The New York Herald Newspaper, September 3, 1848, Page 1

prmeoer, NO. 5205. NEW YORK, SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1848. z <r? - ee = ene ——--- SPEECH a private citizen, General Taylor is a military | cf the members of the whig convention in Phila- ; thore of Mis OWN palty, Who cast ineir vole tor We knoW he supported it with all h " " ala an ~ ‘apie man, end a military man merely, He his had no | phia were delegates from free States. By a very Case, to vote for hin tbr T think ‘bam the least might, and in all the deliberations of ‘Cin The cnet notary to the new territory: training in civil affairs; he has performed no | great majority they might have nominated any | dangerous of the two; but, in truth, looking at gress on the ‘matter, that he was for push- effect, that the new territories should. pp HON DANIEL WEBSTER functions of a civil character under the constitu- | candidate they chose—and, in the second place, | Mr, Ven Buren’s history and couduct, {am amazed ing the war (@ every extremity. He is a holding States, ‘The Honse disagreed to th. bee 7 3 tion of his country : he has been known, and only | it is true there were persons in that conve to find that he should be placed at the head of a man of learning, @ man of talent, and in every position. The Senate, after deb tin, if, maid To THR Known, by his brilliant achievements at the head | tion—membersfrom New England—most active in party professing to go beyond all other parties ia ticular superior to his predecessor; but | think know, receded e ame at, gad ‘the tail WHIGS OF MARSHFIELD, MASS, | and'Tamotg thermore of apiouon inet wna not nominating Gen. Taylor, and men who would cut off their night hands before they would do any- thing to promote slavery in the United States. I don’t admire their policy—I don’t believe that; but Tacquit them of any base motive. I know the leading men of that convention. I think 1 under- stand their principlesand the motives that governed them. Their reasoning was this: Gen. Taylor is a whig, not eminent in civil life, not koown 1a civil hte, but-still a man of sound whig principles. Circumstances bave given hitn reputation and the éclut ot the count As heis the whig candi- date he will be chosen, and with him as our candidate, we will be able to elect members to the two houses of Congress, get an augmenta- tion of whig strength, the whig majority in the House of Representatives will Be increased, and the locofoco majority in the Senate will be di- { mimshed. That was the view, and that was the motive, however wise or unwise, whi a great portion of that assembly in Phil Now, gentlemen, in my opinion, this was unwise policy. It was not suitable to the whig character —it was not reconcileable with true wisdoum—it was short-sighted, and temporising on a -great question of principle; but I acquit all persons con cerned in it of all such motives as have been as- cribed to them, and especially of those mentioned in the Buffalo platform. Such, gentlen are the circumstances connected with the nomination of General Taylor. 1 only repeat, that those who had the most agency originally in bringing him before the people, were the whig conventions and meetings in the several free States, and that a at majority of the convention which nominated im in Philadelphia were from the free States, and might have rejected him if they chose, an selected anybody else on whom they could have ladelphia. ? | wise or discreet to go to the army for the selec- GIVING HIS VIEWS: | tion of a candidate for the Presidency of the An United States, It is the first instance in our his- QHE TEREE hae i ron roa arth whit atte” Week PRESIDEN NAD , ter has been proposed forthat high office. Wash- » RESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES, ington had a great military, but by far a greater eer ere civil character, He had been employed in the Some time since, the neighbors and frends of councils ot bis country from the earliest dawn of the Hon. Daniel Webster, residing im the town the revolution. | He hod .bern 1a, Wie Cannan ef Marshfield, in the State of Massachusetts, ad. for sa ai and prey acs ger afaiter dressed him a letter, inviting him to give them the war. as you all know, he was elected a mem- the benefit of his views and opidions on the ber of that convention which framed the ered A afTai Pale ho Pen jon of the United States ; and it was one of the political alfaire of the x entry, as well as on the ost honorable tributes ever paid te him, that, by merits and demerits of the several candidates for , that assembly of great and wise men, he was se- the Presidency, at an ewrly day. lected t» preside over their deliberations, and had y y Pp. 'y ‘The following is 4 copy of the inyitation:— | hisneme first attached to the constitution under = eae kid Mass., Angust 24,1848, | Which we live. President Harrison was a brave tr tiaewer ee vie. soldier, and, at different periods of his life, ren- Dear Sir—The uncrsigned whigs and fellow towns- | Gered important military services ; but. he, never- men of yours. are desirous of seeing and conferring thelees, for the much greater part of his life, was with you on the subject of our nutional politics, and =more employed in civil than in military affairs. of hearing your opin ons freely expressed thereon. We For twenty years he was either Governor of a look anxiourly on the present prospect of public af- ‘Territory, member of Congress, or. Minister fairs, and on the position in which the whig party,and abroad ; and he discharged all the duties apper- epecially eters whigs are uow piaerd, We should taining to those offices to the satisfaction of the Sent of all there mueeeuren whith we gelded an op: country. ‘This case, therefore—the nomination of Bo the honor and iuterest of the country, and the pros. General Taylor—stands by itself, without prece- pority of all clusees—elected to the chief magistracy, dent and without justification from any thing in On the other hand, it is not to be concealed that there OUF previous history. It is oa this account, I may is much discontent with the nomiuation made bythe well imagine, that the whigs of. Massachusetts date convention at Philsce!phia, of 4 Southern wan. feel dissatisfied with his nomination. There Sey hoa frech hr bees? cay br ey ey be othere—there are others—though ry his vord—as a whig candidate fir the Presidency. ii Siicpeinetpiee. Ruka onk Pe reia aise Raat | cantile expression, I may say there is another side Principles may be preserved, and this Union perpetu- | t© the account. The Poa e ney with which I d, in 8 manner conristeut with the ri_hts of the free | Propose to discharge my duty to-day, leads me to States, and the preventivn of the further extension of | a consideration of that; and, in the first place, it the slave power; and we d ed the effects of the prece- | is to ke considered that General Taylor was nomi- dent, which we think eminently dangerous, andas not | nated by a whig convention, held in conformity sahibiting usin ae able light to tho nations of the | with the usages of the whig party for years past— b renal “of elevating @ meye military man to the Presi | fairly nominated, as far as we know. [tis to be considered, also, that he is the only whig before the people as a candidate for the Presidency, and | no citizen of our country, with any effect can, vote for any other candidate, let his preferences be what they may. In the next place, it 1s proper to consider the personal character of General Taylor, and his political opinions, relations and connec- tions, as far as they are known. Now, gentlemen, an advancing a few observations on this part of the case, I wish every body to understand that I have no personal acquaintance what- ever with General Taylor. I never saw him but once, and that but for a few moments, in the Senate. The sources of information are open to you, as well as to me, for the ascertainment uf what I know of his character and opinions; but I have endeavored to obtain access tothem. I have endeavored to inform and instruct myself, pycon municating with those who have known him in his profession as a soldier, in his relatious as a man, in his conversation and opinions on political mipects, and I will tell yes fairly and truly what 1 think of bim. I need not say he is a skilful, brave, and gallant soldier; that is admitted byvall With me, all thet goes but a little way to mace up the proper qualifications in a President of the United States ; but, what 1s of more importance, I believe he is an honest and upright man. I be- lieve he is modest and cool-headed ; of an in- dependent and manly character, possessing a mind trained by proper discipliue and self- control; I beheve he is estimabie and amiable in all the relations of private life ; I believe that he possesses a reputation for equity and for judg- ment, which gives him an influence over those under his command. beyond what 1s conferred by the authority of bis situation; I believe he is a man who possesres the confidence apd attach- We think a crisisis upon ue; and we would gladly know how we may best discharge cur duty, as true Americans, honest wen. and good whigs. ‘To you who have been s0 lovg in public life, und who are able, from woypgioes experience aud unequalled ability, to give us information and advice, and upon whom, as neigh’ dors and friends we thiak we have some ciai.as, we na- turally look; und we should be exceedingly gratified if in any way, private or public, you would express your opinions upon interesting public questions, now pend- dng, with that boldoess aud distinctness with which you are acsustomed to declare your rentiments. If you can concur with cur wishes, please siguify to usin what manner it would be m-st agreeable to you that they’ should be carried into effect ith very trae regard, we remain your very true and Obedient servants, Danzer Prices, Geonce Lronann. Gro. H. Weatnennre, Henny Buancnann, J. Janes Evtis, Natuantie. Puicwies, JSrpepian Littie, Soromon Litrie, To this Mr. Webster returned the following enswer:— Wiitram F. Litre, Janex Haren, Warvenman Tuostas, Wittiam Haren, Sern Weston, Danien Wricut, Asa Hewes. Mansnvinup, Ava. 8, 1848 Gentlemen—I have received your letter. The eri- tical state of things at Wa-hington obliges me to think it my duty to repair thicher immediately, and take my rea? in the Seuate, notwithstanding that the state of my health, and the beat of the weather, and vate circumstances of an a«ffiicting cature, render it very disagreeable for me to leave home | ‘canaot, therefore, comply with your wi-hes at present; but on my return, if such should continue to be your desire, 1 will meet you and the other whigs of Marsn Geld in an noeremonious manner, that we way couter together om the topics to which your letter relates am, gentiemen with esteem and t-iendshi aoe our obliged fellow n, re ment ot all who have been near him, know DANL WEBSTER, him. So much for whatI think of the personal To Messrs ~Daniel Phillips, George Leonard, George | character of General Taylor ; I will say, too, that oH. Weatberbee, flenry Bianchard, J J. Eilis as far as I have observed his conduct since he has Ellis, Jedediah Little, We EL ‘Waterman Thomas, Wm. Hate On Mr. Webster’s return from Washington, the application was renewed to him, and Friday last was the time appointed for the friends of the statesman to meet him in consultation. Notices having been sent to the most populous places, there was, as might be expected, a very large assemblage on the ground. Many of the hearer; ravelled distances of several miles to hear Mr. Webster, and took their wives and daughters with them. The number of vehicles on the ground was about two hundred and fifty, and the assemblage was estimated at from one thousand to fitteen hundred. The place selected was the Winslow farm, so called, close to the road. A substantial plattorm was erected for the accommo- dation of the eloquent speaker and his friends and it was carefully covered with canvass to pro- tect them from the sun. At a few minutes before three, Mr. Webster reached the place of meeting, and spoke as fol- lows :— been a candidate for the Presidency, it has been irreproachable, Ihear of no intrigues attributed to him—no contumelious treatment of rivals. I hear not of his helding out hopes, or making promises, to any manor setof men, or to any party, 1 do not find him putting forth any preten- sions of his own; and I theretore think of him very much as he seems to think of him- self—that he is an honest man, with an inde- pendent mind and an upright heart; but as to qualifications for the Presideacy, he has litle more tosay aboutit. (Laughter.) Now, friends and fellow townsmen, with respect to his political opinions and relations, I can say at once that I believe him to be a whig—to hold to the main doc- trines of the whig party. To think otherwise, would be to impute to him a degree of tergiver- sation and traudulent disposition of which [ sup- pose him to be utterly incapable. Gentlemen, it 1s worth our while to consider in what manner General Taylor became a candidate for President ot the United States. {t would be a great mis- take to suppose that he was made such merely by the nomination ot the Philadelphia convention, for he had been nominated for that office in a great ' many of the States, by various conventions and meetings of the people, alyear beforethe convention at Philadelphia assembled. The whole history of the world shows, that whether in the most civilized or the most barbarous ages, the affections and admiration of mankind ure always easily carried away towards successful military achievements. All Listory proves this, and we know, in the case now before us, that as soon as the brilliant suc- ces+es onthe Rio Grande, at Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, and other places, were achieved, spon- taneous nominations ot hun for the Presidency | sprung upan various parts of the Union, And here let f eneral these nominations, not uni- with candor. Itisnot my purpose to-day toendeavor | Me *® » that in ge , % | versally, but geaerally—these nominations, in to carry any point—to act as any man’s advocate— | various parts of the country, and made at various to put up or put down any body ; bat wish, and I | times belore the aseembling of the convention at i dc \ ‘aylor was estee nent Seal var ey S fishnet lh Guia | military achievements brought bim into public omitey hag fe ecg ) My. own opinions { | Détice asa whig genere]. You all remember that «& 1 page tert Pot yy oly, ad Fravinie ‘th | When we were discussing He meri in Congres Griiee wenthe the people of this couatry will be | ae ee ors gnarl nay fend. near ime <alled upor to elect a President of the United | pore whom am happy to see (alluding States; and all see and all fel, thut great interests | 14° “jon, Mr. Ashmun. of Massachusetts)— of the country are to be Fai for eood ead | will remember that # lending man in the party of evil, by the result le rahe in eeer which tie | the administration declared in his place in Con- iprmar eae Heth be clested to that office, must | &fss, that the policy of the administration con- pereon rho exercise more or less control, there | Bected with the Mexican, war, would never pros- necessarily ‘i vhs Tikpes. vital. dens oomnectad rtill the President recalled those whig generals, Sie, 1 may ) UgmeEns, Maree Vis ‘aylor and Scett; that the policy ot that war was democratic policy, and that the men to carry it the honor and huppiness of this country. In | the first place, tlre ne and happiness of this out should be democrats; that the officers to fight country imperatively require, that there shall be a chief magistrate elected, who will not plunge us into another war of ambition and conquest. (Ap- .plause.) in my judyment, the interests of the. country, and the feelings ofa vast majority of the people, require tha a President of the United States shall be elected who will not use his offi- The Speech, ¥ Although it is not my purpose, during the recess of Congress, to address public assemblies on po- lineal subjects, I have felt it my duty to comply ‘with your request, as neighbors and townsmeg, | and to meet you to-day ; and T am not unwilling | to avail myself of this occasion to signify to the people of the United States. my opin‘on on the | present state of our public affairs) 1 shall perform that duty certainly with great trankness—I hope, will that ground a vote of thanks was retused to Gen. Taylor on the part of the friends of the adminis. tration i» the Horne of Representatives. He was nominated thus by these spontaneous convention! without relution or system, and by whig assem- cial influence to promote any disposition to permit : : the further extension of slavery in this country, Meet eerie Ei AED or further the influence of it in our public councils. Savery cuvertained ‘Uy tides” hd” Huai In the third place, if I have tormed any just esti- toed him. As I have Laid, they were whig mate if my experience, (sot now a short one,) has enabled oA to know any thing of what the public prosperity demanas—I say by oe state be the Country does requirefan essential reform in the sye- area of slavery of the human ruce, or to in- prepeny youn fe day ‘ot eeacanrin | crease the influence of the slaveholding States in in all | the councils of the nation.» The Quaker city of ts vurious branches. There are other sub- | ‘Be, wii : ee jects of 1mportauce, which kL shall not, however, Philadelphia—the whigs all over Pennsylvania: allude to at present. rf These three I hold to be ese | Dominated General aylor, certainly, with no sentially so. ‘There are three candidates for the | such aie ae {fi great convention, of hight otk, Presidency presenied to the choice of the Ameri- | Spectebe err hen well known to. me, and can people. General Taylor 1s the Pade tener Shes becninated Ger To, Taylor, certainly, with Senne on ike lilies - te pho | no such object His nomination Me hailed, mee Gidate of the opposing, wnd wow dominant, party | YerY extensively, but by vom: enthusiasts; an ym this country; und the third candidate 18 pre- | there were, even among us whigs of Massacht- Tat fe "the person of Mr. Van Buera,. by | Met cme few a littl@teo early in attering notes of gente a of bia hilow cineens at Butlaly, exclamation for the anticipated triumph. It would Smee oe hake: thas ohicct, It appeara to pave been betterfor them te wait, Now, My Geel Me, ie contained in one of thore considerations | 1%, 88d No one can avoid seeing it, unless he forces which Ihave mentioned; and that 15, the preven- | Cony ations and assemblies and also in the con- tion of the further incrense of rlavery—an_ object vention in Philadelphia, Gen Taylor was nomi- in which you and I, gentlemen, entirely concur, 08 | Aited exactly for this renson—that believing him to far as that goes, 1am sure. Most of ns here to- be a whig, they thought he dual be heen tee day are whigs—Masenchuseits whigs—national caail t id any other whig. That ja ihe whole of whigs—Old Colony whigs, and Marshfield whigs; | ft the 6a acious, wise, fars-eing doctrine of neminations, and were made who never entertained the idea, by them or by any other means, the slightest desire to extend the Jaughter;) and if the whi Inations made at av asinbility lies at the bottom of the whole matter. Philadelphia are entirely satisfactory to the people | 8¥" y, far, then, from imputi : of the United States, and to us, our path of guy is A ed nt A a over the country or 10 plain, But.the nomination of the candidate for the Presidency by, the whig convention in Phila- ore 18 ae satisfactory to the why 1M Le chusetts, ‘That is certuin, and it would be idle te Cy inet one word. Tree thatfene part of what is ttempt to conceal the fret. It is surely just, and Of St not on pone. s pa pcb Sineuor to take facts and things aa they are, | called the platform of the Buffalo Couvention, as- he Presideney before deduce our own convictions of duty from | S¢?ts that the eandidutes tur Al Pose Raph before us. However so mul teapect- the country, have been nominated under the dicta j ii tion of the slave power. I don’t believe a word of po yy AO ie tine ot able an { ite Applause.) " Tathe fist place, A great maority the convention in Philadelphia, as operating on a majonty of the members to promote slavery by the nominaticn of Gen, Taylor, I don't believe a word the battles should be democratic officers; and on | blies and whig meetings. And let me remark | by persons | united. This is the case, gentlemen, as far as I can discern it, after exercis Pe on it as impartial a judgment as [ can form. is is the case pre- sented to the whige, as far as regards the opin- ions, fitness, and personal character of General Taylor, and the circumstances that have caused his nor:nation. Now, if we were weighing the propriety of nominating such a person to the Pre- sidency, it would be one thing; the expediency, which governed | power to pass such a law, as I may say, the necessity, which to some minds may appear to be imposed on patriotic and well meaning whigs, to vote for him, since he has been nominated, is quite anotherthing. And that leads to the consideration of what the whigs of Massa- chusetts are to do. If they do not see fit to support General Taylor, they must vote for Ge- neral Cass or Mr. Van Buren, or they must omit to vote atall, 1 sgiee that there are cases in which, if we don’t know in what direction to move, we ought to stand still till we do. I admit that there are cases in which, it we don’t know what to do. we had better not do we know not what ; but on a question so important to ourselves and the country—on a question of a popular elec- tion ina constitutional form, in which it 1s impos- sible that every man’s veice can prevail, it be- comes a question of consequence, and pa- triotism, what 1s best to do on the whole ; and here. again this leads to_a consideration which shoul influence whigs, in_my opinion, ou the question now before them. Under the practical adminis- tration of the constitution of the United States there cannot be a great range of personai choice in regard to candidates for the Presidency. In order that their vetes may be effective, many must join for some one candidate of those prominent before the public. That is the necessary result from our form of government, and from the work- ings of the constitution, and it doestherefore some- times bring men to the necessity of choosing be- tween candidates, neither of whom would be their original personal choice. Now, what is the contingency ? What is the alternative presented 4o the ae of Massachusetts? In my jadgment, It is ay one. The question is between Gen, Taylor and Gen. Cass, and that is the whole of it, (Apolause:> Jam no more skilled in political affairs than others. I only judge for myselt ; but, in my opinion, there is not the least provability of any other result than the choice of Gen. Taylor or Gen. Cass. I know that the enthusiasm oft he newly formed party, the popularity of a new name, without communicating any new idea, may lea some men to believe that the sky is about to fall, and that we shall soon catch larks. I entertain no, such proposition. I speak without disrespect of the tree soil parry. I have read their platform, and I think there are some rotten places in it. | (ot Yet I can stand on it very well. ut 1 can.see nothing in it that 1s new or valu- able. What is valuable 1s old, and what is new is not valuable. (Laughter.) If the term free soil party, or free soil men, designate one that is fixed and unalterable, that is to-day, was yester- day, and will remain the same, then I hold myself to he as good a free soil manas any in the Buffalo convention. c der my feet a freeer soil than that I have since I became a public man. I want to know who is to impress on my breast a more fixed de- termination to resist the advances of slavery in this country, than I have had since I first S of their party Mr. Van Buren, for whom I have all the respect that 1 should entertain for one with whom J have been associated in some degree in public life, for man: for myeelt, I should think that if I were to express confidence in Mr. Van Bnren and his patriotism on any question, and most especially on this one of slavery—if on this question he aud I should be found united, I think the scene would border on the ludicrous, if not on the contemptible. (Laugh- ter.) I never proposed any thing in my life could favor any measure that emanated from him. If, therefore, Mr. Van Buren and I were to find ourselves together under the free soil flag, I am sure that with his accustomed good ature, he would laugh [laughter and applause] at the strange occurrence and jumbles of pobtical life, that should bring him and me to sit down cozily together, side by side, on the same plattorm. Ge My first acquaint- ance in public hfe with Mr. Van Buren was when he was pressing, with great power, the election ot Mr Crawtord to the Presidency, in opposition to John Quincy Adams. Mr. Crawford was not elected, but Mr. Adams was, and Mr. Van Buren was in the Senate nearly during the whole of the administration, and, for the rest of it, was Go- vernor of the State of New York ; and he was the soul and centre of oppe ition to Mr. Adams’ administration, and he did more than any ten men in the country to prevent Mr. Adams’ re- election. These are intelligent facts, whicheven short memories may retain General Jeckson was elected President, and Mr. Van Buren was ' placed at the head of his administrrtion tary of Si it so happened, or it did happen, that in July, 1829, Mr. M’Leun was sent Minister to England, under instructions from the State De- partment, to arrange in that country the disputed subjects of colonial trade. Mr. Adams held a hi and austere tone towards England. He nted himeelt on the ground of reciprocity—the | Tight of introducing our produce, as well as our ships, into the West Indies, since Great Britain was allowed to bring her productions and her ships into the United States. Mr. Adams placed Teciprocity. The British government would not ield it. Mr. Van Buren, in his instructions to, rt. McLegn, told him to yield the question of night—to disclaim the pretensions, as he called them, of the Adams administration, and then went on to say, that the administration of which he was Secretary of State, thought that Mr. Jac! son’s administration ought not to be repulsed by the English government from the enjoyment of that which he was wil all not a right, but a boon, and that the Jackson administration ought not to be refused that on account o the misbehaviour ef the Adams administra- tion. That was the substance of it. Well entiemen, it was one of the most, painfu luties of my public life, when I telt myself obliged, from these considerations, to refuse my assent to Mr. Van Buren’s administration, It was news, that on the change of an administration, those at the ceurts of foreign countries id seek to ob- tain favors, on the ground th; abandoned the policy of the preceding istration; such a purse would be held as on indignity by all public men; I am sure, for one, that ay Twas ia the State Department under in the correspondence of my pred: c~ things that I wish ve withdraw a jot ora tt wi eid, I took the question ax he left it, and [treated it ashe left it; f take it, that af Dhad said to Lord Arhburton, on the Oregom question, pray, Lord Ashburton, consider that r 01 ae ir inant than our predecese more amiable wre t sion of lenet to say 1 desire to know who is to put un- | opened my mouth in the councils of the country, | he gentlemen at Buffalo have placed at the head | were Van Buren men; but the moment it was years; but really, speaking | wrote a letter very complimentary of Polk and that Mr. Van Buren did not oppose, and I never | more sure the annexation of Texas at the request this on the ground of right—on the prin iple of may remember that in the discussions of 1344, meral Harrison, Lfouad | sentst Cs adel bat I did not hat Mr. Lorsyth had | servet ve or a protective, but would say that b k consented | vented i nee nef ave bee | of General Case. f | of numbers thatthe its tnendship to liberty, Why, the first thing Mr. Van Buren did after his election, was to declare that if Congress passed any measure or decree in- tertering with slavery in the District of Columbia, he would veto their proceedings—the only in- stance within my knowledge, where the President undertook to veto the proceedings of Congress be- state of the case we can or not, we will or not fore they were paseed. (Laughter). Yet he did it, ; give our vote to the whig nomination, Tshall go into the Presidency, he suid, with the | that to every man’s conscience. I have en him a gentleman of rash principles, pushed on by an ardent and rash party, asd committed to such acourse of administration as I believe not to be consistent with the security and peace of the country, Therefore, gealemen, itis for you and me, and all whigs, to consider whether in this 5 deavored determination to resist all such interference; and | to state the case as it presents itself tome. Betore it Congress pass any law on the subject, I shull | General Taylor’s nomination | always said, meet it with the exercise of my constitutional | when the subject was mentioned by my triends, chee In the next place, we know, and I remem- | that I did not, and could not, recommend the er, that Mr. Van Buren’s. casting vote was | nomination of 2 military man for the office ot thrown in the Senate for a law of very donbt- | President ef the United Stutes. It was against ful propriety—that of authorising postmasters 1a | my convictions of what was due to the best | the slave States, to open the mails for the | interests of the coun‘ry. I stated too, that if Gen. | porpoas of detecting incendiary publications. | ‘Tuylor should be nominated by the whig national do not say that Congrers did not possess the | conventioz fairly, I should not oppose his election. ) but only that it was an | I stand now on the same declaration—he has been extraordinary law, made for an extraordinary pur- | nominated by that convention fairly, as far as] pose, and that it received Mr. Van Buren’s ‘sunc- | eam suppose, and I cannot and shalt not oppose tion. So far, however, as respects that—sofar as his election. Atthe same time there is no man | any thing that endangers eaety or property ot more firmly of opinion that such a nomination | the South is concerned, so far [ agree that there was not fit to make, But the declaration that I may be great propriety in such a regulation by would not oppose General Taylor, if nominated Congress, as shall prevent such results, But, by the whig party, is in the nature of things liable | gentlemen, no man ie exercised a more con- to some exception. If 1 believed hum to be aman trolling influence over the consciences of his who would plunge the country into further friends in this country than Mr. Van Buren. [ wars for the purpose of ambition or conquest, take it that the most important, or one of theJmost I would oppose him, be he nominated by important, events in our time, tending to the ex- whom he might. If I believed that he was tension of slavery and its everlasting establish- a man that would exercise his ifluence for | ment on this continent, was the annexation of the further exclusion of the slave power, [ Texas. In 1844, where wae Mr. Van Buren? would oppose him, let hun be nominated by Let me ask, where was he? He had been at the whom he might. ButI believe that he is nota head of what was called the spoils party, but he man of this description. | believe that he has was not at the head of? the free soil party, | been from the first opposed to the. policy of the (Laughter) Every friend of Mr. Van Buren Mexican war, as improper, impolit id repre in Congress, as far as I know, supported that | hensible. I believe, from ‘the best information I measure, ‘The two Senators from New York sup- | can obtain—and you will take this as my opinion ported it—the — representatives in the House | —that he has no disposition to extend the slave supported it. Allow me tosay that no one resisted | terriuory of the United States, nor increase the it but whigs. (Applause ) And J say in the face | slave influence in the councils of the nation. That of the world—I eay it to all menconnected with the | is my opinion. Gentlemen, thus much may be Buffalo convention, without expecting to derive | considered as applying to the Presidential elec- any benefit from it, that there has been no party in | tion as a national question; but the case by no this country which has firmly and sternly resisced | Means stops here. We are citizens of Massachu- the slave power, but the whigs. (Applause.) Why, | setts, and are whigs of Massachusetts. We have look at this very question of the annexation of | supported the present government ot the State for Texas. We talk of the dictation of the sfave | years with success, und I thought most whigs power—at least they do—I don’t. I don’t allow | were satisfied with the administration of the Stale that any power dictates to me. We talk of | government; but now it 1s proposed, onthe bas the triumph of the South over the North; but | of this Buffalo platform, to create a new party there 18 not a word of truih or reason in the | that will carry its operations in Slate, whole of it. Iam bound to say that I think, | as well as our national, electio ‘here 18 to of all the evils inflicted onus by this accession | be a nomination for Governor») ust Mr. Briggs, of slave territory, the North has borae its full part, | or whomever else may be nomir (od by the whigs, Northern votes were cast in full proportion in both | and there are to be nominatio: mbers of houses of Congress, in every instauce, forthe acqui- | Congress in this, and, | presu: y other sition of territory, and the extension of the influ- | department of the commouw t the ence of slavery in our national councils, We talk | present whig members of Cong what of the North. There has been no North. 1 think | 18the utility ot that? We have Ys in there would be a North, but up to the recent | the House of Representatives, and 1 > ten men in the commonwealth, of any party, more suitable to represent you, or more tnflexiole in op- posing slavery in every form. And what will be the result? Suppose that a considerable number of whigs, from the various districts, secede from the whig party and join this new party, what will be the result?) Why, don’t we know what has happened even in this county? Don’t we know that this district has been unrepresented for year after year? Even in his presence, | may venture to allude to iis present representative, Mr. Hale. Do you wanta man to be more sincere than Mr. Mr: Hale on this question? Why, I undertake to suy, that there 13 not one of the liberty party, or of this new party, if it should be formed; aud it he be not nominated, ten to one he wil be nomi- nated by the whigs themselves; and what will be the consequence? I remember, geutlemen, tt to session of Congress there has been no North in regard to political questions. If we mean when we speak of the North, a part of the country united ina firm sentiment against the further extension of slavery; if there has been such a North, it has existed where I know not. Why, on this very question of the admiss’on of Texus, the North let in Texas. The democrats of the North let her in; the friends of Mr. Van Buren let her in. All the whigs in the Senate, with one ortwo excepiions, South and North, resisted Texas. ven South- ern Senators trom slaveholding States registered their votes against the annexationof Texas. Two only were cast in favor of it; but those Southern whig votes from slaveholdiog States were over- powered by the democratic votes of the free States—New England among the rest. Yes; if there had not been votes for the admission of d from the amendment, and ‘the bill passed, establishing Oregon as free territory, and making no provision for any new territory in the South. Now, gentlemen, I will say that my vote, and the reasons for my voting on it, are known to the good people of Massachusetts,” We have not heard that they tion on it; but ¢! expressed any particular disapproba- i his question is to be renewed at the first session of the next Congress. It willenterinto this very election; and, gentlemen, f will venta sry two things | The first 1s well known to yOly. ” | that General Cass is in favor of what is cath | the compromise line, and that the provisions of the Wilmot proviso, or the ordinance of 1787, ought | not to be applied to territory lying south of 36 4 | That is his opinion If he had not aunomneed that, he would have been 30, Or more, trom the probability of a nomination b vention. Well, then, £ ua next place, that he will do oll he can to establish that compromise line; and lastly, which is a mat- ter of opimion in my conscientious beliet, he will establish: it. Give him the power and pitronage of the government—let him exercise it over err tain sections of the country—let it be a quesnon tor future consideration—they will settle it that Oregon shall be tree, and leave Mexico and Cali- fornia to be disposed of hereafter. Let him have the power ‘of this government, and, with this inducement, I very believe, that ualess there ig renewed strength in the whig votes im Congress, he will accomplish his purpose. Gentlemen, I came here to confer with you as friends and countrymen—to speak my own mind; but, my friends, if you were all to speak yours, and take up as much tume as I have jone, we should Mfive a late meeting. I shall detain youno longer. I have been long in public life ; rather longer than I shall remain there. | have had some participation, for nearly thirty years in the councils of the country. I profess to feel strong attachment to the liberties of the United States, to the constitution, and the free institu- tions of our beloved land. 1 feel every injury in- flicted on it almost as a personal iajury. I blash for her faults when I see them committed in the public councils, as it they were faults or mistakes of my own. I know, that at this moment there is po object on earth t! is attracting so much t} ze of the intellige ind civilized portion of the world, as this great republic. Atl men look nh examine our course. All good uxious { vorable result to this great xperiment of republican Liberty. We are on the summit of the hill, and we can’tbe hidden. We cun’t withdraw ourselves from the commenda- tion or reproaches of the civilized world. They see us asthat star of empire which, half a cen- tury ago, was predicted as making its way weat- ward. 1 wish that they may see it as a mild, brilliant, though placid orb, making its way athwart the heavens, to the enlightenment and cheering of mankind—not as a meteor of fire and blood, terrifying the nations, Mr. Wenster then introduced Hiram Ketchum, BD F of New York, who made a brief speech ; and the meeting adjourned, flake to gay, in the nar Police Intelligence. A Large Business ina Small Way —The business at the police offices, yesterday, were all in s smajl way, although plenty of them — Justice Lothrop eommitted. to the city priron and Blackwell's Island, buman beings, charged with petit larceniei It and batteries, disorderlies, and vagrants, Rether « heavy haul in a small way: Shooting with Intent to Kill.—OfMcer Watson, of the Cth ward police, arrested. early yesterday morning, two Dutchmen, called Andrew Nelson and John Heary Rages, who live ina basement at No. 163 Leonard street, both being concerned in shooting & negro by the name of Ben Moore, with a pistol. [t. appears this negro was in the habit of visiting » Dutch woman im that vicinity as a kind of a shady chére amie, which the have occurred that an important question in Con- Texas from New England, Texas would be out at ress was lost for the want of two or three mem- thisday. If New England had been as true against Texag..as.the whigs of tne South were, Texas bers whom Massachusetts might have sent, but would remain Texas still. And here are people— | Whort, on account of differences amoay the whigs, entlemen I will call them—there are four vetes | she did not send. That question went wrong, an fois New England by Mr. Van Buren’s friends, | 1t would have gone right if our representatives democratic members: one from Maine; two | were there. And I foresee, if in this district any from New Hampshire, one from Connecticut. One | considerable number of whigs think it their dut of those gentlemen had held a high office nnder | to support Mr. Van Buren, or the persons they will Mr. Van Buren all his friends. They voted for | nominate—lI foresee a similarstate of things. We Texas, and let her into the Union in opposition to | shall be without a representative, in all probability, | Southern whigs and Northern whigs. That isthe | forthe first session of the next Congress, when | truth, my friends, When Northern members of , the great battle 1s to be fought on this slavery gues: | Congress voted, in 1518, for the Missouri com- | tion. 1am sure that honest, intelligent, and pa- promise, against the known will of their csnsttu- | triotic whigs will lay this coosideration to their ents, they were called dough faces. Iam afraid, | consciences and judgments, if they think they tellow citizens, that the race of dough-faces will | ought to be justified. Gentlemen, I will detain be as perpetual as the race of man. In 1844, as we | you a few moments longer. You know that all know, Mr. Van Buren was a candidate for gave my vote in the Senate against the the presidency by the democratic party; but he lost | treaty of peace with Mexico, because it containea the nomination at Bal.more ; and we now learn | this cession of territory, and brought it uader the by a letter from General Jackson to Mr. Butler, authority of the United States, wita a pledge for that Mr. Van Buren’s claims were suppressed, for | allfurure time; the great, vast, and almost unknown, after all, the South thought the accomplishmeat ot | countries ot New Mexico and Calitornia. One of the annexation of Texas might be more safely | the Senators, Mr Bernen, had moved a resolution trusted to Southern hands. We all know the | previously, to the eflect that the war ought not to Northern portion of the democratic party were | be ec miinued fur the purposes of conquest and ac- friendly to Mr. Van Buren. Our neighbors | que@on of territory by the sword. He declared of New Hampshire, Maine, and other places, that the war with Mexico ought not to be prosecu- ted by the government with any view to the dis- memberment of that republic, or the acquisition by conquest of any part of her territory, and | be- lieve that every whig but one in Congress voted tor it. But the Senators belonging to the locofoco, or democratic party, voted against Tie Sena- tors from New York voted against it. One of the Senators from Maine—General Cass, from the free State of Michigan, Mr. Fairtield, from Maine, Mr. Niles, of Conuecticut—all voted against it, and the resolution was lost. That was the vote which these very gentlemen, some ot them pro- minent friends of - Van Buren, and ready to | ke the field for him in respect to free soul— | these very gentlemen voted against this resolu- tion. They were willing to bring in this territo- ry, and then have this squabble whether it should | be slave or free territory. | was of opinion that tue true and safe policy was to shut out the whoie question, by getting no territory at all. The ter- ritory will do us no good if tree. It certainly will produce great disorganization, if the goverament of ite tree, It wil. give u great preponderance tu the South in the Senate, even if it be free. wet us keep it out, then, Butno. Gentlemen, at an important crisis in English history in the reign of Charles the Second, when the country wes threatened by disputes about successions to the throne, a proposition was submitted to re- move him from the succession. Some one said that was a harsh measure; that it would be better to admit him and then put a linitu- tion on his time. The debate went on tor have not joined with honest motives; but | think | come time, whem a plain wman rose, and they act vawisely—under a mistake altogether. | said: “I hear a lion is in the lobby: say, | acertained that Mr. Polk was a favorite of the South, those friends ot Mr. Van Buren in the North all caved in. Mr, Van Buren himself Dallas, and fornd no fault with the nomination. Now, gentlemen, if they call dough-faces those who voted for the Missouri compromise, what epithet shall describe those men here in our New England, who were as ready, not only to change and abandon those whom they most wished to support, and tor the reason to make of the South, but who voted for them through thick and thin, till the work was accomplished For my part, I think that dough-face is an epi- thet not sufficiently reproachtul. I think they are dough-faces, dough-souls, dough-hearts—that they are all dough—(great laughter)—that the coarsest potter may mould them to vessels of honor and dishonor—most readily to vessels of dishonor, (Laughter.) And’ now, what do we see? Repentance has gone tar with them, These are the very gentlemen who es- pouse with great zeal the. interests of the tree soil party. I hope that their repentance is as sin- cere as it professes to be. I hope it is honest con- viction, and not merely a new chance for power under a new name, and anew party; but, with all their repentance, { see dough sticking on some of their cheeks—(great laughter)—and, theretore, have no confidence in them—not a'particle. { don’t mean to say that the great mass of the people Dutchmen thought was infringing on their rights. Se- veral times be has been warned by the Dutchmen to keep sway ; but till the “beau nig” was falthful to his lady Jove, braving all dangers in order to pledge his feith, Last night the Dutebmen were determined to stop his fan. aud arming themselves wita a pistol, \aad- ed with powder and buckshot, Inid off very coolly for his appearance; when, just at the hour of 12 o'clock, Mr.‘ Nig’? made his appearance, and was humming’ “ Ah! dare is de spot, and my love she looks 80 neaty? when bang went the Dutchmau’s pistol, and down went the negro, halleciug out murder, watch, &e., which brought the aid of the above officer, who took both the Dutchmen tnto custedy. The woundedman was taken to the «tation house in a bleeding atate, the shots having taken effect on the lower part of his abdo- men, inflicting several dangerous wounds, The Captain of Police sent the negro to the hospital, and the Dutchmen were both locked up to await the result, Charge of Stealing a Coat —Offcer Prince John Davis arrested, yesterday. » black man by the name of Wm. G. Hance, on a charge of stealing = 0 worth $25, from another black man by the nage of Henry Downing. Justice Lothrop locked him up im the ‘Tombs for trial. The Great Robbery Exploded. —On last Tuesday, we publirhed the reputed robbery of 1500 sovercigns, valued over $7000, said to have been contained in « canvass belt, around the body of Robert Reynolds, of Augusta, Michigan, who alleges he was robbed on Saturday night, a week ago, supposed to be done, at that time, in house at No, 148 Anthony st., on the Five Pointe’ Robinson, the keeper of the house, together with his wife avd four female boarders, were all arrested, om suspicion of stealing the money, and detained for » further examination. These arrests were made Monday last, aod since that time active exertions have been made by the police, in order to disco the thieves and the money, Still, the magistrates, a: many of the officers, were somewhat doubtful i re that amount of money was taken in the manner al- leged ; a8 1500 sovereigns would weigh over 35 pounds, making avery uncomfuriable weight to be fastened ‘ound the body,—yet Mr. Reynoids madu & positi davit to such being the fact, telling « very plausible story berides ; although not quite so etf as that related by Ruben Rowley, and the Mulagatoon Porch, as the police, since that humbug, bave been more on their guard in such matters. Yesterday, however, @ considerable bight was thrown on the whole affair, by Mr Fallon firmerly keeper of the City Prison, and Constable Joreph, who, from information, arrested two men, cailed Joreph H. Deluce, and Stephen Sherwood, on +urpicion of having stolen the sovereigns On being brought before the magi-trate they acknowledged tne Jarceny. but declared that the mouey they toand the belt was 28 sovereigns, and the manuer in which the robbery was eilected. they related the fullowiag par- ticulars:—It appears that, on that Sacurday afteravon, about three o’cluck, Deiuce met Reyaolds on the oor- ner of Reade and Contre streets, Reynold: asking what time the Albany boats left the city, This led to fur- ther conversation, and they boch walked together to the grocery store on the cormerof lm and Reade streets, where they went in and tok # driuk; thea Reynolds commenced to brag about how much money he had about his person, and offered to bet drinks taat he bad 1500 sovereigns in a belt around his body; thie bet was taken up by the thieves,hop! ug tolosu the driaks that their chavce be givater. To settle the bet, the belt was shown, when it was clearly seon that, instead in regard to others, and especially those | Mr. Speeker, shall we shut the door, and keep ying to the Van Boren party, I confess my , him out; or let him in, and then put him out ists. It they have repented, tee them, betore | again?” Now, I was for shutting the door, to we trust them, do works worthy of repentance. I | keep the whole country free, and, in addition, to have said, gentlemen, that in my opinion, even | fasten it with bolts and bars ; but others were tor af it were desirable to place Mr. Van Buren | lettingin the lion, and the country has a right to at the head of the government, there is no | call on them for the consequences, and to kee chance for him. Others are as good judges him from disturbing the peace of the whole land. as | am; but I do not see in any State o | When the Mexican treaty came betore the Senate, the Union, any thing that resembles a prova- | it had certain clauses ceding New Mexico an bility that he will get a vote; and, therefore, , California: a Southern gentleman, Mr. Badger, Ithink the question is reduced to the issue be- | moved to'strike out those clauses. Weil, you tween General Cass and General Taylor. You | understand that if a motion to strike out a clause 1 of a treaty be supported by one-third, it is struc! out; in other words, two-thirds vf the Senate when Mr. Birney drew off a large number of votes from the whig party, | stated here und else- | must agree to every clause betore it cam be con- where, that every vote given for Mr. Birney, was | Uimed. The vote on this question stood 33 to LA. half a vote in favorof Mr. Polk, Did itnot ura | Fourteen were in favor of striking out, aad out so? Is it not true that the liberty votes gave | thirty-eight were against it, Fourteen — not the State of New York to Mr. Pulk, and, there- | one-ihiid. And among the votes were four fore, made himePresident? That is as clear as | cust by New Englend men, for the acquisition any historical fact, and in my opimion it willbe | «1 this new terruory. What was their reason? just so now. I consider every whig vote given to | They said we must have peace at any rate; aud r, Van Buren, to be a vote towards the election | that was the sort of spology which was offered. 1 k here may be estimates | confers it rather annoyed me at the time, that a tions may draw | certain portion of the public press, in the large cr thus injure the | ered out peace, too, im the sume way, and on ‘ those terms. 1 hope lem as ardent a lover of peace as any man living; but | do not teel disposed to be carried away with the notion that peace is valuable, whatever the terms may be on which tt isobtained. In the first place | believed, and still believe, we could have struck out all this acqui- Bilivn Of territory, and get peace just as soon w.th- outit. 1 was willing wad ready to try this, to re- territory, und then go before the people, and to them to say whether they would carry x further ior the mere acquisition of On this ground I voted against the ar- treaty, and agaist the ratifiva- It was a course that commended cousctence, and 1 would sull run a d would face stil a further shock, to the avcession of any territory on us the necessity of adding any ferritory w this Union. Ceatlemen, ‘the honor of receiving the invitaty mene, | found it necessary, in the duty, thoagh with great tacoa- enlth, to go to Washingioa, and ¢ closing scenes of tie session ere Was fn pNportant time there egou bill, Tut bill related to away trom the otter p prospects of General : ayla votes, in this or any oth of opinion, that every vote Buren goes for the benefit Now as to General Cass, we Boflalo platform, to find out what - ure, orhow he would conduct the He will go into the government by that elected Mr. Polk, und he will follo footsteps of his illustrious predecessor. ous lwugbter.) bun, I tess, nt of the country, to be the most dai whem the power of goverumeut c p01 pr ene 3 He wou'd deseribe himself, not as 4 cone of progress. He belie Unite a ad oO ti to ex a univers: this longed to the the deeuny wal id yernn e kne ot'ihe ted of 1500, their did not appear to be more than 3u, Tae bet, of course, was decided against Reynolds, who paid the drinks, and accompanivd Deluoe toa porter bourse in Chatham street, where more drinks were given to Reynolds, who became quite drunk. The plan wae then suggested how to rob hun; so im order to effect that otj- ct, Deluce Sherwood, d ® msn called Wil Ham Sinclair. pres about ut Rey end all four rode up 1 of 24th street and 7th aveaue, whee the ee took out Reynolds, ves from the effects of liquor; paid the hackman, and off ed, leading along Reynolds like @® child. +d along into 26th street, where, by a feace their vietim down; cut off the beit, which they ray only copiained 28) sovereigns, and left him asleep, where the policemen found him ut three o'clock the next morning. This piuuder divided into three equal parts between the thi ‘The canvass belt was yesterday produced and id fied by Reyu: 4 the one that he said cont the mene: D, Upon examiuation it wis clearly shown that the beit would not hold 309 soversigus much more 1,500, ax sworn to by Reynolds. ‘I'bis fact being shown, confirmed the previous susptctons of Justice Latbrop, who comwiited Reynolds to prison on acharge of perjury. Theimotives whieh is said to have induced Key nvids to swear he was robbed of tais large amount, is from the fact that the greater part belonged to bis orphan nephews residing ia Michigan, and he (Reynolds) was accing as their agent, having been to England for that purpose to receive the legacy. ‘Thus the facts #inod at present, instead of 1 500 seve- reigns being Jort as eworn to by Reynolds. there was but 28, which throws @ very atroag su-picion ou Rey- Dold+. that sume motive was intended, when ewearlog tothe amount of money iost. Justice Lovhrop ovm- Mitied the thieves to prison, and likewise Mr. Rey- nolde, in orderto thoroughly iovestizate the whole affair which at present is rather mysterious. A Mer. George Rumsly, an honest and hardworking shoe- muker, residing in the Sth avenue, was arrested bp the police on suspicion of robbing Keynaulds; bat upow Ay iow, the wagistrate was fully satietled boat innocent wao, sud discharged hun at once ged fre together with the arTeet, were yesterday ¢ ae upon the urrest of te to be innocent of Ee cb Stealing a Me the }0ch ward, & vn arrest. —Mr Robinson aud wife, mi th who were aader by the magistrate, ves they perp shown ge wllege.! agutnes Nioers Suwabett nad Mead, of yesterday & man calted Jacob Filiman, on ® charce of stealiag aspring wagon valued at $60, the property of Harmaa H Brages, ovraer of Grand avd Orchard streets, Justice Osborne detatay «d the teoused for # furiber hearing ereral § en rovirt cott and family wetg in Albany on Friday,