The New York Herald Newspaper, October 15, 1848, Page 1

NO. 5247. SUNDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 15, 1948. Our Paris Correspondence. Paris, September 20, 1848, The Election of Lows Napoleon—His Future Course, §c. Napoleon himself never obtained a more tri- umphant success over his enemies than Louis Napoleon has in the recent elections ; six depart- ments have been heard from, and he 1s elected in five of them, as now appears. In Paris and the Banlieus, his majority over the highest next to him will be 25,000, I think. It is 14,000 in Paris proper ; and from the Banlieus returned, which I | have seen, his majority has been increased 10,000 more ; 1n one or two of the departments from the country, he is reported as having been elected almost unanimously. The ticket ot the socialists, compoeed of Raspail, Cobet, and Thore, was the next highest to Napoleon, although one other name, that of Achille Fould, contests the question with this entire ticket. The ticket elected in Paris, 18 Napoleon, Fould, and Raspail ; and it remains to be determmed whether the Banlieus will dia- place the name of Fould, and elect either Thore, or Cobet. It is yet doubtful, therefore, whether one or two of the socialists’ ticket is elected ; but I consider that 1t has triumphed in fact, because, if Napoleon and Fould are eleeted, Raspail, Cobet, and Thore, stand the third, fourth, and fitth upon the list, having about as many votes as Fould, and not varying between themselves, prehaps, more than a thousand votes; after ths tcket, come General Buyeaud, Deblessest, Adama, &c., &c., running some 10 to 20,000 under Raspail, Cobet and Thore. Napoleon appears to have been voted for by thousands, who revered no other name—and upon many of his tickets the name ot Fould was written; and in this manner Napoleon elected Fould, Fould was one of the names upon the ticket of the moderate party, and the government end the other two were left more than 20,000 behind the socialists’ ticket, and forty to filty thousand behind Napoleon! The socialists’ ticket wall «mount to about 70.000, and Napoleon $80,000 to 95,000; probably the vote of Napoleon is a majority, but there were so many candidates that it is yet uncertain. Thiselection ot Napoleon, and the vote of the socialist ticket, are grave af- fairs for France, and cannot fail to be followed by important consequences. As to Navoleon, he had every press in Paris against him, of all shades of opinion. He addressed a letter to General Piat, an old general just elected Colonel of the 4th Le- gion, announcing that, if elected, he would accept; and Gen. Piat published placards in Paris, con- taining a copy of the letter and an address of his own. The Constitutionnel, Debuts, Nationel, Re- formé, Bien People, and Union, were terribly se- vere againet his election, employing every species of political warfare to defeat 1t; added to this, 18 the eflect of his elections inthe country. In Pari his vote and that of the socialist ticket are four ‘one against the moderate party and goverment com- bined. The Reformé favored the socialist ticket, but the other journals opposed both that and Napoleon. | Another extraordinary feature is, that Napoleon was not voted for by the socialists, at this election, us he was before. They ran a clean ticket, and were true toit, Had their vote been united to his, the yote of Napoleon would have been more than four to one, in Paris, &c. Ihave, heretofore, frequently spoken of the feeling in France tor Napoleon, the Emperor ; but I was not | quite prepared to see this demonstration of its torce, against all the parties in France, and the | force of the government. Prince Louis Napoleon | himeelf is unknown entirely to the French people. | He has been banished from France the last thirt years; and most of those who voted for biin nave never even seen him. Their vote is an expression of the love, admiration, and ye - they have towards the ame and memory of poleon himsei?, Did the nephew but possess the genius of his uncle, a course 1s now opened to him im. no respect second tn importance or glory. There never was an hour when one such mind, at the head of France, could make a greater 1m- pression upon Europe. But again, Raspail, the socialist, elected, is now in the dungeon of Vin- cennes—what will be done with him? Can he be | liberated? Will not the people take him out, if not? Again, Napoleon is yet an exile—will he be permitted to enter France ?—or, if he enters, will he be arrested ? or, 1f not arrested, will he be allowed his seat? A Prince of the blood! oace naturalized in Switzerland! Will the Assembly give way before these trying questions? They are now terrible questions for France. If he is resisted, there will be civil war at once. Let him into the Assembly, and if he be nota great genius, the chances thrown round him may be gradually destroyed. But, I should not be sur- prised to see Napoleon enter Paris with a cortége ot hundreds of thousands, unless the government interferes to prevent it. Some ten of the socialist representatives joined 1n an address recommend- ing the election of Raspail and his ticket; and, thie morning, the cares is agitated of instituting an enquiry into the conduct-of representatives, who thus favor an insurgent who invaded that As- sembly. Will the insurgents, now, be sent out ot the country? One of their number is the chosen ot the people, after a fair fight. They may well say, we are a majority of Paris. This vote will bring about a crisis. Mark whatI say: I see the effect of it too clearly todoubt. If we have not another scene of blood, Paris will, indeed, be for- tonete. It will have an effect to weaken the power of General Cavaignac, and to encourage the red reppplicans and socialists in an extreme degree. ill the Assembly undertake to choose a Presi- dent, taking that right from the people? Man urge to this course ; if adopted, the people wall overthrow both President and the Assembly. The safety of General Cavaignac now depends upon his firmness, and that of those who support im. Under present appearances, if the election of a President is put to the people, Napoleon will re- ceive the yote. The only mode to defeat him is to let him quietly into the Ae: wa and kill him off there, as other men are killed off, who are not up to the expectations formed of them the people. /BSER VER. Panis, Sept. 21, 1819. | Affairs nm France, &c. France has sent orders to interfere, to arrest the spilling of blood, in the war between Naples and Sicily. Messina has been a scene of slaughter, and crime and brutality, not heard of in these mo- dern days of warfare. All the accounts concur an stating that both sides roasted and eat large numbers of the enemy, and committed every spe- cies of crime and of brutality. The Sicilians fought with desperation, set fire to the city where they found they could not defend it,—as many got on board the different ships in the harbor as pos- sible. The slaughter upon both sides has been very large ; and France, in behalf of the calls of humanity, and to protect a weaker people from extermination, has given orders to interfere, and to arrest the effusion of blood until the difficulties can be settled. The Sardinian fleet has wit drawn from Venice, according to th pulations of the armistice ; and, as the Austrians are about to blockade the port, Admiral Baudin, of the French equadron, has sent a despatch to Paris, which arrived last evening for orders in the pre- mises. I expect that the French will interfere to prevent the blockade ; as the organs of the gov- emment have insisted that it would be a viola- tion of the mediation, and the obligations of Aus- tria_to attempt to carry on active operations against Venice. News has also arrived here, that the Assembly at Frankfort have receded from their first position, and have consented to the ratifica- tion of the armistice between Prussia and Den- mark, Hungary has sent her ambassador to Paris, and ehe has tak+n a last ree by the return of her delegates from Vienna, before declaring her en- tire independence of Austria, or the Court of Vien- na. Illichack, the leader of the Sclaves, is at the head of 60,000 men, ready to act against Hun- gary, and under the influence, to a certain extent, of the Court of Vienna, with whom he 1s co-ope- rating at this time, to extort certain concessions from Hungary, which he has specified, and hith- erto demanded in vain. An émeute of an extraordinary character has just taken place atthe Hotel Dieu. The doctor and commandant found it necesssty to reduce the women to order, by putting them on low diet—they rebelled, and threatened to kili him, which they proceeded to attempt to put into execution; but he fortunately got an oppor- tunity to escape, and to give the alarm.— ‘Thereupon, these soldiers of the revolution seized their beds, chairs, benches, and everything else in their poesession, and formed a barricade in the hall, and prepared to defend themselves to the death. They mounted their barricade, raised their fl. g,"sung the Marsellaise, and were only reduced to submission hy the corps of soldiers who en- tered, at the point of the bayonet, and seized the chiefs and carried them off to Prison, All these Freeh Women oughtto be dressed im pauts vit put into the army, They make capital solders, and will fight as heroically a3 the men. All those be- longing to the army are dressed in the uniform of their companies, wear their sword whenever they travel the streets, alone or in company, and march with the firmness and strength of the male soldiers, Indeed, I see no difference between the male and female soldiers of the French army. The result of the elections has caused great agitation in the Assembly. Some say that the days of June are coming round again, One state- ment is, that Dellessert expeaded 100,000 francs to ferward his election; that he had 60 clerks em- ployed, and bought up the Assemby Nutionale for four or five days, having all its colunns devoted to his interests. M. Marrast is again re-elected President ofthe Assembly. Counsel were changed, Dufaure declined being a candidate ; and M. Mar- rast received 527 votes in 670. In ailuding to the jétes given by Marrast—his increased salary of 6,000 francs a month extra, making 10,000 now, whereas the original sum which others received was only 4,000, and to the monarchical tendencies and alliances of the republic, the Reforme says, “the point of a sword will engrave upon the stone of its sepulchre—here lies a small aid modest Re- public, whose life was short, but well employed, for it knew how to proscribe and to dance, at the same time.” The Reforme represents Ledru Rol- hn and the republicans of his school. Tae Re- jorme further says, that if a change 18 not soon made in the proceedings of the Government, it will soon be at a point where the response will be, “Il est trop tard.” The Assemly have decided to appropriate fitty millions to colonize Algeria, and to use up that sum in three years. Among other things, the land is to be parcelled out in small quantities, to every family, and such family 1s to receive so much mo- ney and necessaries, and be transported there at the expense of the State. Gen. Lamoriciere has framed the bill, and the Assembly adopted all his views, He has beena long: time in Algeria, and as a very sensible man, and a brave and gallant officer.” Sixty squads of men had to be employed in taking down the placards after the elections, from the walls, &e., in Paris. The expense of this election has been immense to the parties. OvseRveR. Panis, Sept. 21, 1848. £lectrons—Socialism, §c. Napoleon, Achille, Fould, and Raspail are elect- ed representatives in Paris—Napoleon has about 35,000 more than Fould, and the latter about 12,- 000 more than Raspail. The Patrie, a conserva- tive press, says, “that M. Thoré, (the lowest of the three socialists) has only about 14,000 less than M. Fould; and if it is considered that the name of Bonaparte had been almost always carried by the electors who voted at the same time for Thoré, &e., it will be easily perceived what a check the moderate party has received.” I think that those who have voted for Napoleon, did not generally vote for Cabot, Thoré, aud Raspail, for there 1s only about two thousand difference in the vote of those three candidates; and as that ticket was urged upon, and only three names could be voted for on one list, it is very manifest that that was a pure ticket throughout; and that Napoleon was elected by other voters. Still, it istrue, IT have no doubt, that Napoleon received a great many votes ven to this tick- that would have otherwise ave apoleon ouly, others for Na- et—mapny voted for N poleon and Foul’; hence the vote of the latter— and others tor Napoleon, Fould and Ragen.— Between Vould and Ragen there 1s a difference ot about eighteen thousand votes. Though both are the candidates of the moderate party, | it 18 veneration tor Napoleon himself that has neration, which | carried his nephew in triumph against the press, the government and the aristocracy, and the other two old dynasties in the country. His vote will reach near 125,000. The vote in the Banlieus is full—very full. All the returns are not yet publish- ed; the entire vote, therefore, cannot be known, but the exact number will exceed my expectations, and be a very full one for Paris, at this season of the year, when so many thousands are absent, aad there 18 only a partial election. Newsof the elec- ticn of Napoleon in three departments out of the fifteen is officially received at Paris. He has de- feated Gen. Negrier (the nephew of the gallant General who was shot in the days of June, while charging a barricade), in the department of the North, where it was supposed there was to be no opposition to, the General, who was voted for out of consideration to his heroic uncle, so recently slain in battle. In addition to the excitement pro- duced by the result of the elections, Paris has been greatly = by the news of a bloody in- surrection and battle at Frankfort, as a conse- quence of the change in the action of the Assem- bly, and the ratification by that body of the armis- tice with Denmark. It is believed that such a bat- tie has been fought, and that great numbers have been killed and wounded. The people were op- posed to the ratification of the armistice, and for war. The intervention of France has been eflec- tual to arreet the flow of blood m Sicily, and the news of this morning 1s believed to be favor- able for a like result in the case of Austria and Italy. But I think that little relrance can be pe upon any statement of this kind, till the inal decision shall have been mode. It is now a very grave and haaticsted question ; and all par- ties must be actuated by a sincere desire tor peace, and be ready to make a good many sacrifices, or war will yet settle this question, which will then complicate all Europe The armistice of forty-five days terminates to-day, but it has been extended, and the parties have entered upon the attempt to adjust this matter. f think that between Prussia and Denmark does not now endanger the peace of Europe—the change in the yote of the Frankfort Assembly, has changed the whole aspect of the queetion, from one of war to peace. Asan in- stance of the rapidity with which the French legis- late, Gen. Larmoriciére introduced his bill to the assembly providing for the colonization of Algeria, and raising fifty millions therefor, and covering a period of three years, and the discussion of it coerced only a part of one short session, perhaps two hours, passed, and, early the next morning, Citculars Were put up in every part of Paris, con- taining the terms of the act, and giving notice, that the Government were ready to receive appli- cations to the number of 12,000 instanter, and to transport them to ria—I saw large numbers of laboring men round them, some were readin; the act, and some discussing the meaning an effect, of it. I am inclined to think that it will be favorably received. One of the Newspapers, who united to incorporate a little so- ism in the bill, thought the legislation a little rapid ; he said Gen. Lamoriciere carried his bill through as he would attack and carry a battery of the enemy. But there is a great deal more social- ism,and stateism than is pein understood in France. There is very little individuality or indi- vidual action; the state educates—gives the direc- tion, almost entirely, in matters of education and religion. Men act in bodies; move in bodies ; are regulated by chiefs; and are daily greeted by state officers, all dressed in uniform. Children march to and from school in bodies, two and two, as re- polarly as an army, from the age of four upwards : boys and girls the same. Luttle girls are dressed in uniform ; go to church, to mass, to exhibitions, e. &e., in Seta and two. And, com- paratively speaking, the population live in com- mon ; that is, Paris is a common play fftpands commen parade, common dining room, drawing room, eecias, hall, billiard room, concert hall, to wy nothing of general customs in other matters, which are not eo public. Paris appears like one great f: mily, where each one has his own knife and fork, and pays for what he eats, for the chair he sits in, the room he occupies, &c. &c., where every thing 18 to be bought and sold at very low rates, and where there is great courtesy of manner, and each one 1s at liberty to select precisely the com rine likes best, and to change it as often or as arbitrarily as he pleases. Pay for what you have and no questions are asked. Compared with the United States, it is practical communism upon a grand scale, and ina most enticing form, Opserver. Our Stutgard Correspondence. Sruvearp, Sept. 18, 1848. The Armistice with Denmark Ratified by the Par- hhament—Excesses—Excitement in Schwaben— Opening of the Staenueversammlung, §c. ‘The question of peace or war is at last decided. The intense excitement 1s, in one respect, allayed by the action of Parliament, and in another it 1s ten-fold increased. The armistice 1s ratified ! rat- ified by the National Convention of the cenfedera- ted States—by the sovereign representatives of a sovereign people—a treaty made, dictated, negoti- ated, and eoncluded by the King of Prussia ! The antagonistical parties to the convention, were long and hard at work, and every nerve was strained to gain the victory. A great number of members were absent from Frankfort, at the time the postponement of the armistice was resolved Upum by a@ Majwtily Uh sev . . the result known, when the right side set to work, to compel the attendance of the abseat members of therrown side. Meeting after meeting was held in the club-rooms, and all sorts of measures put requisition, to insure a triumph at’ the principal contest, in the final vote upon the rejec- tion or ratification of the treaty. Meanwhile the opposition were not idle. They did :all in their power to avert the ignominy of such a shameful acknowledgment of defeat, as the ratification of the proposed armistice would be forthe whole na- ti Phe cabinet of Heckscher was sacrificed to the indignant drities of the lower regions, aad mercilessly cast Pte Crowds of petitions, sigaed by vast numbers of the people, and demanding, ia plain and energetre language, the rejection, poured in upon Parliament from all sides; but more esp2- cially from the south; but all to no purpose. Du- ring the whole of this time, the resolutioa of the 5th of Sept., for the stay ot all further proceediags in regard to the armistice, remained dormant; it was a dead letter upon paper—the ministers re- fusing to carry it into execution. Dailmann, charged with the task of creating anew cabinet, | was not equal to the emergency. He tried seve- ral days, and then resigned his commission. Herr- mann was next commissioned, with the same suc- cess; and Professor Wurm had no bettex luck. Ja this manner, the thunderbolt hurled by the conven- tion at Copenhagen and Berlin, remained qui'e harmless and inoffensive, in the archives of ’rank- | fort ; and truly the left side might exclaim, “One | | weed, Du wo more such victory, and we are lost!’ The anx- ously expected day at last came, that was to de- cide who were the rulers of the German nation, the Prussian Cabinet or the National Convention, | Early on the morning of the Lith, the galleries of | St. Paul’s church were crowded to suffocation Tn less than ten minutes after the opeaing of the ses- | sion, no less than 80 speakers were enlisted, who , wished to be heard on the Denmark question; | and it was easily seen, that the vote would not be taken until Friday or Saturday following. [ven | on Saturday, the ‘session continued from 9 1n the | morning until half-past 8 1n the evening, ut | interruption. When the result was made known | to the public, the people gave ventto their tndigna- | tion in execrations, threats, and actual demonstra- | | tions. The house of Minister Heckscher was com- pletely demolished, windows aid doors of the “English Hotel” broken,the buildings of Westend- | hall considerably damaged, and excesses ot all d scriptions committed. The riot continually increas: ed, and at 11 o’clock.in the night the clarm drums | were beaten, the wuole military called to arms, | and the “Buergerwehr” (militia,) in concert with | the battalion of Hessian infantry, at the time quartering in Franktort, succeeded in clearing the | sireets and restoring order. An hour atter mid- night all was quiet. But the next day (yesterday) a mass meeting of the people was anaounced. to take place in the large meadow before the city, to deliberate upon the action of Parliament in re- gard to the armistice, and what the result of this Meeting was is not yet known here. Serious dis- | turbances are anticipated. . This affair is characteristic of the National Par- liament. It shows up the gentlemen in their true colors ; 1t proves what the people are to expect | from the much extolled “sovreigaty” of its repr: its they are to reap from th sentatives; waat fru f revolution; how tar ‘ev are to trust ia the fine speeches, the elaborate reports, and the loud pro- clamations of their “Union,” and of the suprema- cy. of the Parliament over emperors, kings, and princes. In my last [have already attempted to show how the action of the Prussian cabinet, in regard to the armistice with Denmark, was in di- rect opposition to the laws and resolutions of the Parliament ; and that the King of Prussia de facto usurped the power of the central executive, and set aside the national authority. The vote resolv- ing to postpone the ratification of the armistice, gare some gleams of hope, that this indignity of- fered to the people of the whole nation, would be resented by Parliament; but the inability of the central power to carry into effect this resolution, the spiteful behaviour of the msolent cabinet, soon convinced every one that the authority of the Reichsverweser and the Parliament are regarded by the several potentates just so long as it suits their own interest, and ao longer. It proved how weak, how feeble the executive is; and the final ratification of the treaty shows, thata great part of the Parliament itself are the mere creatures and servants of the monarchs, whose mandates they obey in every instance [believe that this vote willhave one very beneficent effect: it will open the eyes ot the people to the real designs and plans of their false representatives. Already the indignation is boundlesa in this part of the country; meetings are held, condemning the course of their deputies, and bloody commotions may soon be our fate. It is the settled conviction of many of the best informed men, that the present state of aflairs cannot last much longer—a change must come, and a change for the better; at least, a step towards the emancipation of the people frome their present degraded and unworthy con- ation. The day after to-morrow the ‘‘Staendeversamm- lung” (State legislature) will meet here. It will probably remain yin session for but a short time, as @ new constitution, and representatives elected in @ more direct manner, and representing the wishes and wants of the people more perfectly, is universally demanded ; the duties of the present meeting will be merely to assess the property and to appropriate the necessary moneys for the gov- ernment during the .next six months. A State convention (for the form:.tion of a new constitu- tion, adapted to the advanced ideas of the sov- reignty of the people,) will ably be ordered in the course of the winter, and then another legisla- ture may be elected, and probably will meet by next epring. . In Eeshngen another democratic mass meetin; was held yesterday, similar to the one of Heil- broun last week. third one is announced for next Thursday, at Reitlingen. Now that the har- vestis over, and the farmers have little to do, these meetings are very large and frequented by crowds of peasantry. An enthusiastic and hearty cheer was given for the “ Republic!” In my next Imay have more terious events to record—the clouds that have long hovered around the horizon are gathering and assume a threatening setae = Srorcann, Sept. 4, 1848. The Internal and Foreign Affairs of Germany Germany is at this moment agitated on all sides ; not with an agitation, however, such as results from, or precedes, or accompanies a revolution, and from which a better state of things may be oxpected to grow ; but it is harrassed on all sides by foreign powers who mock at, and deride the idea of, the “German Union,” some of whom—Denmark, for instance—are insignificant, and remind one of theides of the fly at- tacking thelion. It does seem a little riduculous, that @ little State. of one anda half million inhabitants, thould be able not only to repel the invasiuns of its foes, but, in its turn, attack. annoy, and humble a na- tion consisting of forty-five millions of people! But such is the fact. The war has now lasted for more than four months ; the several German ports have been bleckaded, commerce disturbed, and a great number of German merchant ships attacked, taken, and con- demned by the Danish Court of Admiralty ; and stili we are as far from a prospect of peace as ever. In Italy, the Austrian arms have beon victorious. But now, that all occasion for British or french interven- tion is at an end, now John Bul and the Gullic cock come In for their share of the spoils; now Russia even enters into an unnatural and unexpected alli- ance with the “sunny France,” in erder to haves word to say in the affair of Mailand. It is dificult to predict the final resuit of this war. Tho peaceful solution of the political query may be more difficult than the ry subjugation of the | ineurgents has been. It is asserted by some that a recret treaty Bae been entered into by Charles Albert | and Radetsky ; and the sudden and cowardly a! donment of Mailand, certainly encourages * supposition. By others, itis supposed that the Cabinet of Vienna proposes to the Lombards, to permit them to elect their own government; in consideration of which, they are to annex themselves to Austria, as- sume a sbare of the national debt, and pay a part of the expenses of the war. Ia it not strange, that Austria, which being itself attacked, repelled the foo, and drove him back to within his own boundary, | which completely and victoriously defeated its enemy, in whose favor the spirit and letter of all treaties ak—treaties which France and England both have mned—that Austria, in whores favor the usage of nations and international right speaks, that has. or ehould have, the whole Germaa Confederacy on ita to back its demands—that Austria, in spite of all id in spite of much more that could be adduced thi | brav in its favor, is not permitted to settle this atfair itself? Js it not absurd that Austria should be obliged to accede to the terms which France, or England, or | Russia, or all together may dictate in thie affair, in which it alone has the sole right, according to alt moral and ovstomary ideas of right, to determine and demand the price of peace? Is it’ not repugnant to common sense, for Austria to submit to an interven- tion. be it armed or diplomatical, now that it is un- necerrary,rubmit to it from the rame powers. of whom it was vainly demanded ten weeks ago, ere its tri- pe eo arms had repelled and nub But such is the fate of the Ger Ls and it is richly deserved. by their suicidal self: injuri ued the foe? course of policy, Unable, properly, to appreciate the | | rejoiced that the great principle on whi | OWN constitution was reared,—the prin | English law—had triumphed amid the ecoavulsions tmuleges OF MUUE, Lue CULL s datt sustoeod ereditary prejudice, their ag jealousy. to or me all considerations of prudenve, and rather vo per- mit the whole nation to go to decay.and be ruined than to suffer the individual sovereignty of any State to be diminiebed in the least. A‘ German empire” is a thing existing only in the brains of the warm-hearted youth. and used as a bate to lull the marmuring peo- ple into an acquiescence to the designs and acts of those whose interest it is to ferment and keep alive the sectional prejudices, because a unanimity of the several States would endanger their away, and reader their unjust system impossible. Since the times of Charles the Grest, there was no “ German Empire.” We have an“ Austria,” a “ Prussia,’ a Bavaria,” &e, allof them rovereign, independent, and having nothing im common with each other but the language; and even this is different in the several nations, as it is spoken by tha lower classes The peasant of Wortemberg doe. not understand the Prussian, and vice versa; mor does the Bavarian understand the dialect of the Hanoverian And, as differsat aa the reveral characteristics of these nations are, so ditfe- rent isthe policy which is pursued by the govern- ments. It is not “Germany” that is at war qith Devmark. Oh. no, it is Prussia ; and only after Den- | mark had brought a commercial crisia over the whole of the German States, after all of them have sovevely felt thes hock given to the prosperity of their own subjects, by tue interruption of commerce, the other States co sented toaid Prussia in the subjugation of the Danes. And the sameis the case with the Italian war, Not Germany, but Austria, conquered the Italians in the Lombardy ; and with Austria it is that England and ‘ance wish to treat or interfere relative to the new treaty. Yet we are told. that “Germany” is united, that it forms one great invincible nation, that its power is such as to enable it to dictate laws to the rest of the world! ‘How ports it, then, t Austria trembles at the idea of an English or Mrench inter- vention? Cow comes it that it dares not reject the intervention in direct and plain words, but seeks to avoid a direct answer by evasion and apologies? No; the fact is, palaful as it touches me tu be compelled to make the acknowledgment, there is no Germany ! there ia no Union! That nation, that might become the leading power of the world, that consists of the t, the most fearless men—that boasts more in- telligence and learntng than any other—that nation is made the ridicule of the world, a by-word for political orators to ure, the soveral States of which are kicked about like a shuttlecock. and their subjects derided, mocked, and ridiculed not only by roreign nations, but by their own neighbore. If Germany, all those States that speak the German language, and are re- lated to each other by their common descent, their common history, and their common interest, were to drop its petty sectional prejudiees; if it were to unite and form one common, concentrated and confederated government, similar to that of the United States, it would stand secoa@d to no power on earth ; its com- merce would extend to the most remote regtons, its ships would cover the ocean, and command the re- speot of all other nations: ite indinence would extend itself to every part of the habitable globe. Politics, as well as social and literary questions, would en- gage the attentions of ita wise men, and an omanc pation from the present deplorable ignorance in all that appertains to statesmanship or political economy would be the inevitable consequence—intelligence, prosperity, and happiness the result. But, instead of this strife and contention, the National Parliament, at Frankfort, is but an empty piece of formality ; for in truth, none of the larger States intend to ba governed by its decrees. The“ Reichevermeser” and his minis- ter, are eitber the tools or the dupes of the princes, and nothing is done without first obtaining their adviee orconsent. In consequence of this, Prussia has now ratified a treaty (as last night's mail relates) which is asbame to the whole nation. The Minister of War, Mr. Heckroher, (of Prussia) declared this news to the National Cartiamem, ®04 @¢deu ; “Owing to the rapi- ity (!) with which the negotiations were carried on, it has been fuupossible to conform, in every particular, to the resolutions of parliament, in relation to this matter.” Indetad! so “rapid” negotiations may be carried on in opposition to the decrees of parliament ! ‘This is characteristic of the manner in which the seve- ral governments intend to evade the supremacy of the national government. (You will probably receive the articulars of this treaty before my letter reaches you, By means of English papers ; 60 | will omit it,) While this is the position of affairs in relation to our foreign policy, our internal condition is not a bit bet- ter. ‘The debate upon the separation of the State and Church, and Church and School, is not yet ended, and the result is as uncertain as ever. ‘The excitement caused by the priesta, by falsely pro- claiming that the church is in danger, continues,and in many districts ofnorthern Germany measures have been taken in large aud what in the States would be called respectable meetings of the people, some of whom have hidden and buried their bibles to save them from the hands of the expected barbarian invaders; and they have unanimourly resolved, “ to die in defence of their reli ion and bible.” In the parliament. the most re- markable unions of opposite parties, of elements that are as little suited togethor as water and fire, take place in relation to this matter. The extreme left side goes band in hand with the extreme right, both seeking to obtain the same result, however different their motives may be. The members of the lett side wish pertect li- berty of conscience, and entire independence of the State from the Church; in which manner alone the in- dividual js at liberty to think, to worship as he thinks tight ; while those of theright, embracing quite a con- siderable number «f catholics and protestant clerry- men, wish the Church independent of the State, in or- der to obtain » more complete control over the mem- venee the charch, and over the education of the outh. : In Vienna, the great insurrection of Paris in June, has found an imitation en miniature. Still, it was bloody enough, and may have the effect of subduing the efforts of the working classes for amelioration, and of the republican party in general, which has hitherto been continually active. Some 64 of the workmen have been dangerously, partly mortally wounded, and eight b found their death in the revolt. It has been calm and peaceful ever since, owing to the ener- gotic measures taken by the onal Guard to pro- serve peace and ord J. Ireland, the United States of America, and England, [From the London Times, Sept. 13.] There appeared m our columns of yesterday a letter from Inverness, on the subject of Ireland. There is nothing very startling 1n the nature of the letter, or its date. Ireland, unfortunately, pre- sents nothing very new to observation or reflec- tion. All that can be known about her 1s too well known already; all that can be said about her has been said over and over again Nor has the bonnie city of Inverness any peculiar claims to po- htical distinction. ‘There would be, then, but litle to excite attention in any letter on Ireland, wnitten from North Britain, except the position or character of the writer. This it is which gives an extrinsic value to the communicatien which we published yesterday. The writer is a repub- lican, an American, and a citizen of the United States; but he ia no sympathizer with sedition; he is no fomenter of discord; he 18 a friend to order and to good government, under every form of polity, and therefore we recur to his obser- vations. We have on one or two occasions offeaded the patriotiem or the self-respect of those Americans, whoee feellngs we should be extremely loth to irritate, by quoting extracts from the bitterest of their anti-Anglican journals. ‘“* Why do you do this?” they exclaim. ‘The papers to which you attach so much importance have no weight ‘or influence with the majority of the intelligent citi- zens of the States: they form no opinions, they express none; they are merely the vents of the bitterest and most bigotted passions where- with the very lowest of our community are tainted. You might as well judge of the national mind of England trom the unstamped press of London, as of the disposition of America from the journals which ye 80 frequently transcribe.” This is the tone of many friendly remonstrances addressed to us by the citizens of North America; and to the spirit which pervades them all we should ,ong age have unreservedly deferred, had it not been for the awkward fact that, whatever may be their influence in forming opinion or creating party, the most anti-Anglican of the American papers are a'eo the most widely-circutated and the most generally read. ur quotatisns, then, may be taken as a fair index, if not of the matured judg- ment and the more intelligent opinions, yet ot the predominant sentiments or popular tendencies of the transatlantic republicans, In contrasting the bitter hostility of these par- | tizans with the kindly and temperate earoestness of that less numerous bnt moderate and not pow- erless party, whose good wishes were wafted across the ocean during the crisis of our political strug- gle, we do that which 1s no less grateful to our patriotism than to our conscience. We owe, in- deed, much more to the “sympathies” of America than is aly acknowledged in England. These sympathies have not uniformly been with treason, disloyalty, or insurrection. ‘They have—though not so loudly expressed—been as warm on the side of order, loyalty, and law. There were few per- sons in England who looked forward to the 10th of April with more anxiety and dread than did the merchants, traders, and lawyers of New York and Boston. There were no persons in England who exulted more cordially at its result than they did, When the steamship bearing the intelligence reached port, and the news was spread that sedi- tion had been suppressed, and turbulence disarm. ed in Lendon, one general thrill of delight perva- ded eet | respectable class. Men congratulated one another that the soil on which their fathers had drawn breath had been dececrated by no civil strife and stained by no civic bloodshed. They +h their ple of of Europe. To the preservation of ther prototype they recognised the stability of their own institn- tons. tea viewed with gladness, rather than with jealousy, the coequal vigor which the two diffe- rent governments of the same Anglo-Saxon race | their own, | to the contemplation of [relandasshe is Mabiieeied Lo the woole World at Ube sane tune. The trunk was sound, therefore the branch es would not perish, Sentiments such as these are common to the more intelligent portion of the American people. | Proud of their own independence, they are not | less proud of the stock from which they sprang Jealous of the aggrandizementa of Englund, they still would not see her smitten by “aa unseemly or unworthy stroke. The assault that would jeopas- dize her institutions they know would endanger i The race which cannot thrive under, or whieh rejects her authority, must also be in- compatible with theirs. The only difference in the fate of the two will be the difl-reace of time. Sooner or later, the two branches of the same, stock, with the same, or nearly the same, mode of government, must find a similar destiny. A con- sciousness of this makes them alive to all tne workings of our political and social system; to all the svmptems of our political and social mala. dies. Nowonder that they should regard Ireland with peculiar attention. ‘Tae sentiments which our correspondent ot yesterday. enunciated as pre- valent in Eogland, are, we Know, not unpopular among the upper circles of Amexica. The state ot Tefand 1s to an American as ofleasive as.it 13 to an English mind, It offends his love of law, of order, of consistency, of manly courage, and manly endurance. It seems to him a huge anomaly in the world of politics and morals; a monster rather than a foatiey: a caricature rather thane resemblance to “any thin that exists, A nation | alternately playing the beggar and the bra- | vado, now bullying lke a wayman, now whining like a mendicant, always “aggrieved,” always ‘*‘ oppressed,” but never doiag any- thing to better itself either by work or by arms—-courting the sympathy of the world by its rags and its nakedness, and repaying its only benefactor by menace and sedition :—this is, to the educated and sober Americ preeisely as disgusting and repulsive a picture as itis to the educated and sober Englishman. True, there are | Insh sympathizers in plenty in New York, who | would eat up all England at one gulp, if they | could. There 1s declamation enough, and swag- | gering enough, and fustian enongh, tor Conteae- ration Hall itself. But the American citizen knows the value of this vetter even than we do; nor | does his better knowledge inspire him witha bet- | ter liking for it Of all things, there is nothing that he regards with so much suspicion as the virulence of the new-tmported Trishry. In it he sees more future danger to his own country than to England. It may not come yet; bat—unless | Ireland be much changed in the meantime—it will come.. When the vast and unpopulated dis- triets of his native domain are more filled with the densely growing multitudes that are now crowding to his shores—when the population, in- | stead of spreading over vast prairies and cutting through primeval forests, is :nore pent up in towns and cities—when every city has its Irish quarter, and evely State an Irish faction--then will Am nea experience the curse of a great Celtic immi- gration ; then will she know whit it is to be the sewer of a vast, squalid, and turbulent multitude | --a multitude which has fostered the passions ot the east in the feuds and facttons of the west--the instincts of savage in the contentions of civilized life. Itis by forebodings and foreshadow- ings of this destiny that Americans are awakened Itis this feeling that makes some of them Anglis Angitores, when they speak on the topic of Irish policy. pressions which even an undou sted tory would hesi- tate 1o make use of in the English House of Com- mons, a Southern American wi! not hesitate to pub- lish. He will not suck atcalliag the malady by its proper naine, or preseribing the aptest remedy for it. ake our corresponde t, he will at once poiutto a sordid and trading agitat.on as the greatest pest that torments freland. He will demand that this be forcibly suppressed before anything else be attempted, and then the remedies which he will suggest Im perspective, are not, indeed, such as our party combatants in Parliament would pre- serive,—political, but what common sense has all along pointed out,—social remedies. But he ai Insists, as every wise physician or trainer of yout! has hitherto insisted, that the first lesson taught should be submission to authority, Without this, nothing else is possible; after ‘this, everything. Till this has been done, emigration, education, irtal by jury, and the franchise, are so many snares und mockeries When this has been done, the Irishman wil become a blessing to his own country and to England, and a creature worthy of eliciting the honest ‘*sympathies,” both of | Europe end America, Whilst he is what he is, he wall, despite the howls ot the turbulent and the declamations of the designing, remain the scorn of one kemisphere, and the pity of the other. The Irish Rebellion. Concress Hatt, Thursday, Oct. 12, 1848. Dean Sin:—Several gentlemen of thiscity, who have long felt a deep interest in the affairs of Ireland, (of which number you have not been the least active,) desire that | should give some public explanation of the cavees which led to the unexpected failure of the late revolutionary movement in that country. | tlonand the Confederation | bave been to bring togeth I feel bound to meet their wishes, as boing theire,and for this other reason, that mo honest statement of the matter can be made ‘ac present in Ireland, where the right of mevting, and the liberty ot the press have been both annihilated by the British avthorities, Were it not my fortune to srrive in your city, [should have felt it my duty to have made the Executive Direstory of New York the medium of this statement. But be- ing detained bere, and hearing so many anxious in- quiries daily made, I have yielded to the x enire to make it public without delay. In doing s0, I fear I ‘will try your patience much, but I am certain none of jone of a d gifted race, a subject of indif- nm, or as Ameri: il speak from my own knowledge; gh went om a mission into a neighborin, country toward the end of July, | was back in ireland the first week in August, and was engaged there till | by soe ere are three dates to be borne in mind in refe- rence to this movement: the month of February. when ontinental revolutions began; the 24th of Jaly, the habras corpus act was suspended; and the it time, which, in Ireland, does not come until rr. ebruary last, the Irish parties, who sought of government, were two—the Moral Force Repesiors, and Young ireland These parties origi- nated in July, 1846, when Young Ireland seceded from the Association, on the subject of the lawful. | nese of shedding biood to achieve political rights. Before that event. Daniel O'Connell was as absolutely the ruler of Ireland, as Nichclas Romanoff is of Russia. The old honored him for his eautious tactics; the oung, because England feared and hated him. Many | rotestante sinc evered him a4 the man whe re- loosed the tongues and arms of thousand Catholic clergymen, | quartered in every hamlet and at every cross-road, were | his capteins and his magistracy. His word was the | only Jaw in tke jand,and children were baptised with bis name, as with the name of a saint. 0 powerful and #0 well- beloved, ht in | the doctrine that “ no amount of libert: 'e0-operated with him for bis libe- | | e tar of ii and the grei ple adopted it 1 growth of a generation in Ireland, who self govern it, and whothought it a cause worth figthing tor—who, indeed, wished to fight fc it, pro- vided it could not otherwise be had. O'Connell intro- duced, in july, ’46, his test of membership in the Re- peal Association, known as* the Peace Resolations;”” and Young Ireland, believing that such » course would be fatal to success against such an enemy, seceded. In January, 1847, they formed “ the Irish Confederation,”’ out of which the heat of the continental events pro- duced this late attempt at insurrection. In 1847, Young Ireland was busy gaining over the inbabitente of the towns from ** moral force,’ and with the examples of Pius the Ninth, and the revolu- tions of last spring, we succeeded. ‘At any time dur- ing the lest six months, the towns’ peope were, in terms, committed to attempt a forcible expulsion of the British power. This townehip organization consisted of 500 clubs, in the total of about 30,000 men of the fighting age, Of these, less than baif were more or less armed in July, and the other half were acquiring arms as fast 98 they could where mone was scarce aud military weapons dear. | bave known half-employed tradesmen to stint themselves of their daily meuls in order to buy agun. Each cinb was divided into sections of ten men, with @ marter to each section, who knew, personally, each of bis ten men, And let me assure our generous American friends that though the clubs, as clubs, do | not meet now together in Ireiand, these sections near- ly all exist, and form a nucleus of future movement, which canaot be reached or crus! Tassure them of thir, both from knowledge of th m and from | the fact that, under the disarming aot, twenty stands | of arms have not yet been captured from the confede- | ral But the confederate principles did not pervads the rural populations up to the last hour, For this there are many causes. The famine of 40 and ‘47 had loft « | Jassitude after it like that which follows fever. The wasautry could not retain the heat that Mitchel, ufy and Meagher would infuse into them. They me the electricity as a shock—and it passed through them The government # it was a patent fact—that we had converted and organized the towns, but had not reached the heart of the country. They knew thatthe ciub system, formidable where population was grouped, was unsuited tothe rural districts. They, therefor Opposed the insurrection with two weapons; they cor oe niraied th forces on the towns, and ured ever: art to prevent the junction of the Catholic clergy with the revolutionary leaders this latter enter; they were materially P soon readers will consider the final fate of seven mil- | | | many, | The vice d by 9) ition of Mr. Jobn O'Cor to th - mation ofthe “irish League.’ That League, devised do by the best to swallow up u wid citizens, be Repeal Avocis- tual result would og Ireland and the Priesthood—the two vital elements of (risn politi that period. Mr. John O'Couaell oppowd it b cession of small artifices, unwortby of any man and which were only tolerated becaus*, bein, his father's fon, he was necessary to the unioa of parties Ho arked a delay of a forinight— ot « moath—aud of six weeks, Finally, when the six weeks were expired, and fer very shame, he could ask no more, he openiy ax roiled it as illegal, and intended to be. un. noile ‘The Catholic clergy, with the exception of the eour~ ageous and eloquent Bishop of Verry and hia clerzy- | men—abendoned the infwut League, and sothe con. federates w eft alone, face to face, and foet to foot, with the government Apy one who knows Ireland, socially, will know how indispensable the pricsthood are to discipline aad movement in the rnrai parts. [u many parisies the priest is the only educated man, ta nea:ly all he is tha only one who feels and toils for the people freland has no middle class, and it would be well foc her ifshe bad no gentry, But the priesthood is everywhere and revered everywhere, And this reverence has been the reward of unchanging devotion Chrough the entire seventh century the priests and proply fought ride by side, bishops commanded araier, aaa friars conduc sieges. In the penal eightewnth century ths th upon the mountains stood sentinel for the shepherds, apd many @ bloody corps bolted the paths by which they excaped. Tain satisfied thut if the church had been involved, even ever co little, in L418, we would have beaten the English But tu» biwnoprand d aries oppored the movement. or what bad just the me effect, provhecied its failure, and argued its ruin ‘The secondary clergy and the curates wao mors favorable toit, in submission to their or wera nt ‘n taking that course, the Irish clergy did not leave themselves without arguments. The bloody days of June in Paris—-the lamentable anarchy in tho city of Rome—the comparative unprepared oess of the people —the slaughter that would be made ~ the partial fa lure of the ha:vest—are all reasons for their course. Buc, assuredly, they made the revolution fat! by preaching that it would fail, At Carrick. at Castlereagh ia Tip- perary, Limerick, and Clare, they preached agaiast am uppeal to arms, and made converts, Now, the concentration of the troops in the towns and cities competed the contederases to choose ® guerrilla war or none. The situation of aa Irish town, in Avgust last, may be understood from this instance: In Dublin, as in most Irish towns, there is wn old and, a new town, The Goverament people live in the new town, and command its open'and angular atree # trom, strong public buildings, filing every vista, and qwel- ling house, nearly as strong. In the old town live the hereditary rebels who could be destroyed by a shower of shells which might be so directed #s not to lajare the other quarter in Dublin, the garrison was, on the 27th of July, 16.000 men. and it averaged, throughout, 10000, The object of making the wartare a guerrilla, one, was to drag these conceutrations to pieces, a4 the Spanish patriots did Napoleou’s armies of oceapation, and by bringing them into districts, woers only in- fantry could act with ease, to putthem more ona level with the raw levies of the people The rematnder of the course that might be taken would be to burn the towns and cities, as the Athenians did Athens, and the Rug. sians Moscow. This, | belive, would have been the re~ sult, on the news of the first royalist blood being drawa. in the rural districts, whither these cousiderations, andthe habeas corpus suspension act. bad driven our leaders, Butthe rural districts would not move with- out their clergy, and the clergy were openly adverse or | inactive. Itis not fair to assume that there was no system of operations agreed on among the confederates. ‘hero was a feasible and well understood plan, What it was, it is not advisable for me pubiicly to explain.— Benldes, | had rather afuture success should publish it than 1. Ihave no objection—quite the contrary— to explain it to any committee or circle of the frivnds of Ireland. but printing it would serve no purpose ox~ ceptto arm the enemy. ‘The conclusion I draw, from all | know of this at- tempt, {is this—that the clergy of the peoplo made a grave political mistake, aud that thas mistake was fatal to the insurrection in its incipient stages Lt would be unfairand false to say that they cannot allege strong grounds for their course; but | am, for one, fally con. Vinced, that, if they had headed the peasantry, wo would have renewed the miracle of St Putrick. | know there would be slaughter, but fever and famine, now under the protection of the British flag in Irolaad, will destroy more lives, and with worse weapons, than the sixty thousand armed men could have killed. And, then, to compare the two reeuits ! lleft Ireland at the beginning of September. despair- ing of any immediate national movement But | do not, and never shall, despair of the coua'ry. The peo- ple are not to blame that there has not been a revoiu- tion Next time they must trust in local leaders, liks the Rapparres and the Catalonian chiefs, flerce mua. and blunt. without too many ties binding them to the peace, They murt choose, too. the favorable concur rence ofa foreign war, an event which is likely to pro- cede the settlement of the newly awakened races of the continent. The extermination ofthe Irish ple is. not to be apprehended, they cling to the soil like grass, and while they eling, they hate Eagiand The name- rous emigrations of them make scarcely any sensible diminution in the parent stock. Their two strongest political feelings, are hatred to England, and a san- guine hope in Jreland. Until the good day of victory comes, all individua + of the Irish nation must only strive the more to make their names respectable by doing noble deeds—by ~ honesty, by courage, by gentleness, by genius. to save the national epirit from barrenness aud the national character from disparagement. If this late movement has produced nothing else, it has produced martyrs. It has wedded the Irish cause once more to disinte- restednoes and relf pacrifice, and next to such sages as ‘Washington, the life most vuluable to freedom is « life like Emmet'’s. offered up upon her holy altar, the scaf- fold ; such offerings have been freely made of late, in Ireland, by the self-immclation of John Mitchel, and his faithful friend John Martin; by Mr. Meagher and Mr O'Gorman, the sons of t our richest mer- by Mr. Duffy our st journalist; by John 4 Smith O'brien, men whom much fortune and many friends wooed in vain from “the thorny path of duty.’ In other revotutionsry attempts, le usually less exposed to danget a tl they have openly adventared fortun life, bit country that can be: Freedom's battle, once queathed tron bleed eed to son, ‘Tuough bafiied oft, is ever won. That it will be won in Ireland, and sooner than yn among her friends, dare hope, I believe. of loyalty is gone the root, and it but needs buta little more of Time’s teaching to make & Democratic Revolution, which will: wait for no leader- ship to strike, to make Ireland as free as the freest— even as free as this parent land of liberty itself. Requesting your indulgence for this too long letter, I remain, my dear mr. hous aie! eraly THOMAS D’ARCY McGEE, (A Traitor to the British Government.) ension ov Mn, Cuatis, rue Tax Cotector nD —The defaloations of Mr. Cui assesred taxes in Sal- or 8 the collector of It appears that, after havii New York, eat of the Ni: by the cap! lagara, for rg °§ some tem relief to his and family. Shortly afterwarde, Mir, Curtis pro to Boston, when, finding his fands somewhat low, and derpairing of getting properly settled in the States, he resolved toreturn to England Accordingly, he secured @ passege for himself and family in o vessel, which was bound for Hull, where a arrived yester- day week On leaving Boston, of the pa-sage money was paid. and the remainder was promised im- | mediately upon the arrival of the vesselat Hull. As soon as they landed. a demand wa« made upon Mr. Curtis for the balance of his fare; but he put off the payment for a day or two, and in the meantime oured lodgings in Mytton street. Some time leaving England, Mrs. Curtis had deposited £25in the bank of Messrs. Cunlifies, Brooks & Co ,and they had evidently relied upon the receipt of that money as soon asthey landed. Mrs. Curtis wrote tothe bank, and received by return of post, the halves of five £5 notes, with an aseurance that upon the reo of those being acknowledged, the other balves be forwarded. The circumstance, however. became known; Mr Adaat- fon, the clerk to the Sa! board of guardians, was communicated with upon the subject, and auly it was decided to call a joint meeting of the guardians and overseers, to consider what course should be adopted with respect to Mr. Curtis, That meeiing took place at two o'clock on Saturday, when it was errant for his apprehension. ce was procured in the course of d at half-past six o'clock an applion~ tion was made to the mayor for a warrant against Mr. Curtis, for obtaining money under false pretences — Evidence of his having received money after he had ceased to be the collector was tendered, and the appli- cation was granted. The warrant was din the banda of Mr. Stephen Neal, the superintendent of the Salford police, who proceeded by the first train to {Lull and surprised’ Mr. Curtis in bed about ten o'sleck om Sunday morning. On seeing the superintendent, he said, © Oh, I) know what you have come for; | will get up and go with you.” His arrest was immediately tele- rapbed tothe authcrities of Salford He arrived im Sianebester about eleven o'clock yesterday moraing, and was taken to the Town Hail, but there being no magistrate prevent, bis exawination was adjourned to this morning. The overseers of the borough will be the prosecuting parties, but how they will shape their charge seme at present uncertain. — Manchester Ex- aminer, Sept, 19. Cane Meeting — Sixevnar.—A camp-meeting wes held in the vicinity of New Lebanon, tn this State, on the Ist inst, During the meeting 136 mem- bers were added to the church, and 90 professed reli- gion, On Tuesday evening a phenomenon ocourred which created no little exet'ement During an inter= Inignion of servicer, a young lady 22 years of ago who bad been deaf and dumb from infancy. was sittiog tm a tent where some persons were singing. when sho was observed to be somewhat excited. In about two min+ utes after this was observed, she sprang from ber seat, shouting ‘“giory'’’ She has spoken several times since.—Connersville (Ia) Telegroph, cage