same arate and silence 1s preserved now 1n the streets, as existed under the monarchy. | Necessity is the mother of invention, and experience is certainly her handmaid. | Mischief-makers bring upon themselves and others a sure regyne ; but, ia Paris, 1 is now a necessary one. Onserver. Pants, October 4, 1848. Changes in the Cabinet—Dufaure—Senard—Agri- cultural School— Presidential Election —Mca- sures for the Laborersin France, &c. It is announced this morning in Paris, that the Austrians have decided to yield to the demands of the mediating powers ; that Venice shall not be blockaded during the time the negotiations are pending, and that the fleet has been withdrawn. This 1s a favorable indication, but not a very 1m- portant one—rather, not a decisively important one ; yet it indicates the respect of Austria for the opinion of the mediating powers; and the fact that she can be made to feel the force of a firm position, | é This morning is full of rumors of a change in the French Cabinet. It 1s said, with great confi- dence, that the oflice of Minister of the Interior hae been offered to M. Dufaure. M. Dufaure is a istinguished man in the Assembly and in France —occupying a medium position between M. Se- nard and Thiers. He is a moderate member of the Club Poitiers; and I think that the violence of the red republic has been foreing Gen. Ca- vaignac, for the last few days, to bear a little stronger upon this shade of the Assembly. Ru- mor says that M. Senard was not satisfied with the resolute speech and position of Gen. Lamori- ciére, in reference to the banquets at Toulouse and Bouerges; and it is possible that Gen. Cavaig- nac was not quite satisfied with the tender man- ner in which M. Senard dealt with these turbulent proceedings. M. Senard was as resolute as any man could well be during the days of June, and acquired immense applause for his course upon that trying occasion. I should be sorry to see him recoil before movements having a similar object in view to the insurrection in June, in his present important post ; but the place of Minister of the Interior is an unthankful post, and no man ought to go into it who is not willing to be sacrificed. The post of cabinet minister in France is far more difficult than a similar situation in the United States, for he is bound to propose laws to the As- sembly, and to stand or fall by the success of his measures, before such a tumultuous body as the Assembly, and to make appointments of commis- stoners, &c., &c., throughout the interior, and to take the responsibility of their conduct. There is agreat struggle for place, and the French are ter- rifie and unsparing in their attacks; and an at- tack and defeat here, go for something. It is not mere wind, or words, as with us ; it is death, po- litically, officially, or personally, according to the nature of the attack. 3 The Minister of Agriculture has just carried through a project for establishing agricultaral schools of instruction and practice throughout France, for the purpose or stimulating the growth of this branch of industry, but especially for the purpose of teaching numerous classes of children and young men the art, and makig them expert im the bustness. The Assembly have sustained him and his project by a very large majority. France is making immense efforts to improve the condition of the country and of the laboring people. There is no doubt abontit. She is de- voting her best intelligence to the question, and vast sums of money, besides paying out directly immense sums of money for their support. She is lending to companies of builders, architects, &c., several millions—is colonizing Algeria, and establishing free schools, of different industral employments, throughout the country. On the 7th of this month, the first body of ten thousand will leave France for Algeria, and will arrive there in December. All the extra resources of the govern- ment are now directed to the improvement of the laboring classes, and men are exceedingly crimi- nal who are now trying to stir up civil war and to create the belief that the government 1s op- pressing the laborer. The commission have, nine to five, decided for. universal suffrage in the election of President of the republic. Marrast voted in favor of electing him by the. cee A while M. O, Barrot, &c., voted for universal suffrage. At this moment, in my opinion, Louis Napoleon would be elected above ail others. The middling interest would go tor him, leaving the two extremes of socialists and legitimists to do as they please; and, although General Cavaignac has saved France, and, per- haps,the republic, the conservatives have not the in- tegrity and firmness to fight a hard battle for him. They would allow him tobe defeated throughout the country, as the government were defeated in Paris during the last e lections, and the whole socialist influence would now be very active against him. If the moderate party would rally in France, as our parties rally in a Presidential election, per- haps General Cavaignac could be chosen—but they will not; and there are a great number who would vote against him, in the hope thereby to overthrow the republ It 18 not impossible that many men in the Assembly vote tor universal suffrage, in this election, for that purpose; but 1 do not think that the republic would be endan- gered if Lows Napoleon were elected. I think that he has fine powere of mind, and good common sense; but I believe that France will regain her credit, Vand and prosperity much sooner under General Caxeigias than under any other man they can put in his place, and that she will be more respected in Europe ; for the respect of Europe for General Cavaignac is now very great. Onserver. Paris, Oct. 6, 1848. French Constitution— A Dictature—Presidentral Question—Louis Napoleon—Gen. Cavaignac— Indications of Troubles. The discussion upon the exciting point in the constitution is now in full progress—it involves not only the principle to be incorporated in the constitution, but has an especial bearing upon the present condition of things and upon men—par. ticularly Gen. Cavaignac and Louis Napoleon, the two prominent rival candidates for the Presidency, lunderstand that the friends of Gen. Cavaignac are for an election by the Assembly, while the legitimists favor one by universal suffrage, which is also favored by Louis Napoleon, I presume. The three projects before the Assembly are—one fora choice by. universal suffrage, one by the As- sembly, and the third opposed to any President. In the present form of the French constitution, the decision of this question 1s much less impor- tant than may appear at first sight. In any event, tke Chamber, 1s a mere dictoture—with powers unrestrained—a body, a tyrannical Tots of 750 men, instead of one dictator; thatis, A B C and D are a’body of dictators, instead of A alone. Now, whether a President is chosen by the peopie or the Assembly, he holds his place at the will of the Assembly— one minute is sufficient to dispose of him; and he is arrested and sent to trial, and a creature of the Assem ply is put in his place, by a vote of the Assembly. The President can be Ee into prison, as was Gerardin—as 1s Barbéa, Raspail, &e., We.. and kepe there without ial, as are these men, through all time, and unto eternity, by the Assembly—or until only his term of office shall have expired. So, too, if there is no l’resi- dent chosen by the people or the Assembly, the Assembly can create an executive head, such as it has now in Gen. Cavaignac, and it will have pre- cisely the same powers and foundaticn to stand | MORNING EDITION---- MONDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1848. ; ; upon as a President chosen by the people, or, in enn by the Assembly—to wit, the will of the As- sembly during pleasure. This is all the idea the Tenet have about constitutions, or a division of powers, or a limitation of them. J sia 18 no more absolute ortyrannical than will be the French Chambers—-the only difference is, one man dictates, instead of a majority of 750. The condition of the government, under the constitu- tion, so called, will be in substance what it now is—one chamber absolute, with an executive at will. General Cavaignac now exercises all the powers that he could under the constitution; ands Just as independent of the Chambers as he would then be, in practice ; for although the Chambers could not remove the President, except by way of arresting him, there would not be a moment’s hesitation upon the subject ; and he would be re- moved in that, form, as readily as they removed the ex-Commissioner, or imprisoned Emile de Gerardin. In each of these cases, they acted under the law of necessity—and sé they would consider the arrest of a President, if he stood in the way of the Chambers, or even arrested their pro- gress three days—the time assigned for him to do so in the censtitution. The French go in for a representative dictation, an oligarchy, tor a gov- ernment, based on universal suflrages. There is not one guaranty in the constitution of any considerable importance ; indeed, there can hardly be said to be one office that is not in reach of the Chamber, and atits mercy, The judiciary looks, on paper, the most like exemption from its control ; but, practically, that 1s in the power of the Chamber. The Chamber is a despot, inevery sense of that term, both in theory, and will be in practice, for the l’reneh are very arbitrary in their practice, whatever may be their theories or their instinetive love of liberty. Hence, the power of Napoleon, and the love which the people bear him; for they did not see how arbitrary he was; they eaw only the man, and his career of glory, and the manner in which he struck off the ancient chains which had bound them to the earth ; and his measures, however arbitrary, were directed to improve the condition of the people—hence the French obeyed him implicitly. I have always had my misgivings, as my letters, from their earliest date, will show, of the capacity of the French leaders to perform well their part. T have still the game sentiment. They go to work to patch up a thing, which they call 'a constitution; whereas it is nothing but a set of decrees, aiiot which one Chamber can overturn, repeal, or nullify, in a mo- ment. ‘There isno impassable gulf for protection against the Chamber. It embraces some moral and political maxims, and assignment of duties to certain officers, &c.; but well defined divisions, limitations, restrictions, and powers, inde- pendent of other branches, do not exist. In- deed, I do not discover why the present Chamber and Executive is not a fac simile of what the fu- ture ones will. be, and the provisions of the so called constitution are only a little drapery thrown Poverthe true state of the question, to cover its nudity. I am sorry it 18 so, because I believe the people of France are far in advance of their chiefs, and that a well defined, real constitution, would have been of great service to the country—that France wanted a constitution, and not a dictator— wanted organic laws, and not decrees—and that, until she has such organic laws, well defined, she will have no more respect for any laws than she now has, which is, indeed, very little. General Cavaignac and Louis Napoleon were mot reat during the discussion yesterday. *All kinds of rumors are in circulation as to the part the government is to play during the discussion of the Presidential question ; but there have yet been no developements or action. It 1s now Sard that there will be no change of ministry till after the adoption of the constitution. There have been some troubles at Lyons and Peuy-de-Dome, but not very serious. There have been some indications in Paris. The French act without talking ; the English and Irish talk with- out acting. Louis Napoleon, elected in five de- artments, has alnctad Paris, the place of his birth. There are, then, four vacancies to fill again. Whata system! But, in all cases, we must con- sider the peculiar character of the French people— that they have only been accustomed to despotic power, and are just beginning to learn the duties, manners, and systems of republicans; and I am rejoiced that they have succeeded as well as they have, and that there is evidence of progress in this respect. f OBSERVER. FRANKFORT-ON-THE-Matn, Oct. 1, 1848, The War with Denmark—The Outrage in Frank" fort—Red Repyblicanism—State of Germany, §c" The hopes tha ,few short months ago anima, ted the German Fatherland, in its length and breadth, have been cruelly blighted ; the beams of joy that enlightened every face and seemed to say, «we are now a band of brothers,” have given way to the impressions of a soul-corroding sorrow. The scourge of civil war has swept like a hurri- cane over the land of promise, and left gaping wounds, which point to an e@ntful future, and scars too deep and broad evergo be eflacea. The events ofthe fe t Weeks in Germany, have been like a race of history against time ; an the latter has won the prize—for the ferment ot passions andthe maniac rage cf the actors have doomed many a memorable scene to pass unre- corded. | Id that it weré so with all, for there are few, i |, whose recital would not put the blush on humanity. The war ‘with Denmark has been a fatal one for Germany, in many respects, but in none more sothan its connection with the recent insurrection in Frankfgrt. The nation felt that it was time to conclude a contest that mode- ration and coolness might have avoided entirely. and which has cost many precious liveg 4nd nosmall pecuniary sacrifice. That this contest must be closed on terms less grasping than the demands of March, issuing from a people intoxicated with their new position, and imbued with an idea that Europe must bow to their sceptre, is a result that every thinking man foresaw. Even the Assembly of Franktort was, for a moments fanned by the breeze of passion, and crushed a ministry whose demerit was an earnest endeavor to restore peace and commerce fo the shores of the Baltic, and the yay soldiers to their homes and firesides. The confidence of the victorious, in the justice of their moveme! may be judged from the fact that among thi oue could be found who were willing to take the responsibility of a ministry,whose task would be to carry out their own measures. Two endeavors to form a new ministry failed—a sober, second thought seemed to take possession of the Assembly, and they solemnly revoked their act by aclear and legal majority of the representatives of the people. This aifronted the extreme left of the Assembly, and they resorted to the monstrous ex- pedient of igor Se masses against a portion of their body, in the hopes of producing disorder and anarchy. A meeting was convened, by a set of heartless demagogues, and their tools induced to give their acclamation to a resolution branding the majority of an Assembly, elected by universal su frage, as traitors to their country. It is needless to say, thatthe Denmark treaty was a mere sham and pretext to excite the populace to acts of vio- lence, and the red republicans invited their men to resort to arms to expel the majority. ‘Their suc- cess,and the scene of terror that followed, is known, It is necessary to make a clear distinctionbetween the left and the extreme left of the Assembly ; the latter, composed of about twenty blood-red * Mon- tagnards,” see their only hopes of political ad- vancement, in exciting the most brutal passions among the masses, and their ardent desire is the illotine and afew hours of pillage. They are the curse of Germany, and bid fair to give the death-blow to the new-born free institutions, and be the best instrument in the hands of the reaction. For what matters it to descant hours on the peauty of republican governments, and their fea- sibtlity in the present moment in Germany, when their diseiples use their inflaence to pamper to the worst passions ? The result 1s a horror at the very name of republic, and the most liberal-minded cling te a monarchy as a refuge, The outrage of Frankfort is the greatest blow that the canse of German liberty has received. It was clearly concerted. The leaders begged the people of the surrounding country to remain and agsist in the battle which they were about to com- mence ; and it is needless to say to ‘vhat class their men belonged—the very off-scourings of the suialerht at whose approach honest men put their ands on their pockets. The leader of the outrage was aman by the name of Metternich—an omt- nous name for Germany. I have seen him, and conversed with him several times, and his prinet- ples, personal appearance, and manners, would strongly induce the belief that he had escaped from the hulks. The brutal murder of Prince Lich- nowsky and (ieneral Anerswald sufficiently char- acterize the barricade men of the red republic — Both of these gentlemen were perfectly uaarmed, and taking no part in the contest; or, rather, they were murdered before the contest had fairly begua. Riding at the outskirts of the city,they were seized, dragged from theit horses, and beaten. They succeeded in reaching a neighboring house,where they secreted themrelves from the fury of their pursuers, The latter, however, reinforced, com- menced a search, and found them at. the end of fifteen miputes, "The demons then finished their victims by a lingering death--beating them with elubs, piereing them with scythes, and hacking and chopping with hatchets, until the unfortunate men begged, in the name of mercy, to he shot— some of the cannibals having glutted their ven- geance by tearing off, with theirteeth,the muscles of Lichnowsky, which they had hacked with their hatchets. He was propped against a tree for a target, and five balls were lodged into him.— Though left for dead, he revived for a few hours, having been a man of an iron constitution. Aver- swald was finally killed by a ball through the head, and has left five orphan children, between the ages of five and fourteen, motherless and fa- therless. I doubt whether the most revolting scenes of the old French revolution can compare with these. I remember Lichnowsky, last winter, at Berlin, in the Prussian Diet, as the idol of the people, on account of his liberal principles; and Anerswald has ever been a_ liberal man, although neither was inclined to a republic—thus have affairs changed! Many other of the members would have shared the same fate, but for the timely arrival and action of the troops. There was a list of the proscribed, and on it was Gagern, the President of the Assembly, and undoubtedly one of the purest men of the coun- try, and member of the left centre in politics. So great was the bitterness against Dr. Hecksher, late Minister of Foreign Afliirs, that he secreted him- self in the house of a political opponent to avoid suspicion; and the mob, supposing him in the [x- change, were preparing to burn it, in order to be sure of their prey. Military force put down the insurrection, and Frankfort was saved from mas- sacre and pillage, by being placed in a state of siege. I eonfess myself somewhat deceived in the character of the Germans: a calm, modest and thinking nation—-I expected a political develop- never looked for the excesses of French tury and French blood. On the contrary, they meet and proclaim openly their sympathy for the red flag and red republic; and a meeting of five thousand, in Cologne, have just resolved that the barricade men of Frankfort,and brutal murderers of Lichnow- sky and Anerswald, ‘shave deserved well of their country!” The latter city has been the scene of fatal disorders; and the red men, like savages of the west, hung their victim to a post, and danced around him. ‘This has led to a state of siege in Cologne, and the suppression of all but three journals, A general war seems to have been concerted throughout Germany, as Baden has again been the scene of bloodshed. Struve, at the head of the Swiss refugees, crossed the boundary between Switzerland aud Baden, and proclaimed himself “« President of the Provisional Government of the German Republic.” He began his career quite significant of the red republic, by robbing the post coaches, offices of the treasury and churches, abolishing taxes, and promising wealth and lux- ury to all, proclaiming martia! Jaw, and forcing ail the men, between the ages of 16 and 40, to join his standard, under pain of being shot if they re- fused, with the exception of some rich Jews, who bought their ransom. In short, the whole party commenced life as highwaymen, and robbed and pillaged every place they passed through. The reign of terror lasted thirty-six hours in the form of a government, and several days, in consequence of the retreating bands having transformed themselves into hordes of robbers. The mt- litary met with very little resistance, find- ing the red men extremely expert runners, and were everywhere hailed as deliverers. The whole affair was digracetul in the extreme, and appears to have been undertaken by Struve with- out the knowledge or sympathy of most of his frends. The very men whom he looked upon as supporters seized him in his flight and delivered him to the hands of justice. Some of the ring- leaders have been caught, but the most have escaped. All the lower part of Baden has been laced in a state of siege, and troops are still being concentrated there by the central power of Frankfort. Itis supposed that a strong military force will be placed on the frontier of Switzer- Jand, to protect further inroads, and there is some. talk of an attack on Switzerland, on account of breach of faith in favoring depredatory incursions into German territory, while professing neutrali- ty. The German ambassador has left for that coun- try, with special instructions to demand explicit explanations. Thus stands the state of liberty in Germany, thanks to the red efforts of the socialists. Frank- fort, Cologne, and Baden, in a state of siege; clubs forbidden; meetings in the open air fort den; the press confiscated; and the leading der gogues either arrested or fleeing from justice. Lither the anarchists or, the men of the sword must rule this winter. It is needless to ask which of the two the majority prefer. Black, black is O-P. Q. the future. . Pesti, September 28, 1848. Death of Lamberg--Proclamation of the Govern- ment—-Hungary--Terrible Anarchy, §c. Yesterday, Kossuth returned from [erskemet, and announced to the Chamber of Deputies that in two days he had been able to send 12,000 men to the camp. M. Madaraess spoke of the royal re- script, which he called illegal. The manifestoes of the Emperor of Austria were then put to the vote- and declared to be invalid, not being countersign, ed by a Hungarian minister. By this_vote, Count Lamberg was declared incapable of taking the command of the army, and all persons obeying the reseript of the Emperor were declared guilty of treason to the constitution. This morning, Count Lamberg arrived at Pesth, without escort. As he came secretly, it was some tine before the fact transpired ; but at length some national guards of Bude arrived, «| announced that Lamberg had assembled the , and informed them that in future they we be under his orders, and that the officers had rv to ebey him. Groups then formed, and the puvlic indignation against Lam- berg was very strong. In the meantime, Lamberg went to the Ministry, and on leaving, got into a hackney coach; an armed group followed. the coach, and about twenty national guards, with a view of protecting Lamberg, surrounded it; gat suddenly an armed body arrived from the Pesth side, and it was impossible for the coach to ad- vance. Lamberg was torn from it by the people, and fell, pietoed with many mortal wounds. The cause of this assassination is said to be that the people would not have any other commander-in- chief than the Archduke Stephen, and the national guard refused to obey the Count. The inhabitants conducted themselves like cannibals: the inhuman crowd cut the body in pieces, and actually dis- puted for a bit of the toy, of the unfortunate man. _ [have received the followmg more detailed par- ticulars of the assassination of Count Lamberg :— So soon as the infuriated populace of Pesth had learned that he had arrived to replace the Arch- duke Stephen, they assembled around the house in which he had inf€aded to take up his residence. Finding that the cr6wd was ripe for mischief, he contrived to leave the premises, and crossed over the bridge to Buda, where he sought refuge in the house of the commander-in-chief. The building, however, was speedily attacked, and the count, in disguise, attempted to regain Pesth in a carriage, in order to deliver his credentials to the Hungarian Diet. Whilst crossing the bridge, he was recog- nised, his ee was pronounced aloud, and he was instaatlycut down by a number of men armed with spades and scythes. He was then literally hacked alld hewed to pieces. He has lett a widow (a native of Hungary) and eight chilaren to mourn his unhappy fate. In another account it is stated that the count first proceeded to Buda, and that it was whilst making the second attempt to cross the bridge, in order to communicate to the Diet the order of his imperial master, that he was killed in the manner described. It may be stated here. that.the national guards had previously resolved not to obey the royal commissioner, and that the Diet itself had denounced as a traitor any person who should attempt to give publicity to any royal circulars not duly countersigned by ministers, The news of the massacre produced a sad im- pression in the Chamber of Deputies, which came to the following resolution:——“‘In the absence of a government, the Chamber appoints a committee of six members, who, with Bathyani as Minister of War, will constitute a provisional government, with unlimited powers.” This provisional revolutignary government is now appointed, at the head ¥ which is Kossuth _ Numerous fugitives are proceeding towards Vienna, where the old man Weaselengi ha arrived. Everybody is laboring at the fortifica- tions, amidst the noise of the caononade, which is heard from the outside. Tne works are carried on night and dey, and the most elegant ladies drive wheelbarrows. On the 26th, the Croats en- tered Wessemburg, whilst the Hungarian army y retired to Velenge, to give battle there; and we have heard the noise of cannon all night in that direction, Ocrouer 1, A combat has taken place between the Hungarian troops and those of Jellachich, the latter of which, wishing to change their posi- tions, have been prevented, after a bloody engage- ment. The two brothers, Counts Nagene and Podoea ment which would be reasonable and honest, and | TWO CENTS. Zichy, have been hung in the Hungarian cam as traitors. The Count Edmond succeeded eecaping this fate. The two brothers were ac- cused of keeping up a correspondence with Jel- lachich. On the former were found some letters of the Princess Sophia. They are related to Prince Metternich, The Minister of War, Messaros, was here He brought with him 6,000 men from the camp of St. Thomas, and has again left for the camp of Martonvasar. Fifteen thousand peasants are ex- pected here, and the Landsturm is everywhere organized. A large sum ot money which was sent to Jel- lachich from Trania, has been seized. The Diet, which now calls itself the National Assembly, has issued the following proclamation : Ist. All commerce is suspended for eight days, 2d. Every man with his family must arm themselves to march against the enemy. 3d. Every one must provide himself with at least two days provisions, On the beating the Generale” ble to march against the enemy, The ban Jellachich has also issued a proclama- tion calling on all the officers to obey him. Ocronen 2. Anarchy reigns supreme. To-day the people are to march against the Croats. All the shops are closed. The “Generale” is being beaten inces- santly. The greatest exasperation exists against the Viennese. No stranger’s life is safe for one moment after another. All who have anything to lose are endeavoring to quit the city. Thousands of proclamations have been distributed in the Crotian camp, to induce them to lay down their arms. The peasants are coming in, but not in very large numbers. every one must assem- E:eur o’o1.0cx—Evenina. . We are at the very acmé of anarchy. The ban is at Martonvasar. ‘The environs of this city are covered with /andsturmers, who are on their way here. The fugitives are numberless. Eighty thousand Croats are reported to have entered the Raab, and have imposed on the city a contribution of 60,000 miches ot bread, 700 muids of wine, 300 quintaux of meat, 1200 bushels of oats, and 30,000 florins. Political Intelligence. INCREASE OF VOTE! ‘The popular vote since 1828, for President, has been an follows :— Years. Voters. 418 162, 1 1 ed CONNECTICUT. Hugh Maxwell, of New York, is delivering political speeches in New Haven. VERMONT. In the House of Representatives, on Thursday, the resolution to proceed to the election of United States Senator was made the special order for 10 A.M. on Tuesday next, by a vote of 108 to 101. The fol- lowing elections were made in joint ballot:—J. MoM. Shafter, of Burlington, Secretwry of State; Silas ¥. Hodges, of Rutland, Auditor of Accounts; Luther Cross, of Montpelier, Sergeant at Arms, ALABAMA. C. C. Langdon, editor of the Mobile Mdvertiser, whig, has been chosen Mayor of Mobile. MANIFESTO OF THE FREESOILERS OF PENNSYLVANTA. ‘The near approach of the Presidential election makes it our duty to communicate to you the infor- mation which we have received from different quarters of the Union, and to advise with you as to the duties which belong to the crisis, An extended correspondence with citizens in the Northern States, some of them perhaps too sanguine, but all justly commended for probity and intelligence, gives us assurance that the cause we have at heart ia making steady and onward progress, in the States of New York, Massachusetts, and Wisconsin, our friends expect to carry their electoral tickets; in Ohio and Vermont, our chances of success aro regarded as equal to thore of either of the older parties; and in all the States. whether free or slave. from Maine to Texas, the truth finds advocates and hearers, and effective or- ganization is on foot. The recent electiogin our own State. wherever the differing views of the candidates enabled us to choose between them, has resulted in the triumph of our opinions. Throughout the whole ist, from the Governor to the members of Congrese, and the State Legislature, with but a solitary excap- tion, no man has been chosen. who refused during the canvasa to declare himself in favor of the doctrines of free soll, while they were recognized by his antago- nist. This is a great result. Tt characterizes Ponnaylva- nia, marks the judgment of her people, and proves our power. Hastily gathered together ax'a party for the firat time, but afew wecks azo; unaided by the press.and acting almost without concert, we have controlled the elections of the State, and secured a representation in Congress which cannot be faithless to the cause of bu- man freedom, without being faithless to ite engage- ments Now,we have new duties to perform Thus far wa have relected from among the candidates of other parties, Now. we have candidates of our own. Most fortunate for us that it is 80; for among all the newspaper para- grapbs which have sought to enlighten us as to the views of the Baltimore nominee, and among all the letters which have been written by, or for. his leading opponent. there has not been found asingle line which could justify a friend of free soil in voting for either. General Cass. personally, retains a guarded silence, tince his letter on the Wilmot proviso, while the columns of the Union and the Pennsylvanian are pledg- ing him for the doctrines and policy of the slaveholder; and General Taylor covers the records of his country with the proofs and vouchers of his traffic ia human flesh. We can vote for neither; as men, as Christians, as the friends of progressive freedom. our sympathies, our convictions, our pledges before the world, are ad- verse to both. ‘We have, besides. men that ‘we ha: ourselves nominated. men of the highest purity of pe! ronal ebaracter, of clear, and high-minded, and frank- ly declared opinions; and these opinions our own. Yet we are (gravely asked by the men of both rides, the very men who have alternately been atigmatising us as fanatics, or seeking to flatter us as fools other of over and help them in supporting one or t! And we are sagely told. that we can- there general jecting our own candidate, and should throw away our votes. They already forget the recent history of our patty. When we gether at Reading or at Buffalo, wasit to secure tory principle, and vindicate the cbaracter of our country and the rights of man? ‘Were we then so sanguine as to believe that in six weeks our work would be completed and we released from our engagements to the truth’ Or is itthat we have grown weary thus early of the work of well-doing we have assumed, ad are ready now to help on our opponents in their telumph, rather than risk defeat with our Had we sought to be in the majority and not in the right, we might have remained in the party ranks to which they invi back as deserters. But it is not true that our votes can or will be thrown away. They will show (et least) that there men in Pennsylvania who can look beyond the aq ble of the day. and are determined that the right shall at least prevail—men who can bear up against defeat, if it comes without dishonor, and who feel that even auc- cess can bring no better reward than the consclous- ness of having deserved it. . Nor is it true, that the votes of a minority are with- out influence upon the political action of the day. m, in the progressive action of Congress on the Oregon Bill of the last session, how important an agency can be exerted by the mere expression of popular sentiment. At first, it was proposed to leave the new territory withou nd the proporition, as statesmen abundantly willing toconsent to such an organization But the move- ment began—your own movement; it apread rapidly, rengthened asit- spread; and when the final vo! came, about the time appointed for the Buffalo Conven-" tion, but four of the representatives from all of the Yorth of the Potomac, were found bold enough , lavery found but four advocates; not one has been re-elected to the rtain that ‘not one of them then. of the ineMoaiency of a minority, when marshaled in the cause of truth, and truly earnest in its support. The truth is, fellow citizen: Well as those who seek to alienate your vo ¥e poll our full numbers in Pennsylvania for Martin Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams, we make it Tain to all that we hold the balance of power in ® ma» jority of the States. And this once established, what can stand in the way of our principles? Who docs not see and feel that domestic slavery, the opprobrium of @ former age, and the anathema of our own, will be forever girt and girdled within the limits that oireum- scribe it now—that not one inch of the virgin domain of the nation will then be polluted by its touch ; that Teform, truthful and fearless, will find its bright and onward way through all the abuses that fraud and ignorance and eustom have cherished; that land ownership will everywhere be severed from slave own- ership ; that the rights of the working classes will be asserted and maintained as the rights of man should be; and that the broad territories which their valor or their toil have earned, will surely become and re- main their home and their heritage forever. Friends of free ecil, friends of the Buifa votr your own ticket. Be true to yoursel v triumph is certain, THOMAS L KANE, Chairman, ou Carrier Pieron.—A letter trom our Norwich (Conn.) correspondent, says, that @ carrier pigeon was foundin tl Ald Earn a ee having a ith the following inseription :— paper attached wit e ape: Bh snag Apr T advise you to sol! all the grain you have, and sountermand Our ordera Tell G. te dispose ef his cotton before the 25th, Fhe carrier T amugale—how good he will prove T donot know. Directed to J. La Wail street, Hastily yours, J, B ‘The pigeon and original paper is in the hand of Mr. Neth, It was completely tired out, and it is thought wll die.—Boston Journal, Oct 28.