The New York Herald Newspaper, September 8, 1848, Page 1

Se -of any attempt to detract from the merit of his oppo- NO. 5210. Jacob Barker on General Taylor’s Election, #8 unnecessary to quote it. He then rend a resolu- New Yonux, 5th Sept., 1848, Jaws Gonnon Bennett, Erq Dear Sir,—You ask what will be the course of the original Southern friends of General Taylor, in relation to the election of Mr. Fillmore? I answer that they will support him with the eame fidelity they do the hero of Buena Vista. They nominated General Tay- lor from an earnest desire for peace with Mexico, and from a conviction that a vigorous prosecution of the ‘war was the best; in fact, the only way to procure an honorable peace. To promote that object, together with a wholesome restraint on the exercise of the veto power, and a reformation in the administration of the finances of the uation, they wished to see Gene- | ral Taylor elected, and they fondly hoped, from his | peculiar fitness for the station, that the Baltimore, as well as the Philadelphia convention, would have con- | curred in his nomination, The Baltimore convention | preferred another; we, therefore, owe them nothing. | ‘The Philadelphia convention confirmed our nomina- tion, superadding that of Mr. Fillmore for the Vice Presidency. This was a fair compromise; it, therefore, behooves us to support Mr Fillmore with tke same fidelity we expect hin friends to support General Tay- lor, and we shall faithfully perform such duty, with- out stopping to inquire how far others may act with the same good faith. All should remember that every | institution of society, and particularly the constitu- | tion of the United States, is the result of compromise, | Gen, Taylor stands before the public committed to leave | all matters of national policy to the decision of the peo- Ple’s immediate representatives. No man acquainted ‘with the General. will doubt as to his carrying outthat opinion to the letter. He is honest, prompt, intelli- | mnt, and highly qualified to ditcharge the duties of | o Presidency. Not so familiar with diplomacy as Mr. Clay or Mr. Webster, and those gentiemen may vainly imagine these qualifications escential for a candidate for the Presidency, the people believe that other qualifications posssssed by General Taylor, and not by these other gentlemen, are quite as important. General Washington and General Jackson were both of the army, and they administered the executive de- partment quite as well a8 Mr. Tyler or Mr. Polk, who ‘were not of the army. The original friends of General ‘Taylor, considering his past life a sufficient pledge for ‘the future, and so far from wishing him to wear their livery, or pledge himself to any course, they believe it to be far more important to him to adhere to the indo- pendent position he origi’ ally assumed, than to be elected President of the United States. ‘Should he be elected, the people will have a President free to act ac- cording to his best judgment, uninfluenced by party pledges or a kitchen cabinet. It admitted at the South as well as at the North,that slavéry and wars are great curres; in this sentiment General Taylor participates ; yet, sooner or later, we must have a war to exterminate British rale fcom this continent, and will any one pretend that General T ler would not be the best President for the perform- ‘ance of such a holy work ? His friends do not approve nents. They think favorably of their candidates, and that either General Cass or Mr. Van Buren would make a good President if elected. They consider Gene- ral Taylor preferable, and most likely to administer the government in accordanse with the wishes of the whole peop'e. Yet, if either of the other two should be elected, the nation would have occasion to be procd of their President. As to slavery,as it now exists, they all three, as faras I have been enabled to discover, hold the same opinions—therefore, no preference on that score—and, as to its extension, I cannot believe that any sensible man wishes to see it extended. It ‘would be a lasting disgrace to this republic to autho- rise slavery in countries where it does not now exist. Ta saying this, | speak only for myself; yet it is my opinion that such would be the genera! opinion in Louisiana,if the subject sbould there be discussed and considered. The citizens of that State are, like most ether people, attached to their own interest. They do not raise slaves for sale ; they do not emigrate to new countries for ogricultural pursuits ; their soil is as good as can be wished. ith more lands than the owners can supply with hands for a century to come, they are purchasers rather than sellers of slaves; hence, it is not for their interest to extend the market and thereby augment the price of slaves. I believe, further, ‘that the whole South would gladly agree that all the slaves should be paid for from the United States trea- sury, made free, and sent to the newly acquired territo- ty, and there formed into a separate nation, to be governed by themselves. A great portion of such territory I consider worthless to this nation for any other purpose—or if New and Old England wish other- wise to emancipate them, they have only to send back their ships which brought them South with the money for which they sold these unfortunate men into very, and the present holders will gladly exchange them back. Britain foreed them on her colonies, which Wirginia resisted to the utmost of her power, and those -who sent them into elavery cannot, with any grace, ask their emancipation from those to whom they sold them, without returning the money, Thave resided among those people for the last four- teen years, during all which time I have defended the free colored inhabitants to the best of my ability, with- out accepting any fees for my services, and have ex- pended every doliar I could afford in experiments to rove tothe slave holders that it would be for their aterest to employ free laborers in preference to slave and otherwise in the ‘the slaves of Loui: er better fed, clothed, cared for when sick, and happier than the working classes of any other part of the habitable globe; they have not any care for the morrow—no terrer of quarter-day— can marry and have as many children ar they like. All this, however, does not sanctify the institution of slavery, and should not abate the zeal of freemen for their emancipation, The friends of free soil, as well as the abolitionists, should read, from the Delta news- aper, published at New Orleans on the 27th of August, Teds, the speech herewith, of General Preston, in rela tion 'to Mr. Fillmore, delivered at Lafayette, La. Heis | one of the most respectable, talented, and worthy citi- zens of that place, and whose object was to make capi- tal for Gen Cass. After reading this speech, let the free soil men say whether they will cast off Mr. Fillmore by voting for | Mr. Van Buren; they cannot both be elected. By | voting for Mr. Van Buren, they not only prefer Gen. | Cass to Gen, Taylor, but they cast off Mr. Fillmore, -and what is of the highest importance, they throw | away their yotes. As it does not seem possible, in the present organization of parties, to elect Mr. Van Bu- Fen, I woul: y to all parties, as [ would to man and wife, in case of domestic contention, compromise your differences; yield your prejudices; abstain from ‘all unkind reflections and co.operate for the general good, How can the free aoil men. the abolitionist and the slaveholder, do this better, thanjby the support of Gen. Taylor and Mf. Fillmore? , To do ny good to the colored people, some practi- cable plan inust be devised to send them off, or to fit | them for freedom at home. Suppose it were possible to turnthree or four millions of uneducated free ln- borers, penniless, at once on this community, I would ask, would it be prudent todo so? Would our wives and daughters like to encounter such a macs? Would the German, Irish, or other laborers, like thus to be el- bowed out ef their accustomed occupation? If not, Jet them beware how they favor any project leading to sucha result. And to these men, | think I havea right to say a word or two, being a working man my- aelf, and having, during @ long life, been their fast friend and advocate. and expecially +0 of the adopted citizens; the Irish in particular know this,and | ray to them, if General Taylor snould beelected, they will have a President whose benevolence is proverbial,and | -who will sympathise with the oppressed of all nations. isay this emphatically from « personal acquaintance with that good man. Very respectfully, your obedient servant. JACOB BARKER, tion of Mr Giddings, im favor of the principle stated, in the first of the ‘Atherton resolutions, as even more full apd conceding than that for voting for which, in company with Giddings, Adams, and others, Mr. Fillmore was to be saved from the impatation of abolitioniem, It was not true. as had been stated that the pamphiet of the Central Committee pre- tended to give all the Atherton resolutions. Onthe contrary, the words of the pamphiet were, “among others,” and the resolutions wero numbered, No 2, No, 3 Ge., implying that No. 1 was omitted. Judge P. then recupitulated Mr, Fillmore’s votes in favor of the recep- tion of petitions to naturalize negroes; in favor of di- plomatic intercourse with the insurgent negrds of Hayti ; im favor of suspending the rules, to introduce a law abolishing the law of Florida, forbidding free negroes coming into that territory He referred to other resolutions, in which attempts were made by Congress to interfere with the laws of the States, pro- hibiting the introduction of free negroes, and raid that Mr. Fillmore never failed to vote in favor of suspending the rules, to entertain such petitions; also, to Fill- more’s opposition to the annexation of Texas, andin favor of receiving petitions to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. He said that these petitions came from women and children, who were never in the Dis- | trictin their lives ; from negroes in Mr Fillmore’s own county. He combatted the idea that the question of the right of receiving petitions, was involved in the reception of there petitions. Suppose some madmen were to pourinto the Council of Lafayette, petitions to burn down the Municipal Hail (hy-the- by, it would be no great loss), would the Council listen to them, er go any further than to lay them onthe table? The abolition petitions were received, but very properly were not debated or acted upon. Judge P. then intro- duced the resolutions of Mr. Giddings, approving of the conduct of the negroes who rose on the Creole, and murdered the captain and crew. Mr. Fillmore yo ed against laying the resolutions on the table, with Dawron, White and Moore, from this State. He was willing to give him all the credit claimed for him on account of this vote, and to suppose that he voted against laying the resolution on the table from a de- sire to dixpose of the matter immediately. But, in the subsequert proceedings. on the resolution to censure Mr. Giddings— yeas. 126; nays, 69—Adams, Fillmore, Slade and others, were among the na: Next the vote was on the preamble, which states the atrocity of Gid- dings? offence—yeas, 119; nays, G6—among the nays, Feseenden, Fillmore and the rest. A man who is un- willing to censure such an act as that perpetrated by Giddings, is an unfit man for the Vice Presidency of the Union. As to Fillmore’s renunciation of any right to interfere with slavery in the States, he hus not gone even as far as Giddings ; for he has used the phrase “ what they termed their property.” Judge P. then dwelt with great vigor and earnestness upon the danger of the agitation, encouraged, if not set on foot by Fillmore. He said his experience, as prosecutor, had convinced him that free negroes were the worst population in the world, whilst our slaves were peuceable, quiet and happy; that it would be im- possible for the whites and frec colored negroes to exist together. Fillmore was the cool, calcu- lating encovreger and supperter of schemes, which Giddings and Stade, froma spirit of enthusiasm, were induced to bring forward. He was more dangerous than either, being more talented, cool, and sagacious. He contended that Fillmore. if he had not been nomi- pated by the whigs, would have joined the free soil party, The great danger from electing Mr. Fillmore grew out of the fact, that he will have the casting vote in the Senate on the subject of slavery, there being fifteen slavery and fifteen anti-slavery votes, Judge P. referred to the course of the Mayor of La- fayette, in warning the free 8 il men to be caatious in their language, and not violate the provisions of our code, But he thought the Mayor ought to go a little further, and denounce the conduct and senti- mente of the candidate of his party for the Vice Presidency. Every Louisianian ought to discard him, as utterly unworthy the confidence of our people. Let Louisiana do her duty by the rights of the South ; let her not be seduced away by Northern tricks and guises. but present a bold, solid, and united front of opposition to one of their bitterest foes, Millard Fill- more. At the conclusion of his speech, Judge Preston was bighly applauded ; and, after three checra to him and three cheers to Cass and Butler, the meeting adjourned. The Unwritten History of the Mexican War —The Battle of Molino del Rey. To James Gorvon Bennetr:— Sin:—So little seems to be known of the true details of the battle of Molino del Rey, or of the circumstances under which it was fought, that I am influenced to send you the accompanying com- munication, for publication in your widely circu- lated journal, in the hope that it may prove inte- resting to many of your readers, and possibly loosen some of the erroneous impressions that seem to have fastened upon the public mind in re- lation to this battle. BATTLE OF MOLINO DEL REY, The fatal Tacubaya armistice, which, after repeated violations on the part of the enemy, General Scott de- cided to terminate, was declared at an end on the 6th of Septmber, 1847. | Immediately thereafter, the enem: began to make dispositions for the defence of his capi- t Early on t) th, it was reported to Gen. Sco‘t that the enemy was taking up pcsition at Molino del Rey and its vicinity, immediately in the neighborhood, ard under the guna, of Chapultepec. From the top of the Bishop's Palace, situated on the heights of Tacubaya, the general movements of the enemy could be distinctly seen, and thither General Scott, accompanied by General Worth, repaired to re- copnoitre. As was natural, under the circumstances, the pro- bable objects and intentions of theenemy became the | subject of discussion between the twe generals. General Worth believed the enemy was preparing for general battle, so expressed himself to General Scott, and advised an immediate attack, with all our disposable force, before the enemy should have time to complete bis preparations. General Scott thought differently; informed General Worth that Molino del Rey was a foundry in active operation, casting guns and shot, boring cannon,&e .and stated that the display force was to protect the foundry during the fabrica- tion of materiel, which the enemy stood greatly in need of. > Deeming the destruction of the foundry of impor- tance to our future operations, he dirocted Worth, with bis division, to brush away the enemy, cripple the machinery. pike or destroy the guns, and withdraw his troops to Tacubaya. ‘This was understood by Ge- neral Scott to be a partial operation, necessary, and preparatory, to the final battle for the city; he de- signed it to be a coup-de main, accomplished under cover of the night, and Worth made his preliminary dispositions accordingly. Satisfied from his own observation, and confirmedin his belief by subsequent reconnoissances, that the enemy had other objects in view than the protection of the foundry, General Worth was apprehensive that the work wight be too heavy for his division, unsup- ported ; and to meet, the exigency that might possibly arise, he requested that his own division might be rein- forced, which was accordingly done, with Cadwalader’s brigade. Vor. reasons that were satiefactory to himecif, and must be soto any military man whohas the slightest claims to a knowledge of his profession, he determined to take up his positions in the night, but to defer the attack till daylight ; having communicated the final orders to his subordinate commanders, being indis- posed, he retired. Soon after, the ordnance officer in charge of the heavy guns for the morrow, came to Ge- neral Worth’s quarters, and informed soveral officers DEMOCRATIC MEETING IN LAFAYETTE. Agreeably to the notice published in the papers, the Cass and Butler Club of Lafayette assembled in goodly ‘uuumbers at Philip Harty’s coffee-house, to hear Judge Preston's reply to the challenge of the Rough and Ready Club, and justification of the pamphlet against Mr. Fillmore. The meeting was called to order by M. Greiner, the President—Judge McGarey acted as Vico President. and Thomas Lagan as Secretary. The Pre- sident then explained the circumstances connected with the publication of fhe penn at against Mr. Fill- moro, and the challenge of the Rough and Ready Club tojustify that document, and concluded by calling on Judge Preston to respond to this challenge. This ve- nerable and sturdy democrat rose and was receivad with much applause. The Judgo proceeded to explain the reasons why he did not accept the challenge of Mr. Adams. They were, that the language employed by that individual was of so abusive and ecandalous a na- ture, that it would neither promote the tc and quiet of the community, nor eomport with his own self-re- spect to meet him in public debate--that Mr. Adams, when he ured such vile language as that he would tear the horns from his, Judge P.'s y hairs, might havo known that he could not be met by him in puolic de- bate. But, as the subject has been taken up ina be- | energy to supply this important deficiency, coming spirit by a respectable club, he did not hesi. | Scott also tate to come forward to sustain that pamphlet. He, Uke all democrats, sought nothing but the truth, and the whole truth, and tl to disouss principles and facts in a spirit of moderation and roa- son, and without indulging in denunciation, abuse or inflammatory language. ; .; Judge P. then sketched thé origin of slavery, going there present. shat he was directly from General Scott, to whom he had explained General Worth’s dispositions, and that he, (General Scott), disapproved them, eaying that General Worth must have misunder- stood or disregarded his instructions, as he intended the attack to be made in thenight, and the troops to be withdrawn to Tacubaya before daylight. Instead of communicating this intelligence to Ge- nerrl Worth, it was considered ble that am of- ficer should go to General Scott, and state to him again what General Worth’s dispositions were, and the reasons that bad influenced him to make them, in order that there might be no misunderstanding on the part of General Scott, in relation to the approaching operations, This was accordingly done. The officer found General Scott at supper, with several other of- ficers present ; the subject of his visit was immediately taken up, and discussed in length and breadth by Ge- neral Scott, who stated that from the most reliable sources, he had positive information that Molino del Rey, was a foundry in full blast, casting guns and shot, from bells taken from the churches in the city ; that our recent captures had so crippled the enemy in materiel, that many of his works were without guns to defend them, and that he was bending his whole General iccussed at length the subject of military night attacks, sayingall that any bedy could say in fa vor of them,and much more than sound military theor: could approve, or experience illustrate. The prinetpal, if not the only. argument he urged against an attack Wy daylight, was that his troops would be exposed to | the destructive fire from Chapultepec.” After thoroughly discussing this side of the question, ‘back tothe remotest ages. He quoted the Bible to he was pleased to consider the argument, on the other show that tlavery was recognised both by the old and | Amongst which were—Ist, That ic was at least possible new dispenrations. He also referred to Grecinn his- | thatthe work might prove more difficult than was an- tory to show that slavery oxisted among that en- | ticipated. 24, That the artrllery fire, which im day- lightened peeple. He then sketched the origin of light would be of groat value, in the night must be abolitionisn in New England, and showed how that | Useless, and might prove worse than useless, Sd, That rty endeavored to introdues thelr petitions by cart- | all experience showed that artillery fire from elevated joads into Congress. He related the anecdote which Reeltens need not be dreaded, and Cerro Gordo and produced the Patton resolutions, It was a trick to Monterey were cited as examples, to illustrate that smuggle in an abolition petition, under the pretence | Chapultepec would exercise but litle influence in the that it was signed by some Virginia ladies, Oncxam- | battle. seal: ination, it turned ont that the signors were negro | General Worth’s order of battle was again Inid bo- ches, and the trick was exposed. The indignation | fore and explained to Gen, Soott, who was pleased to of the Southern members was fo great, that they re- | approve it inevery particular, except the following:— tired to consult, and then Mr. Patton brought in the | Worth bad ordered Col. Garland, with hia brigade, resolution to lay all abolition petitions on the table, | in case circumstances favored the movement, to follow Mr. Fillmore voted against this resolution, Judge P. | up the blow on Molino del Rey, and make alodgement then introduced the Atherton resolutions. which he | inthe grove at the base ef pultepec, with a view to read, and showed how Mr. Fillmore votod against | facilitate au assault upon this work, should it become every ne except the first, which denied the right of | necerrary, or be thought advisable. the 1 government to abolish slavery in the Thin General Scott disapproved decidedly, and or- States, and A votlag against thie, he ‘did no more || dered the cfficer who bad waited upon him, teretarn than Slade, Giddings, Adams, and other ayowed | to Gen. Worth, and inform him tharit was his (Gen, abolitie ints did omission of this first resolu. | Scott’r) positive inetructions, that no matter how ft tee w goiea a Sent ‘The ebarge ag ges false. rh ips. pe ey, oti tl Ket ag Cheputte Toe. rey nore The resolution was immaterial, It did not form | apy demonstration to any subject of dispute or debate, and, therefore, it | all the information he had received, his line of attack i upon the city would be to the right of Chayuitepec, and that once in the city Chapultepec, must fall by its own weight, Gen. Scott’s instructions on this point, as well as his approval on others, were duly com. municated to Gen. orth the same night, and thy battle was fought the next morning, with such results as I shall hereafter show. The official repert of Gen. Worth explains the de- tails of the battle; and it is believed that, under the cirevmstances, it will stand the test of the severest sorutiny. It is contended by some that the battle had no re- sults, and, therefore, the sacrifice of life was unneces- tary and culpable. Admitting this to be true for a moment, how far was Gen, Worth responsible for it? True it is, there was no foundry at Molino del Rey to destroy; but was Gen. Worth’ responsible for that? or was Gen. Scott, under whose orders Worth fought the battle, responsible for it? If @ commanding general allows himself to be de- ceived by erroneous information, or mistake the movements of the enemy, and bases his operations upon false data, the mistake is his own; and to hold his subordinates accountable for it, would be to intro- duce a principle of military responsibility as novel as it would be unjust. Berides, the battle of Molino del Rey was far from being barren of results. It is not the number of can- non captured, prisoners taken, or mon killed. that constitutes the importance of a battle; and this im- portant fact ought never to be lost sight of in military discussions. The battles of Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo were fought at Buena Vista, nearly two months before, and over eight hundred wiles distant. The direct results of the battle of Molino del Rey were, first, in the morale. The fact that three thou- sand men afraulted more than four times their num- her, strongly intrenched. and, after a desperate strug- gle, forced this almost impregnable position at every point. with immense loss to the enemy, set back the morale of the Mexican army to Churubusco, a point whence it began to be elevated by the unfortunate armistice. All the enemy’s artillery was taken, together with a large amount of ammunition, and upwards of eight hundred prisoners, including fifty officers, the best troops of the Mexican army. These were direct re- tults. The collateral were ‘irst—It proved to Gea. Scott that the fire from Chapultepec upon the plain below was not so “ destructive” as he had anticipated, as not one man was killed or wounded by it during the entire day. What influence this may have had in determing Gen. Scott to attack via Chapultepec, in- ptexd of via San Antonio, itis impossible to say; but the influence it was entitled to exercise is apparent, But what is of most importance, is the fact that the attack upon Chapultepec being determined upon, the battle of Molino del Rey had to be ght, General Scott decided to attack, via Chapultepec, on the 11th. ‘The preliminary battle had been fought three days before. at Molino del Rey. On the 12th, General Pillow took poseession of the ground of Molino del Rey, and plauted his batteries against Chapultepec, without firing a shot. or the loss of asingle man, Could this have been done on the Sth. or could it bave been done on the 12th, but for the battle of the 8th? The answer is plain to auy mili- tury man having even a smattering of the principles of his prefession. Others contend, that bad Worth attacked in the night, as General Scott designed and ordered, the loss would bave been lers. It has been before shown, that General Scott approved cf Worth’s dispositions; and it is well he did: for, bad the attack been made in the night. our forces must have been defeated, beyond a poesibility of doubt. Others, again, contend that Worth did not make sufficient use of his artillery; indeed, Col. Hitchcock, in a letter published in the Courier §- Enquirer of the Ast of March, 1848, attributes the loss at Molino del Rey to the circumstance that Worth did not emplo; more artillery, when be had ‘8 “superabundancdl st his disporal. ‘A more wicked perversion of fact. than is here deliberately set forth, it is difficult to conceive. Colonel Hitchcock was present at the interview with General Scott before alluded to, and must have heard General Scott say to the officer who waited on him, “ that whatever work was to be done, must be done by Worth, with the means he had placed at his disposal; and if he called upon him for more, he would do a very foolish thing.”? here, +t is believed, were his very words, and I know that Colonel Hitchcoek hoard them; and whether he did hear Gen. Scott make this declsration or not; Col. Hitchcock must have known that there never was a ‘superabundance”’ of artillery with the American army from the time it left the beach at Vera Cruz, till it entered the Garitas of the city of Mexico. It must be borne in mind that this was un- derstocd by Gen Scott to bea patial operation. ex- pected to exercise no direct influence on the fall of the city. The only gunsthat could have been used with effect against Molino del Rey, were guns of heavy calibre,and the critical position of the army at that time, fully warrented the belief that all the heavy metal we had would be necessary to reduce the city. ‘These considerations were duly weighed in determin- ie ne amount of artillery that was employed in this attle. It is an easy task to criticise military movements and operations after the campaign is over, and it often happens that those who have the clearest heads and stoutest hearts. after the crisis had passed, were the very men who had the dullest intellects and the whitest lips on the day of battle. lie who undertakes to discuss military operations with honesty of purpose, ought to surround himself with the circumstanc which, at the time. rounded the actors whore achievements he criticises. Apply this rule to the battle of Molino del Rey, and what is the result? The reconnoissance of the position was made by Captain Mason, of the Engineers, than whom no officer of the army was hetter qualified to execute the work tho- roughly. The reconnoiseance was industriously prose- cuted from the moment Gen. Scott determined to assault the position. It was made in open day, andin sight of both armies, and was incomparably the closet and boldest reconnoissance offthe war Ail the infor- mation was obtained that, under the circumstances, could have been obtained ; the number and calibre of the enemy’s guns were accurately ascertained. The number of troops displayed was correctly estimated, and the strength of the position determined as nearly as possible, and this information seemed to bv con- firmed by that which Gen. Scott had received through other channels, With these lights before him—all that could be obtained—General Worth made his dirpositions for battle. The enemy, after night- fall, reinforced his position, and instead of moet- ing three thousand men the hext morning, he met twelve thousand, posted in the strongest position that has beem assaulted since the war began. The desperate character of the contest may be es- timated from the fact that out of a force of little more than one half the numerical strength, more men were killed or wounded in forty minuves than in the two lorious days of Buena Vista. No battle that has ever feon foughe upon the American continent equal to itin severity; nor asa whole, do Europe surpass it. That the loss was great. deplore; but that under the circumstances it was ne- cessary, none can honestly deny. The battle once begun, had to be lost or won; it might have been lost at a less sacrifice; but no Ame- rican would not have preferred victory, even at double the cost—at least such I know was the feeling of those engaged in the struggle, and their opinion is entitled to some consideration. The new combinations upon the field, rendered ne- ceseary by a change of circumstances, were judiciously made, with the rapidity of thought, and as promptly executed; all that human effort could accomplish was done. Seldom, if ever, has a command found itself in a moreimminently critical position, and never did troops under equally trying circumstances bear them- selves more sebenty: ‘The facts which | havo detailed were in my posees- sion, and all of them were in possession of nobody else, I have given them publicity as an act of justice, due alike to the reputation of the iving and the me- mory of the dead; and I-trust they may be received by those who may take the trouble to read them, in the same spirit in which they are written pedo 4 Intelligence. Cnriexet Maten.—The second game of the match between the first elevens of the New York and St. George’s Cricket Clubs was played on the ground of | the first-named club, at Hoboken, on the 6th inst., and was won by the Mapes <4 lub, the New York- ers giving up the game a little after sundown, with one wicket to go down. The following is the score ;— New York Cxvn. Second Innings. First Innings. Sams, bi froom 44... . b. Wrigh “Sutton, yb. Wich Seige 8 Gay'er b’ Grecmn wi . Wheatoroft, b. Wright. . not out , not out . 08 Wide . Bl Rom ceccecnn als * Sr. Gronor’s Ciun, Blackburn, Bewied Cuyp Roberta, ¢. Sutton, b Cuyp. Koure, bowled Cuy; Groom, ¢. Sams, |). Ciyp ight, bowled Sams |, Green, nov out... Buckley, ¢. Svtton,’b; Cayp. fy In conaequenee of the absence of five of their first eleven, the New York Club were, unfortunately (for such should be the feeling. 1 from a thousand, persons.) Noy no! tical death; and better for us to raise our standard and die nobly, if we have to die. originated with the prospect of success. That is not the motive. It is not because we think,we can elect Mr. Clay, that we have embarked in this course. No, this is rather the forlorn hope of the nation, and we are called upon tosay something in justific courre we justify us in the course we are now taking. Woe think ow HENRY CLAY DEMONSTRATION. The Ashlanders, The Slashers, The Clay Clubs, &e., &e., &e,, in the Field, YOMINATION OF HENRY CLAY AND MILLARD FILLMORE. Pursuant to, notice published in the daily papers, the fnends and adherents of Henry Clay, of Ash- land, assembled last evening, en masse, at Vauxhall Garden, in the Bowery, for the purpose ot taking into consideration what was proper to be done by them in the ensuing Presidential election; feeling that under the present state of the political world, | they cannot, with consistency, abandon their old | chief, and vote for the nominee of the whig Na- tional Convention—the hero of Buena Vista. Oa arnving at the place of meeting, our reporters found it and the adjoining neighbourhood in a | State of great commotion, and a large flag waving | acroes the entrance of Vauxhall. In addition to | this, there was a brass band playing most lustily, ‘ Tlere’s to you, Harry Clay,” and other favorite Clay-whig airs, such as have been played at the Clay celebrations in this city regularly every year, | since the election of Mr. James K. Polk to the Presidency, in the year, A.D., 1844, The interior ot the room in which the meeting was held, was | decorated with various flags and banners, and at the time appointed, was filled with a large and enthusiastic assemblage ot Clay men of all ages— from the young aspirant to political honors, of six- teen, to the aged and veteran Willis Hall, the par- ticular personal friend of Mr. Clay. At a fair estimate, the number of persons present was be- tween four and five thousand ; but to gauge by the strength of their lungs and the heartiness with h they applauded, whenever Mr. Clay’s name was mentioned, it might be supposed that there was double that number in attendance. After the meeting in the large room was organised, it was found insufficient to contain all present, and another meetiag was arranged in the spacious | garden attached to the premises, which was cha- racterised by the same enthusiasm for Mr. Clay, | as that which marked the one inside. ‘ The Hon. Willis Hall was elected to preside. Mr. Haut then spoke as follows ;—Fellow-citizeas : I | am requested on behalf of my associates, to return | you thanks for the honor you have conferred on them | on this occasion. They ure degply sensible, that in | nominating them to sit and preside over this meeting, you have intended to indicate that you have cou. fidence in the sternness of their political principles ; that they are men of honor and deserve to be honored, For myself, fellow-citizens, | know not what language is appropriate and sufficient, to acknowledge the honor which I feel you have done me, in placing me in the sitiuation which I now hold. If our great chief, (tremendous applause, waving of hats, ke, which | Jasted for some minutes) It is with pain and mortification that I am obliged to say, that a very laage portion of our brethren of the wlig party, ditier | from Us on this occasion. They condemn our course #s hostile, in naming our political father for the office | of chiet magistrate. (Great applause.) They con- demn us as proceeding irregularly, and in hostility to the best interests of the whig party. I regret that regret that the whig ty does not movein masses. ( We do, we do move n masses for Henry Clay.’ Cheers. “ No we don't.” * Hurrah for Taylor!’ “Put him out,’ and some noise ) Fellow-citizens, this interruption causes no disturbance to me. Iam pleased to hear my fellow- citizens express themselves freely on this and other subjects ; but we claim the same right for ourselves, and we Will express ourselves freely too. (Applause | and cheer, and cries of “ yes,’ and loud too.) A fellow-citizens,@ portion of our brethren—I will not speak harshly or unkindly—do think that we are pro- ceeding irregularly, and ray that instead of Mr. Clay, | we should go for General Taylor. (No! no!” my fellow- citizens, we cannot go for General Taylor. (Cries of never, never ) To do 0, would be but incurring poli- This movement is not ion of the ave taken, and therefore I shall briely touch on some of the reasons which we think will ¢ not bound by the nomination of the Philadel- phia convention (no, no, no.) and for various reasons, and among them some of the most prominent are, that that convention has nominated a candidate for the Bi MORNING EDITION.---FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1848. | With whigs from loco foco States, | They nominated He, Whom the Courier culls no“ ultra whig,”’ But © Availability ”” Oh, Harry Clay, & Their choice among tt They did pretend Was tho“ embodime ‘The noble Harry Clay But by their votes they proved to us Twas nought but treachery ; for 4 man, » ke candidates, ys of their principles, | Oh, Harry Clay, &e , &e But Oh! how much mistaken Have they found themselves to be, Since right will not give up to might, Nor gulllbility. We want whig doctrines sound and trac, And a President whig to be No Allison platform on which to stand, Nor “ Avoilability.”’ Ob, * Harry Clay,” &e. &e. And now to whigs, who are true whigs, Phis call must surely be To cive up men with principles, Vor “ Availability.’* A military chieftain’s good, But in his sphere should stay; We want a “ statesman’ for our guide, And he is Henry Cla Oh, * Harry Clay, Now, Taylor, he will ne'er give you His views be what they may, So we'll vote for one that’s frank and true, Our own dear Harry Clay; His principles are known to all, And we have heard hin say, He'd rather “ be right than President;”" So we'll vote for Harry Clay, Ob, “ Harry Clay,” &e,, &e. Mr. Hatt continued when order was restored. The man whom I allude to—of whose prineiples we have a perfect knowledge from early life—is one who has never deceived us—has always been frank—has always given us his opinions. You all remember that a faw years since an embarrassing question of much importance arose. Mr. Clay expressed his intentions of express- ing his views on the subject. His friends crowded around him and begged that he would not, lest it might compromise him and affect his political proape He asked them if those views of his were right. 1, they said, his views were right; but to express them might hazard his political prospects. It was then he said, in the words of yonder motto, (pointing to an in- scription on a flagon the wall.) “1! would rather be right than be President.” (Great outburst of ap- laure, with waving of hats, &c) Fellow-citizens, the riends of General Taylor will take exception, per- haps, that we know not hie principles on a single point. He says, in his Allison letter, that he will acquiesce in the action of Congress; but he does not tell them what his opinions are, He say he will allow Congress to act, and will not veto their decision. Now, is there any man here s0 “ green” in political life as not to know that a veto is seldom or ever used against Congress ? It has pot been done in England for two hundred years. Dowe not know that with the aimost unbound- ed patronage that an Executive possesses—with a to- reign office hanging over one momber-—with a consul ship over another, the penalty of whose disobedience is loss of it—think you that a President cannot have their votes to turnany way the national measures that come before them? There is nothing more easy than to thwart any measure that Congress may wish to pass. This Allison letter is, therefore, nothing at all. We have no pledge, therefore, of what General Taylor's course would be in case of his election. There fs Another reaton why we are not called upon to vote for the nomination of a candidate for the Presidency by the Philadelphia convention; it is because the nomi. nation of General ‘Taylor was unfairly procured. (Yes, yes, from a great many.) I will briefly explain to you what I mean by this. 1 do not want to charge Gen. Taylor with anything dishonorable; he has been consistent from first to last; but I cannot say the same of those who were concerned in that operation, You all know, that before Gen. Taylor was nominated, it was ascertained that he could uot get the nomination, if it was understood that he would not be bound by it. Mr. Fuller. of Monroe county, offered a resolution, that the whigs of New York could not be bound by that convention, if they did not nominate a whig who would be the exponent of whig principles. Before any action was taken on this, the delegation from Loui- siana rove, and pledged the convention that Gen, q After the » &e., Ke. Taylor would be bound by that convention. convention had heard this pledge, you know the result. And there is no question tliat that result was procured by the statement that Gen. Taylor would be bound by that convention. Now, has Gen, Taylor made any pledge that he would be bound by that convention’ Does not his subsequent actions show that he never intended to be Lound by it? In one month afterwards, when the nomination was sent to him | from Charleston, with Mr. Butler as Vice Prosident, he accepted it, and they knew when ‘they tendered him the nomination, that he was with the demo- crats who made it. If thereforo, he was nominated by | the whig convention, under the impression that he was pledged to that convention, his nomination was made under fa)se pretences—not, certainly, on the part of General Taylor, for ho made no representations to the convention whatever. You all know that # nomina- tion made under such circumstances, under false im- pressions, cannot be binding. There is another reason, also, why they did not support General Taylor. There was the questihn of free soil—a question which had ‘ow gota fast hold of the public mind. and was strenu- ously supported by the whig party. (Cheers) In all probability, General Taylor would be found directly oppored to the whig party on this question, At any rate, after the most careful consideration I can give to | the course which he has thought fit to take with regard support of the whig party, who says that he will not be the candidate or exponent of the principles of that party. (Right, right.) Fellow citizens. allow me to speak calmly and familiarly with you, for a few mo- ments. We aro the whig party. We sent our dele- gates to Philadelphia for the purpose of nominating a representative of our party—an exponent of the princiciples of thct party. Where do those delegates et their authority to nominate a man who has said Eo would ‘not be the exponent of our pringiples ? (That's a fact—Geod—Southern dictation!) No, we all know that the authority of an agent is com- me-surate with the power given to him by his rincipals. We all know that an agent cannot Bina is constituent beyond the power granted to him, We all know that if we employ an agent to buy a horse for us, he cannot compel us to purchase aship. 1 do not say that General Taylor may not be right in his position, as a no-party candi- date; lam not here to agitate the question of the ne- cessity of party; but ty is the only way by which the sense of a people can be ascertained, and no free government can exist without party—without it they are liable to beabused and destroyed. General Tay- lor takes the position that he will not be the candidate of any party. In thishe may be right; but where did that ‘convention get authority to nominate such a wan! Did you authorise that convention to dissolve the whig party? No. They have, therefore, gone be- ond their authority, in nominating » man who said he would not be the exponent of whig principles, and we are, therefore, not bound by the nomination of that convention. Another reason we have for reject- ing this nomination is, that we know not what Gen. Taylor's principles are. His friends are very fond of comparing his position to that of George Washington. (Hisses.) Gentlemen, there is not the remotest com- parison between them. (No, no.) General Washing- ton was taken from civil life and made general of our armies. After the war, in which he displayed talents, civil as well as military, he was elected President of the convention that formed the constitution; and no men in our country had been more familiar with our government, no man-was more familiar with every question that was discussed in that convention, and his opinions were known to all the people—almoxt to every meninthenation Where, then, is the resem- blance between General Taylor and General Wash- ington? Im that respect the comparison fails abso- lutely. Again: General Taylor has never, by precept or pratice, developed his views on puvitd | questions. What has he said to indicate what his principlesare? What bas he done to indicate them? Nothing. Fellow citizens, is this a popular go- yernment? Is this isa government of the people’ I this a government bel ing to the pecple, and are they alone to control it? Tell me,in the name of hea- yen, then, how you can control it if you do not know the principles of theman you vote,for. I ask you do you vote for principles? “Now, the only way known to our institutions, and to all popular governments, by which the people can control their own governments is, by knowing the principles of the men they vote for. (Applaure.) What a farce, then, is popular govern- government, if this is to be carried out! [sit notan to any appeals made to him to ascertain his views upon it.1 cun come to no other conclusion. New, the sub- Ject of free soil is one which demands immediate action ‘The tariff, and river and harbor improvements, ar questions’ the settlement of which can be post- poned fora few years; but the question of free soil was one which must be settled now; and if they were defeated upon it they were defeated for ever. (Cheers.) The extension of slavery to California and New Mexico would come before Congress during the next Presidential term,and the action which would then be taken upon it, might have a lasting affect. Hitherto, that country had been known as the fraest country in the wont; but if they once gave their sanc- tion to the extemBion of slavery into these new terri- tories, thischaracter would be changed, and it would be known infuture as the locality of slavedom. The question of free soil. therefore, is one which required | jminediate action, and it was of paramount necessity | thatat the ensuing election.they should choose for their | President a man who would catry out the views of the whig patty upon this subject. (Cheers,) Itis unnecesary for me to refer to the opinion of Henry Clay with refe- rence to it. (Cheers.) In his Lexington speech (cheers) he went against the extension of slavery as boldly as any other man ever before dared, and I believe it was on this account, and for the announcement of those | views he was rlaughtered at the Philadelphia conven- | tion, (Cries of “ You're right.” and cheers for Clay.) Yes, for the announcement of these views the concen- trated fury of all slavedom was directed against him: and in hisown State, Kentucky, on which he had shed undying lustre, a spirit of ingratitude pursued him, | and for the announcement of these views he lost the nominatien of the convention of Kentucky. (Cheers | for Clay.) Leny then, fellow-citziens, let us go in for free roll. (Cheer.) It is, it has long been, and will continue to be the doctrine of the whig party. (Cheors.) The barnburners have lately stolea our thunder (laughter) but they had themselves to blame for thie; for had the whig party taken that position in the mo- | ment which they ought to have taken it.this other party would have never been heard of. (Cheers.) Let us | | he would rather give his vote and conduct of war national goverm- trwoted in the civil polie | ment. | “Resolved, As well in com | | lance with this cxmtally omnis fored own dolitorate judgment and one whe opinion, as in conformit: es—we will eolect fro jor newrly forty y of his country —one) y' nome Ajust and settle the eroat quastlows narican, Vion to whim all heath jon which now distract turn with inatinetive When the country requi © of Provident of tha United States: we will secure thet, and if we thail forvunately succeed, we will have’ performe! our duty, and will leave to him the ance of his. Rovolved, ‘That in the prownt emergency in one political mf- or artndied adherence the whigy through ‘o moot forthwith tm andidate to be voted view district and select a tor, , That a committeo of nine be appointed Presie ing, of which Nh be Seas ene call ne, who hall be auc with our fr hs 7 p committee of future mi to give meeting. 5 fesolved, That botween this and the day of election the sufficient time, ucting with eneryy and premptnens to creeeiee the necessai ment throughout ntry—tho rapidity of the effort is lated rather to secu to prevent success— ‘we enter upon it with a well grou wenee that if s ful we shall have rendered a last our ¢0i if we fail, we do not increase the evils which now threatmeea Resolved, That in announcing our tixed and unalterable inten tion to adhere to this cause, as @ctated by our sense of duty and ofr ght, and believing that’ true whig principles ean alone secure to our country, to us, and to those who come after us those privi- Jeges which aione elevate a Repablio—we have calmly and nally” edged ourselves ide by this preference through good. and through evil report—plemnting ourselves upon the old, true, and Feliable whig platform—declari: ¢ our unalterable belief in ths iicy and wisdom which commend your own home industry ant labor—for harbor and internal improvements—for the executive Administration conforming with the wishes of, and not dictating fo, the peone—of retrenching tho expenditures of government — for peace—aguinst territorial agerandizement, by conquost—for the epeedy payment of the national debt, for the contracting of whieh we ate not responsible—for tre Constitution, and agarnst: its violation in form or in tact—for contining Congress to ite legi- timate an proLer duties of legislating for tho whole countey, and by not prostituting their brief ant’ y forcing uy the Presidential codidates withourriiearscere eae pene cations, oF acceptability t» their constitnency—and, lastly, for committing the Executive Gove of ° y i fam, and not to the hands of a military chiceeuge ny © 8 kell Resolved, That we recommend to our fellow citizens hore, and throughout the country, the immediate organization ef Clay clubs, and such other sure means of organization as will give eff cienoy to their efforts in bebalf of Clay and Fillmore, Mr. E. D. Smit then addressed the meeting. feemed to him that it was that they who were met to do pion of the whig party should ad just been consecrated freedom. (Cheers.) It was an old custom with the Romans to pray to the gods for success at the begin ning of all their undertakings. Let them now follow the same example, and invoke the blessings of the Almighty upon their exertions. To justify thelr pro- ceedings let them look back at the course pursued in 1840. (Cheers) In 1844 Harry Clay was again nomi- nated, snd the result of that election showed that he had the legal vote of the country. When they had heard, bowever, that he was sacrificed, the manner with which the news was received was an earnest that the day would yet come when they would renew the struggle. (Three groans were then glyen for Col. Webb.) it was a mistake to suppoze that tLe country, generally, was in favor of Gen. Taylor. He had lately been through Virginia and North Carolina, and he could assure them that in the latter State the whig party were exceedingly incensed that Henry Clay was not substituted for Gen. Taylor If, then, such a ing prevailed there, how should it not burn in every citizen in the Statelof New York (Cheers.) He was oppoted to the abolition movement in 1314-tor it wes not then possible. He believed, however that ciroum- stances had changed, and that that question wasen = differestt footing now. (Cheers.) The face of thoir eat leader was not marked so much by age as it wad y the traces of care for the welfare of their country (Cheers) As long, then, as Henry Clay did not desert his party or his principles, he would not desert him, and his time and best exertions wonld be devoted to the promotion of his success, Let them ehake off their spatby, then, and march to the struggle; for they might rest assured that it would end in victory and in right. (Cheers ) Several copies of the song having been scattered among the crowd, a loud call was then made that it should be sung, when Mr. Mickel, (as we understood), the comvorer of it, and another gentleman, sang it to the great delight and unbounded applause of the as- semblage, who joined in chorus at the end of each verse. DupteygSevory. Eeq., wasthen loudly eatted upon, and was rocelved with great cheering. Ho said, thn when he caine there, he did not expeot to take part§im the proceedings. He came there to see whother the Clay party of 1844, might be recognized in the party of 1848, and although another moeting was held, he understood, in another part of the city, in favor of General Taylor, (‘There is not fifteen of them all told.) he believed the demonstration before him, was such as to justify him in saying that the sinew and bone of. the party were thero. (Cheers.) After referring to the course he himself formerly pursued, he proceeded to say that he could not and weuld not vote for Gene- ral Taylor. (Cheers.) He would now go a little fur- ther, and deelare to them why he could not support this distinguished warrior. He was opposed to the election of a military man to the oflice of Chief Magia- trate of this country. (Cheers) If this mode of. pro- ceeding was persisted in, what would bo the coase- quence? Why, both the political parties of this coun- try would look upon no one as properly qualified to fill this high position, unless ho diad previously graduated. in the camp. Now, he believed that any mi-ablef that might ariee to tho country from the election of an improper candidate belonging to either party, was of small consequence compared to that (Cheers.) A democratic government was of such « mature, that: | from its complex machinery it wasa dificult thing to regulate properiy ; but he believed that one of the greates* rources of its danger, was to transfer it to = tnan who had the command of armies, (Cheers.) From the history of the world, it would be wherever democratic governments had been blished, their overthrow was effected by military power. Were they then to give up inom like Clay; whoee wisdom and statesmansbip laid the foun. dation of the institutions and the future greatness and glory of their country, for somo military com- mander. whore only qualification was his ability to lead a military force to victory? (Cheers.) rhe comp was not the place where statesmanship was to be learned; and he believe bis success in the late Mexi= can campaign, was the only thing Gen. Taylor had to depend upon for the suffrages of the people. (Cheers.) Indeed, he himself did not pretend to know anything of civil affairs, and openly and candidly declared, that he had not made them his study. Let him(Mr.§ ) prevail then upon them, to take this seriously into considera. tion, and ask them if they were willing to prefer such, & man to an old tried trustee and seli-sacrificing state- man,who had given his whole life and his best exertions to the consideration of such matters as were ever fraught with the greatest advantage to the people, and best esloulated to develope the resources of this coua- try? (Cheers and cries of “No, no.”) Thon he said they cvuld not vote for Gen. Taylor, For his own party to Gen. Cass. (Cheers,) ‘There was nothing more fatal to public hiberty than « mun whose exclusive claims were based upon. militar: suecesses. He would never consent to vote fora mili- tory man for the presidential office, whose only recom- mendationg were his military achievements, (Cheers.) On thie he differed from others, who he'd that the bat- tles of the Rio Grande, which were a glorious exposi- tion of American valor, pointed out a candidate in advance. He was opposed to this policy, as no such men ought to be selected to control the civil govern- It eouliarly fit and pro; onorto the great chum: meet in this hall, which by the friends of Irish then gather round this doctrine. Do you not know that the great leader lost the last election in conse- quence cf his opposition to the annexation of Texas? If, then, they ‘rere compelled to go for free soil with- | out him, for my part, sooner than give up free soil, I | shall give my vote for Martin Van Buren. (Cheers, murmurs and confusion) At all events, the | worst thing that could happen to the whig party is to have General Taylor for President. It is your political death ; he will take your principles | from you, end there will not be a vestige of you left, | as @ party. (Cheers.) [A white bannee, with the | parses of Clay and Fillmore, encircled by the words, “1 would rather be right, than be President,” here brought into the room, and immense cheerin was given for Clay.) The conduct of those who called | upon them to support Taylor, puts me in mind of the | story of @ parrot which had been taught to repeat the words, * Oh, how beautiful! ob, how beautiful!” Poor poll, while singing, one day, in the garden, was poun ed upon bya bawk, which began to pick out its eyes. | and tear it limb from limb. During the agony which the poor thing endured, ever and anon were heard the insult to the people, to propsse » man who refuses to tell us one fota of bis principles, or how be will con- duct the government, in case of his election’ Is that the way you do when you appoint an agent? When you sppoint & man to act for you, do you not know what he is going to do? Well, fellow citizens, the rea- sone given for this extraordinary conduct, is adding insult to injury, Whatis the truth? That it is impo- litic for him to declare his principles, because by not doing 0 he may get the votes of parties who would not vote for him if he declared them—that the people may be deceived in thinking that his opinions are one way, when in fact they are another. | was going to ask yOu, a8 we contrasted the conduct of General ‘Taylor with General Washington, to contrast it with that of another man. There is a man, and we all love him, (Mere there was an outbust of applause words, “Oh, how beautiful ; oh, how beautiful.”’ (Laughter and cheering) A similar operation is now being performed on the whig party, and numbers are exceedidgly wroth with us, because we don’t cry out, ful! (Laughter and cheers.) But whilst one parti- cle of self-respect remains in my heart, I shall never, never join in that parrot cry. At a meeting of the principal men who have been accustomed to act with been chalked out, and we must not hesitate to pur- fue it, It is the only means by which the integrity of the whig party can be preserved ; for, if we take no action now, and silent}y acquiesce in the proceedings ot those who pretend they act for us, then we shall no | such on office? | candidates’ like poor poll, “ Oh, how beautiful ! ob, how beauti- { us, held at Albany, a few weeks ago, our course has | ment of anation. (Applause) He would ask, what was the necessity for selecting military men ‘to fill ‘as it on the (sb of availability that it was propored to vote such men to high offices, which was an office of peace? What occasion was there for men who quietly lived at home and wished to protect their rights, their workshops, eace of the country, instead of making w: for sucht | (Cheers) The address and resolutions he was not prepared to speak to; but he saw great diff- culties in their way. first saw the objection of Mr, Clay, but he held, that every man in the country, when called upon by the people to fulfil » public’ trust, had no right to withdraw his name. (Vehement cheer- ing) He would not care anything about what Mr. , ic lay would say as to the proceedings of this meeting, i it they could give him the electoral vote; let Mr. Clay, if they could do so, dare to refase, if they could give itto him. (Laughter and loud cheering.) Ifthe whole whig prrty in the State were but as stedfast as they were at that meeting, they would be able to i“ New York to Mr. Clay. (Renewed epplause.) O- thing then, could prevent them from securing Sim the nomination in the House of Representatives. (Vociferous cheering.) Unless Taylor or Vass receive the vote of New York—in other words, if a third man recoives the vote of New York the election would into the House of Representatives. d no man would insuch acare stant a better chance than Henry ; provided they were willing to give him the vote ew York. ball have it.) The democratic \ party were said to be equally divided between Mr, | Cass and Van Buren. The difference between the whig and democratic parties, when im force, was scarcely what amounted to the number present onthe | occasion of that meeting, and that was but ® fraction. Now, sup; they were able to carry the fraction; the result would be, that Henry Clay would be as promi- nent a candidate as any other person. (Cheers) It longer be derignated the whig party, but the Taylor party, Indeed, at a meeting beld ut ‘Tuscaloosa on which was absolutely terrifying. It could not ap; rentiy, be repressed, and continued for several minu During the excitement, the following song was distri buted among the asseembiage:—) them), compelled to substitute five of their second eleven— those ‘ked wiih an *. ‘The contert, thus far, this season, between the two clubs, stands thus :—The first game between the first y Club; the fitet game the recond elevens was won by the New York ; and the second game vetween the first clevens was Wen #8 AbOVe, by the St. George's Clab, Tle second, or return game, between the eocond pada 8, will be played ou the 18th inst., at the Red joure. Iris stated, ina letter trom Trieste, of the 23d lia has been declared an entrepot 1 government, and that the neces- pry privileges have been accomed to the Iahabi tants, Tunr—Dearest Mae. Now, ¥ bigs, come listen to me ; A story I'll relate, What took plece at a convention In Uhe good Old Keystone State. ‘Twas down in Philadelphia, As | have heard them say, They nowinated Taylor, And rejeote | Henry Clay. Oh Henry Clay, you're dearer every day ; Your prospects bright, Weknow you're right, And we'll vote for Harry Clay. °T waa there upon the 7th of June, Whig delegates met to say Whether Taylor, Webster, Seott, McLean, dad more friends than Henry Clay ; the 4th of June | his title was adopted bya number of persons who were opposed to whig prinol- ples, but who united in the support of General Taylor. He concluded by caiding upon them to continue the exertions, unawed bi wer, and unseduced by prom ses. to promote the #leetion of Harry Clay, and they might rest assured thot success would crown their en- desvors, and they would preserve the Integrity of the whigparty, (Great applanse ) Mr GN, Parce then read a tong addross of the de- mocratic whigs of New \orkto the democratic whigs of the United States, which {s embodied in the fol- lowing resolutions. which he also revd, and both of whieh were adopted with the most rapturous seclama- on Cpeiateed, ‘That we retven one thanks to Ton. Daniel Webster for his recent add. com ‘0 the Whigs Of ALersutiold and of be Ualon, ko baving, in that able speceh, demonstrated hy wnanswetib o irgmpents, 12 ¢ impoley of the late Fuiladeyphin nomination fr the Progidency ; the errcr of relying up on supposed availability | se the pire yal cronvd cf recomu endvtion, ama the tin portance (to the wig party of beving wud electing © eawlidats, thorougtly was for themin New York to act, and all the other | Slates would pursue the same course He would now see what the amount of the whigs was in Nev’ York. | The whig vote in the city was about one-tenth of the whole State. (Cheers) If they gave Henry | Clay the ticket, they would then have done half the | Work; if they could but carry the electoral voto in the State of New York, they would them have performed one-tenth of the labor, (Cries of “We will, to be sure.) He would then look around him, in the city of New York, and ask “Where were the whigs PY (Cries of “Here to be sure.’ “Here | We are,” and cbi You, he bad looked around at 4 phe Ta ie ry } ia soul be had m | ives. (Yes, yes’) ‘They seemed as if they had | gathored together for a funeral, (Laughter and cheer- ing) They seemed controled by fear—they knew that they were pursuing @ course of policy which never belonged to the (Cheers) ‘They | knew they were following a man not of ee: party—tbot all they would ever hear of the whig ‘