The New York Herald Newspaper, June 29, 1848, Page 1

ee patie ery cementite, om Wholeg to. 8134. THE OLD WORLD. FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE or THE NEW YORK HERALD. Panis, June 2, 1848. Third Revolution at Vienna—Ministers Prisoners—City ) Barricaded—Union of Students and Workingmen— Grand Revolution in the Interior—Different Sects in Austria—New Government—Army of 100,000 Men— 4 New Power—Imminent Danger at Hungary. A third revolution has taken place at Vienna, indi- cating more revolution, and prospect of bloodshed ; than any of the former. On the twenty-fourth of May, the ministry issued the decree of the Emperor for the dissolution of the Aca‘zmic Logi The students and workingmen united to resist ; adgga og there were three regiments of troops in the city. The people and troops fought. and the latter were driven, and two members of the ministry made prisoners, and the re- mainder fled. That night and the next’ morning, to the latest, was the agitation increasing, and pre- parations for a more bloody contest. Four more re- Ler Se the ree : ted ee th @ city; but the people exacted & e Officers of the railroad, that they should not be trans- ported oe city, bat it is ‘said that the commander 1° ns to enter the foree, whether he cam perform the duty of pus shay ifthe Tailroad refuse, does not appear. E' street in Vienna has one or more barricades erected, some of them.as high as the socond story, of the most manent cha- acter for arresting the operations of the troops. The people, the labor a, have sent the students an address, demanding their services, and tendering toany of them, who might need it,the pecuniary means to gupport them. The students had the forces and were resolute; and they were ins triumphant position, at the date of the last accounts. They demand the exis- tence of the University and the Academy Corps, which have been dissolved; the withdrawal of all tho troops * from the city, four leagues distant; thirdly, the return of the Emperor to Vienna, ineight days, or a Prince to take his place at the head of the government. They almost demand te hold these two ministers and two = as hostages for the fulfilment of their condi- ions. Affairsare coming toa crisis in Vienna,and the parties ere becoming more ‘and more exasperated againat vach other, The Emperor must return to Vienna, or “it will be too late’ soon. The temper of the people will mot much longer admit of delay. The interior of Aus- tria is in a condition st¥l more alarming, if possible.— One hundred thousand Solaves, so called, are on their march against the rulers and aristocracy of Hungary. Their leader has been pronounced a itor, and a re- ward offered for his arrest, but ho will soon present himself in a manner that will make the condition of his enemies most critical. In Austria, thi t of it I mean, ate the class of men called Madg; 8, the preseut dominant partyin Hungary, and comprise the stistooraoy, and have given law to ‘the country for slong time. There are, also, different par! n class- es. called the Croates, the ues, the the lower fortunes, the Selaves and the Serbes, All these are generally spoken of and embraced under the names of Croats and Sclaves; that part called the Serbes, constitute, b larger ion, — These latter are a bold and warlike peop! ‘hey have declared for freedom. They have had their Congress, and on the 13th of May formed a government and a committee of safety, at Karlowats, and appointed Ste- phani Choupilnotz their captain generaly who has de- olared a war of extermination against the Madgyards, or Hungarians, now in power. and who were, in ages past, the usurpers of the country, and have always been the enemies of the Serbes. The prospoct. is, t! war of classes and sects will be most stituted the principal, effeotive force of the Austria empire. and aro now relied upon as constituting the most efficient portion of the army sent to Italy. The c in partionlar, have always beon jealous of the , a8 being more friendly to the Madgyards than to themselves; an improssion which, it is now being per- ceived in-italy. is important to eradicate. . There is, also, a friondly understanding between this mighty Dower of the Serbes, which cane an army of a hun- dred thousand men in a few’;)"""}Fand the Muscovites of Russia, and they hat ideg“f longer submitting to the power of either Austria, or Russia, or Turkey. The dominions of Nicholas himself are not froe from dan- ger under this state of things; and while the assembly of Frankfort are creating a new National League, for Germany. the Slaves country is rising in its might, per- haps to establish a new power, scarcely second to Has. sia hepelf. ‘They have adopted the white, red and blue for their flag, and unfurled the banner of freedom. OBSERVER. Panis, June 2, 1848, Sicily Giving Aid to Naples—Armies Prepared to Em- bark—New Revolutions in Anstria and Prussia—Ne- epolitan Navy—Arrest of Two Officers of the Army— 89,000,000 Sclaves, Croates, and Muscovites. isily has taken her stand with the people of Naples The government of Sicily have voted to weara badge of mourning for the dead, and to take the most ac- tive measures to assist the living. Armies are forming to march on Naples; and the steamer Vesuvius is or- dorad to be employed in transporting thon. Already largo forces ate prepared to embark, and the war wil! now be carried on with vigor. The twenty thousand troops sent against the Austrians, will contiauo their route; and the only two gencrals, or officers, who have manifested a disposition to return, have been put under arrest; yet the king has a good many troops in aod about Naples, and if they prove true to him, there will be hard fighting. ‘The head of the king Is at stake, aud he knows thatgie has nothing to hope, but in vie- tory. ‘ Te now becomes’very important to know what course the navy will adopt if it follows the example of the army. the fate of the king will be immediately sealed — if not, the conflict will be prolonged; but eventually, Ithink, the king mast full; for if England moves to his support, nothing can restrain Frauce from rush- ing into tho melée, and evon if it draws after it'a geno- rat European war liberty will triumph, although Fer- dinand and his iniquities may be forgotten in the grand strife. the mighty movemegt, and the forma- tion of a new government. In the heart of the Austrian dominions, in the forerts, as it were, of Euro} din region bordering upon Russia and the Muscovite country, where it might be supposed that one spark of fevedom’ never shone. the tree of liberty has been pinuted—the powers of Austria and of Russia have been defied. and an army of 100,000 are oa the march to meet the danger that demanded the head of their chieftain; while the Emperor of the once proud and tyranuical empire, is seeking an asylum in the moun- tains and among tho rocks of Tyrol, and his ministers prisoners in the hands of the students, whose Univer sity he had ordered to be dissolve ifow impotent was the poten upon the sea shore. ordered the ocei ° who, standing to cease to flow; and cqually so in that power who attempts to limit and collect ideas by brute neral the progress of though’ focoes Prussia is a the brink of anothor revolution. Indeed, Berlin is in a state of lution at this moment; and, at Leipsic, a revolution has commenced, which although supp for the moment after some bloodshed, will break out again, and sooner or later weep the Vaugtern, From Sil-sia, the Prussian assembly has received a remon- strance niumerously aigned, denying the right of the king, or of his ministera, to farnish @ constitution for the country, and alleging, that that right only be- longs to tho people and thelr reprosentutives. How long cau the power of a tyrant laxt, when the people have enught up such ideas, and bow long will it be before these traths end justice will be apprectiat ed by the whole country? Indeod. the interior of both Austria and Prussia appear to be advancing as fast toward the goal of freedom as the capital ; which have hitherto been the chief objects of consideration I mention the movement in the great country of the Senlve, Create, and Nuseovite, embracing some thirty or forty millions of paople, as of sufficent importance to create immediate danger to the Austrian empire, and sooner or Inter as affecting seriously the power security of Russia, Indeed, before aix months elapser. anew nation may come into existeuce strong enough under hor flag of white, red and bluc banner—the banner of liberty, equality and fraternity. to defy the power of both Austria and Riasta, and become an ally of the French Republic, to hold despotiam, in the rest of Europe, in check. Who can forree the events of the next your, andor the impulse of auch a now and mighty moveinent, as brings 100,000 mon into the field. col- lected in a faw days notice, and hearing the tri-colored flag aloft—the banner of France, with its old array- ment of colors, in the heart of Austria; with a price set upon the head of their chief! Duke Etienne, of Hungary. is making every possible disposition to meet the unexpreted enemy ; and Paris in waiting to hear the news of the result. In the meantime the capital of Austria beging to oxhibit some uneasiness, wader the operation of the acts of the Convention of Frankfort ‘Thus the German arn J is inn maelstrom ; and yet the people. in this state of anarchy. do not forget their self-respect ; aud although anarchy exists, they give laws to themselves ; and the only blood that is shed, roceeds from the resistance to some act of tyranny or reachery on the part of the dynasties struggling qt for existence ; and almost the only error committed by the people, is, im ned seats Bond of their dynas- ties at once, as they w' ol 10 ere long. ; Ki OBSERVER Pants, June 3, 1848. Revolutions in Italy—Preparations for, War with the King—-Number of Persons Dead, and Wounded, §¢., at Naples—Peschiera About to Surrender—Austrian | Troops in a Weak Condition—- Swiss Diet Recall the Troops from Naples—Her Fleet Surrendered—Aus- trian Ministry have Fielded to the Demands of the People—England. Calabria, in Italy, has revolutionized, and established ® Provisional Government, in open defiance of th . ae ~ scaneunchnnat eidaaeesinntiaiiieiiianagndaiatanamaiteatnaalimaenmnaiiee THE NEW YORK HERALD. } NEW YORK, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 29, 1848. King, At Ariane, » small town of 6000, and af Foggia, ‘@ Provisional Government and National Guard have been established—and there has been some fighting !n the two latter, leaving the result yet doubtful, At Co- senza, a city of much more importance, there has been hard fighting ; the troops have been disarmed, and the triumph complete, under a new government. At Paola, the troops about to embark for Naples have bep»~ sisted, and constrained to deliver up their armat. sae poople. The Sicilians have risen, and attacked and captured the fortress of Messina; and teken the steamer Vesuvius, and sent her to Malta for 16,000 stand of arms for the volunteers. Ferdinand, in the meantime. continues his work of recalling all the privileges he has granted, and of im- isoning and shooting the citizens of Naples. Six Bundrea persons have been arrested, and rent to the Arsenal ; of whom thirty-seven have been shot—three thousand have fied on board of five French sips lying in the harbor; among them are seven deputies. Twelve hundred and forty-two ure sireagy re: killed on both sides, ou the 16th and four hundred as wounded. The Ktug | pay to his soldiers and the Lazgaroni. by: sustained. From all sections about Naples, it would seem, that active preparations are being made to over- throw the author of the massaore. Near Trente, the inhabitants of thecountry, in- censed by the exactions of the Austrians. have taken of | up arms, and attacked the isolated corps, and seized their artillery, which they have thrown into the Adige. At Coffaro, the Italians have retaken the itions whioh they had been obliged to abandon. The loss of the Austrians was large in this encounter. After the attack end bombardment of Vicena, on the 25th, the Austrians had retaken the positions . occu. pied on Sunday—since that time, they have, however. | retreated to Motebello During this, it is represented, that there have been several severe encounters. in which the Austrian loss Lus been very considerable. But much more important than these matters, is the information from Pescholra; by which it appears that that strong fort is so far reduced that upon the de- mand of Charles Albert, it is about to surrender; that for that purpose, and under certain conditions, Charles Albert has given his nent twenty-four hours in which to make the decision ; in which time he expects to communicate with the Austrian Commander in Chief. The garrison isin a starving condition; and the whole Austrian army are within a few hours march, yet no relief is tendered ; although all the forces a now concentrated in the army of Radetzki, which he expects. and which now amounts to about 50,000. If these are facts, then the condition of the Austrians is demonstrated to be critical, and their army too weak to resist the Italians, or to. give them battle, for the purpose of attompting to relieve so important a for- tress as Pescheira. Moreover, tho steamer arriving at Venica, reports that the Austrian fleet, upon leaving Pola, had been blockaded by the Italian fleet arrived before Trieste ; and had been forced to mako propoasi- tions of capitulation. If this information should be confirmed, and also the news of the rising of the Sclaves before referred to, the war between italy and Austr! is drawing to a closo; and the question of the future seaanene the Austrian empire, will bo substituted for it, The Swiss Diet are taking tho most efficient measures to procure the withdrawal of the troops from Naples, pelonsing to thelr several cantons. A decree has been passed by the Diet to that effect ; but as the contracts were made by the cantons, itis necessaty that they should be consulted, for which purpose the Diet has boon taking the prompt initiative. Ta a former letter, Thave described the condition of affairs ring out of their revolution at Vienna, up to the 25ch, and the three demands of the people. lead on by the stude ate of the University. On tho 27th, the ministry yielded to these cemands, withdrew the troops from the city. and restored the students. Thus has the first attempt of the Austrian Emperor, to imi- tate his relative and jutor at Naples, been defeat- ed—he had not en English Admiral and fleet to assist him, I perceivo thero is good deal of talk yet in Englead, but thero is very littlo of that kind of gument, which can alone be effectual with the Engi Government. Indeed, in England, the masses have behaved in the most cowardly manner, and there is vory Uttle indication by their conduct, that they are worthy of any other condition than to serve. Men who are willing to serve, rather than contend, in earnest, and in good faith, for their rights, and to risk life and limb, are not worthy to be freemen. Such ap- pears to be the charater of all the movements in Eng- land, as lead to the conclusion that the people of England are not prepared to establish, or to appreciate free institutions, OBSERVER. Panis, June 3, 1848, The Exemptions of Members of the National esembly Defined—Report of Commission Against Louis Blanc —Jules Favre—Report of Minister of Finance Unfa- vorable—Cumulative Salaries—Bill of Louis Blanc. The commission of eighteen; to which was referred the question of granting the requisition of the Pro- cureur General, for the arrest and trial of Louis Blanc reported yesterday, 15 to 3, in favor of granting the request. The report was mide by Jules Favre, said ‘to be the brother of the consul recently appointed at New York, a man of unquestiongd talent, and a fine lawyer ; who holds a place in the ministry, and a strong position on the floor of the Assembly. He, in his ad- dross, reviewed the right of the Assembly to grant the demand of the prosecutors, aud the extent of the ex- emptions from arrest of the members of that body. No law or rule of the Assembly, he alleges, exists against making such arrests. Thero was a decree of the provi- sional government, I think, to which no reference is made, however. But that, as the Assembly is supreme. it becomes a question of duty and of honcr, how far exemptions shall or shall not be granted. And after referring to the fact, that the comuission had heard both the prosesutor and the acouset, aud examined the written evidence produced bof»re them, whieh, ac- laws of France, ho suys, are not to be made the subject of public comment. or examination, till upoo the trial of the accused. ‘The commission have felt it to be their doty tu report in Cavor of grant- ing the authority demanded; not without expre: however, the with. and even tht hope, that the ace’ will be able to vindicate himself on the flual trial. This report was received with great consideration. and after a fow remarks, referred to Saturday, (to-day.) for con- sideration. There was much less of excitement in the Assembly, during this day?s proceedings than on the day before, when the requitition was first introduced A little incident transpired. which indicates, at least, @ want of tact In the accused, in defending himelf, and, with the community, will undoubtedly prejudice the accused. Four members had testified to the use of c tain words. by Louis Blanc, on addressing the insur- gents in tho Assembly, which wore, in substance “to congratulate them in having conquered their liberty to present a petition.” ‘Those words were inserted in the Tequisition and Louis Blanc pronounced them false A great number of members aflirmed to the ure of them by him. This took place during the debate of the first day. Yesterday, at the opening of the session, and be- fure the report of the committee, the Preaident rend a letter from Burbs, in which M. Barbés declared him- self the author of these words, and denied that they were used by Louis Blanc, his friend. Such cireum- stances have their tendency on the public mind, but I now thivk, that the majority of the Assembly will not sustain the report. Iam happy to sny that there inno indication of any dixposition to oppress, or of party epirit in the proceeding. Indeed, the author of the report [regard as rather inclining to favor what at first was regarded as the more radical portion of the Assembly, He took the lead In defeating the proport- tion of the commission at the commencement of the session, im favor of having no executive, and only ministers; and placed himself in _opposttion to M, O. Barrot, who led the debate on the other side of the I think the agitation bh much. at present, and wales to-day’s debate gives n@W vigor to the question, the debate will take the ordinary course, without giving rise to any unusual incident. The Minister of Finance has made his report, which shows a vast falling off in the revenues of the country; and the necersity of husbanding there resources, to preventithe rapid increase of thoir debt. ‘This was to ave been expected. Indeed, the salaries and expenses in France, have been under the old regimo, aud still are. enormous; vast numbers having two, three, four and five salaries, inatead ofono. The abuses, in this respeot aro paralyzing. and it will require vigor and integrity to expel thom. The trath is, they exi among the highor classes and the men who recel profits of them, are among thove in power, Th Committee to take into consideration such abuees and cumulative salaries; but whether they will be able to stom the current sufficiently to expel them, and t apply the remedy; remaips to to seen. Time and dis cussion will accomplish it; but it will require both, I think, The press atill continues impatient with ti Axtembly, unreasonably fo, ax it appears to me—not consider! parently, that the whole business of the sexsion is still In preparation, in the committee rooms, or bureaux, here so called, Loufe Blanc left a bill of $360.000 franes for the government to pay, for th ses of dinners, &c., for himeelf and friends e uxemburg, during the ninety days of the nrovisional government. OBSERVER. ‘ Panis, June 4, 1848. Assembly Refuse to Surrender Louis Blane—The Dis- cussion and Vote—The Elections— Grand Disewssion over Thiers—Condition of Thiers—His Past and Pre- sent Position. Louis Blane has not been surrondered to the hands question. ae | of the new officers, The vote for sustaining the re- port of the commission was 337 to 369; and the result produced great sensation. The ministry were divided | upon the question; and, in these grave cireumstances the fingl vote was taken by ballot. Mossrs. Faon nod Bac lead in th8 discussion for and against sustaining the report. Others participated; but these gentlemen covered the ground, and exhausted the mubject. by the views they prose! . M, Bac denied the doctrine of the report; anid the position ageumed was, to demand a Yote of conadene conclusions of the commit- tee, without seeing the cvidenoy upon which they had ected; that to deliver up the accused was to pre-judge his‘case; that there was not sufficient evidence before the Assemb!y to authorise the measures; and that it was only in violent and palpable cases that en wxoep- | tion should be made to the inviolability of the Assem- | bly, as a general principle. M. Faon replied, referring to the arguments of the re} and img, in adai- tion thereto, that when law officers felt it to be their duty to prosecute, and furnished the Assembiy, or its commission, with reasonable evidences to justi- fy their conduct, the Assembly ought not to stop tn to | arrest the career of justice. There were several siate- monte of meubers, giving information of certain facta withim their own knowledge; and, after this canvass, the result folloyed to which | have referred. | Thave given an outline of the proceedings of this | remarkabie case. which reflects so much credit upon the National Assembly of France, and exhibits thom | Defore the civilized world as worthy representatives of | the present age of civilisation, and worthy the confi- | dence which a nation has repoved in them. Stung'to | the quick by the indignity offered to themselves and | the nation, by the asauult of the 1th of May, and the | treachery of some of their own members, and the high officers in whom they bad reposed confidence, | they have manifested, in this instance, their impar- tislity and firmness, in both examining and judg ng. and their indisposition to commingte with thotr duty any considerations, personal or political, which did not belong to the subject. From the ministers, th: every shade of political parties, men divided upon t question, leaving the result s0 nearly balanced. that it was only by a ballot that the majority could be satis- factorily ascertained. I think the examination will prove uxeful to the country and productive of good re- sults. ‘The election is now going forward in Paris, aud the discussions are varied and animating. The entire bou- levards are filled with knots.of people, Rooniing: prin- sipally the propriety of electing or rejecting M. Thiers. ‘no the one sidv were offered, xs reasons for his election, bis talents and experience; and. on the other, these were ped agajust him, taken in connection with his past itieal bietory; aud, xo far as U could discover in tho streets, the numbers against him largely preponde- rated. But this is an imperfect criterion by which to judge of the real sentiments of,the wholo Parisien popu- lation; and it will only be by the annunoiation of the vote that the result of this interesting, very interesting question will be definitely known; and it will be re- garded as indicating, in some measure, the views of Paria as to the future policy of the government; and it will affect the standing, to a certain extent,of the head men of the existing administration, if he should be elected:from Paris, if the provinces elect him, no par- ticular importanee will be attached to it as an indica- tion of public opinion; and the only regret the admin- istration will feel is, that he isin the Assembly, where he may give them trouble. But I consider that M. Thiers is not to be judged, in reference to the futare, under a republic, by the past, under a monarchy, whose minister he was for some time. M. Thiers is too great @ statesman to think of adapting the same policy to the two conditions of the body politic, He has declared he is for the republic, and will sustain it; and I have seen nothing to justify any one in doubting it. Many of his fectinlas Wiends axe now’ er'vie ‘Ateaitly, wid pot of them members of the commission to prepare the co: stitution ; and there is no indication that they do not most heartily enter into the true spirit of the question, aud ably anc For § perform their duties. When I first came to France, I could find no one who was the open advocate of a republic ; if they desired one, they concealed their opinions. But:when the masses buret out, like the eruption of a volcanic mountain, overflow. ing and overaw.ng all opp ion, filling the stre and squares by eons'and hundreds of thousands, and crying “ Vive la République!” “bas lea Rota!” and ia their mishiy advovacy overturning & monarchy and putting to oes aking and his household, then, in that moment, Paris was regencrated, and gave birth to new views and new forms. The change in thought was as sudden ss in the forms; and those who were monarch- ists on the 23d, on the 24th were republicans; andon the 27th the nation was prepared to be, and was, bay tized in its new principles, at the pedestal of the God- deas of Liberty. That Thiers was among the regenc- rated sons of France, hope; for the fame of France has been extended by his pen, and his talents, in her c,use; and her history;is still to be further recorded by this celebrated historia: OBSERVER. > Paris, June 7, 1848; The condition of the people of France.—Merchants and Bankers, and Government only are in want.—Their manners and habits of Life.—No poverty or suffering in France. Ihave spoken of the pecutilaty eiibarrassment’ 1h France—and that exists in fast among the mervantile community, bankers, and with the government. But among the people there is no want. Provisions ar: cheap and abundant, perhaps never more so ; and there is no poverty or suffering in France. No coun- try, our own excepted, can compare with Franco in this respect. Since tho rights of primogeniture were destroyed, and property divided, asin our own country among the heirs, wealth has ceased to exist in large estates, and the means of living bave been shared -by all. I never saw a city like Paris, with so little pover- ty—so few people who look destitute ; indeed, it can scarcely be said that any such can have been seen in Paris, or in any other city which 1 have visited. Bread is 28 centimes per killogram, which is but about 2\ cents # pound—this is the price of the first quality, and the second quality, which is good bread, is nbout 1¢ cent a pound. Meat ix dear, and always so in aris- from 10 to 29 cents a pound —but every species of vege- tables is cheap, and every kind of food abundant.— The French consume very little meat, evon in rich fa- milies, and they live generally upon head soup anil ve- qetables, always Laving plenty of wine, which they oon- sume iu large quantities—ail are well dressud—fewer people poorly dressed in Paris than in New York, i cluding the coreigners, I mean, who resort to that city. 1 see less of apparent want and poverty in the city of Paris than in that of New York, notwithstanding the difference in the population—the reason is manifest— there is very liltie foreign population in Paris-among the poorer classes of the people ; and no suows or cold weather ; there has not been a half inch of snow the past winter, nor any time. when sheep and cattle would not live weil, without any living on provender. Very little wood, or house room. or furniture is necessary for real wants of a family in Faris—moat people live inost of the year out of the house—eat out of the house! in the streets, in shopd—and all that is necessary for thein, and, indeed. pretty much all they use, is a room to lodge in, bu the summer, fo months, | do not be eve a fire is made ones a month, in one half of the fa milies, in commoncicoumstances, in Paris—they do not want lt—nor woutd they use it for any purpose, if it was prepared for them. Every thing eaten is cooked and for saie in every part of the city, and with 1 troubly and expense than it cau be procured for by single famity. The fashion is to eat in restaurants. shops, and streets. whenvver and wherever it is decried Men, women, and children, all adopt th Wherever there is a budy of men, there is cooking fo. ing on, out doors, and among them. Evorywhore the Betiques are filled with food, already beautifully pre- pared. ‘The whole of Paris is ous grand dining hall. Billed with ciubs and classes im every part, at all hours of the day, and nearly all bours at night. Hence. all the women work in shops, or iu the street, as the. case may be, and there is bots mule and fesnale among the poorer Glasses to contcivute to the eupport of them- selves and families; andthe womenare mart as the men in the art of procuring a living. There js, then, little time lost in and about the affairs of a house, and no winter to consume the earnings of a summer. All ‘the real estate in France is cut up into little pieces of ground—from one to five acres, perhaps—generally ap- parently not exceeding one or two acres—and every part of this is highly cultivated—with the produce of which the farmer buys what is necessary from the city. I will speak of the country—which here is called pro- vence, or compagne. fe hax a small hut upon this piece of ground, about five or six feet high at the eaves, and with one room only for the family. This is all he needs, and all he has. Farms look as if they had been divided up among the third, fourth, and fifth ge- nerations, sometimes, as they actually have been. Pcople in France want room aud ground. We have both to spare them, and want seen; of whom there is such an excess in Earope. But there is no place in tho world where the whole people work as hard as in the Northern States of the United States, or live as well and have such good houses, and well furnished — It is a ntrong remark, but a true one, and let our Pp prec‘ate it, ‘Travel where they will, they will find no general comforts like thoxe enjoyed by our own people. inhabiting cold latitudes. Vastly less labor is per- formed in-all other parte of the world, in proportion. than there; but their compensation is in the luxuries of home and plenty—in the abundance of every good thing which labor produces. ‘heir labor ts voluntary. and their sleep is sweet. But France is a great work- shop, and the people are industrious, OBSERVER, Panis, Jane 8, 1848. | Great Calm in Parie—Lamartine has not yet Resigned inister of Foreign Affairs withdrawn his Resigna- tion-— Difference in the Political Condition of France and America—Restoration of Law Officers—Adoption of Vigorous Measures. This morning is beautiful: the sky is bright, and the political horizon more calm. Neither Lamartine nor Ledru Rollin has resigned. as the journals of yosterday universally announced; but M. Bastidl, Minister of Foreign Affairs, has withdrawn bis resignation, which, if persisted in, would have caused the resignation of Lamartine, as they are especial friends. Bethmont has been appointed Minister of Justice; and the two law officers who pursued Lewis Blanc so vigorously, and dealt such mortal blows at M. Crémioux, ex-Minister of Justice, have been restored. Tho government have presented some stringent decrees against assemblages in the streets, by day or by night, sustained vigo- rously by Marie in the Assembly, and adopted by a groat majority of that body. Even the press approbates this act of the government, and | the Presse says “it ie the first fective act of the government sustained in a manly manner.” | do not subscribe to this doctrin it that the Ex- coutive have shown lore vi nd decision than | the people have deserved, is go to that extent. | that yesterday the National said, if they longer wanted , . their support, they must show themselves more worthy of public confidence in their ability snd efficiency. But the French that they have s numerous ex- ecutive, and that the feult is more in the system, per- haps, than in the men, This difficulty they will reme- dy by creating only & President. under the new con- stitution, as | underatend—and that this iustrument, as it comes from the bureau of the committee, will be reported to the Assembly in ten to twelve days, The country is growing impatient for its appearance ang adoption; and it is of great importance to France that there should bo as little delay as possible in this re- spect, | augur well for its effucts, and expect to see an instrument harps gl wisdom in its provisions, and indicatig # capability of adapting itself to the condition of the country. I hear ealy te ‘most favora- ble from the dings of the committee, and of their incessant and uaity of sentiment. But fore time it is to be expected ‘that there will be les for , place, and power in ‘rance, and that a coi ation and laws, and adminis- tration which would be wisest for us, born under a re- | public, educated in its rine! les, schooled in our ohildhood to reverence and worship it as the arch of our political salvation; accustomed to see the people rule, and r “oa rer on thy Lag ol age a laws. at the mo- ment they enjo; greatest liberty necessary for thelr happiness and compatible with evil i stitutions, we, thus trained, cannot well compare the condition of @ people reared ‘under monarohtcal institutions, un- acoustomed, from their birth. to see the pageantry of Kings, and courts and ministers—deprived of all parti- cipation in the organization of the government, be one i LEP mp Pye Ok) oe enjoyment of it places or bounties; and governed by a military guard, daily and hourly’ stationed at every otraee ae the streets, drowsed In military uniform, doing duty asa sentinel, carrying » musket with a bayonet oharged, thelr guard-bouses atationed through every part of the elt ‘and their presence and superintendence at every public oxhibitiog aud, indeed, every private party, where there might happen to be any co: Rderable num- ber of people. Let» nation of men be born into the world at once, with the strength, size and vigor which men mow possers at the age of twenty-one, and it would require some time to teach them to submit to the rey tions and discipline to which they now sub- mit quietly, from lessons which they have learned i: their infanoy. Any one who views justly the diffe ence in the condition of the two countries, and tal into consideration another fact, that of thi ulation in France, may well be surprised nitestations «f self-denial the ma- which France has exhibited, and the evidens: ich her people have given of their sapebity of self-government. ‘hen J say, therefore, further straggles must be expected, I reason from the constitution of mi id the nature of things; and yet, atter my. imperfect soquaintance with the Fresch, have every confidence in their present and future ruc- coas; and, because they may have an émeute to-day, and an insurrection to-morrow, it affords no. reason that they will not maintain a republic. These are not struggles between the people, on the one hand for a monarchy, and on the other for a republic ; and, al- though the old dynasties may furnich the funds, and employ agents to create all the disorder oraible, it does not advance the cause. True, they hopeto disgust the people with 9 republic, and’ cause them to return again to a monarchy; but the troubles have been less in Paris, since the establishment of the republic, than for the same time after tho advent of Louis Philippe, in 1830. OBSERVER. Panis, June 8, 1849, Grand Banquet for 100,000 Werkmen near the Dungeon —Public Measures of Defence—Election of Prince Bonaparte and Raspail the Prisoner—The New Con- greee at Prague daring the Authority of that at Frank= fort—Russia or France will be the Ally of the Sclave Power. ‘A grand banquet is announced for next Sunday, for a hundred thousand people, and s thousand tables, for the working men, at five sous a piece, to be held at Saint Maudé, near the dungeon of Vincennes, where Barbés and his associates are imprisone: ‘This affair has not falivd to engross the attention of the Executive, Assembly and people—that it means an attack on the the chief, I have no doubt, The garrison is put in preparation, and the commander of the fort has requir- doubled, and all the people in the nei of the a, wi jakh cn f-the cannon, have been forewarned tO be ready for any contingency. The vote of to-day, af announced, shows a strong feelin for the prisoners ; indeed. one of them, Raxpall, if pot clected. is certainly the 13th candidate on the list, the number to be elected being cleven, and two in those actually chosen are among those strongly suspected with being connected with the movement of May 15 ; one man is chosen who has been in the lst of the new Provisional Government made out by Barbés, It is true that the whole vote in the city is small. the highest candidate, Caussidire, having about 125.000, while Proudhon and Raspail, and others of their friend, have but about 60,0000 ; but as the eleven highest candi- are. elected, some baying only about that num- ber will be choson. Raspail is in the dungeon ; and the few remaining votes not yet counted, which were polled in the benlieus, will decide whether he shall Tango llor12 on the list. Should he be elected, an extraordinary question will be presented. ‘The choice of the erople fa imprisoned by the goverament— that will be the language; and the asrguwent.will be powerful. Prine Louis Bonaparte, the nephew of Na- oleen, and the heir to the throne ‘under the reign of he Ei No, 19 or 17 on the list in Paris ; peror, ranges andis undoubtedly chosen in Corsica, and perbaps one other piace. ‘The Assembly had been discussing last week the questfon of repealing the law banishing the family of Bonaparte; and the difficulty in the way was the Prince himself, who last week came. to Paris. but left again at ‘the request of the ment. He has been taken up by the people, made representative. Corsica, therefore, their Bonapartes into the Assembly, Prinoe presents himeelf, right to a seat will be raised. have imprironed one poor fellow for putting up « hand- bill, eigned by him. in favor of Joinville as a candidate for the Assembly, because, they said, it was sedition— he being under an act of banishment ; but Louis No poleon. in the same eategory, is actually elected. They cannot imp the Corsicans. But, necessity is mighty in days of revolution ; it makes governments isons, and liberates men, and common law notions are atalo—what is necesxary is done, and if those who are displeased with it, can undo it, they will. If on Sunday the people take Barbis out of prison, the Na- tional Guard fr with and establish a new order of things, Barbies will be ins condition to resort to the aame principle of necessity. I put the case, but [have not the least suspicion that euch an event will happen. I think resent government, as a whole, haw great strength, and that there is no more prospect of that, than there is that Mr. Webster will be the next President of the United States, of whove nomination | have not yot been informed ‘The Sclave Congross at Prague, is in full motion; end among its first acts, it has denied the right of the as- sembly at Frankfort. to make laws to control the Sclave country. and much less to control the acts of that «- Yereign body, ‘The Luropean world ie just waking un pon the subject of this Selave movement, ‘They have beon so stunned by the torrent of events in Europe, that fora week they seemed to have no ilace left to notice one of the mort important of them all—the creation of a new and gigantic power in the heart of Austria, and bordering upon the dominions of Russia —a power which willseek an alliance with oither France or Htusria, aud whore position, when fully developed; in to exert an influence upon the political destinies of Europe. When the riting of this new star in the eaxt, was first noticed. I did not expect to have seca its pre- portions so far developed in afew days. Already the Emperor of Austria courts it, and threatens the Vien- nian with an adoption of Prague for Vienna, unless they return to their loyalty. Tho Congress of Prague, too, is disposed to secure the assent of the Emperor to their oxistence. The question is also before the assen « bly of Frankfort, whether they will recognize the dele- gates from Posen, and which is yet undecided. There is now in session a National Ansembly at Paris, Frank- fort, Berlin and Prague—all choren by universal suf- frege ; and among the three latter, exercising. toe cortain extent. powers conflicting; in addition to which, is the Diet of Frankfort, also’ creation of the revolution. Confusion still continues to exist at Vi- enna and Berlin; but the good sense of the people maintains. generally public tranquility. in spite of the conduct and trenchery of kings and ministers. When they will take the whole subject into their own hands, And treat kings arian “obsolete idea,” aa Mr. Webster dtd the bank, remains to be determined. OBSERVER. P. S.—It romainsgoubtfal whether Emele de Girar- din or Raspail is the 11th elected. sends When the the question of his Indeed, the government Marine Affairs, Suir Henay Autex,—The passengers in the Henry Allen, from Charleston, sent us the annexed teati- monial :-— “We, the undersigned, cabin passengers in the shij Henry’Allen, on the passage from Charleston to this ort. take this method of expressing their grateful ae- Knowiledgmanta to Capt, Geo, A. Meviunn, and his officers. for their gentlemanly attention and kindness to ourselves during the pi y in con- fidently recommending them, and the ship H. Allen to the travelling community.* Iutrnors.—The whig congressional convention for the sixth district, was held on the 14th inst. at Rock Island. Col. i. D. Baker was nominated on the second ballot. He received a small majority over M. P. Sweet, Eeq., and E. B. Washburne, Eeq. ‘The Philadelphia nominations are well re: ceived, though there were many devoted friends of Mr. Clay in the district. Rutove Istanp.—The State Assembly met at Newport on Monday last. ‘Tayror Ratirtcation Merrine at Atpany.—A very large meeting took place at the capitol in Albany on Tuesday evening, to respond to and ratify the Philadelphia nomination. It was an affair, and went off with but little dis- turban dungeon, and a release of the prisoners, on the part of ed that the force, which is now 1500 men, should be ighborhoed == Price Two Cones SPEECH OF JOHN VAN BUREN, DELIVERED aT Geneseo, Livingston County, JUNE 20, 1848, ALpany, June 27, 1848, Valedictory to the Democracy—The Last Published Speech of Mr. Van Buren—The Last “Sermon on the Abolition Mount,”’ " I transmit herewith a detailed report of the speech delivered by John Van Buren, at Geneseo, on the 20th instant. Circumstances having changed, Mr. Van Buren declared at Utica that he would make no more speeches during the present campaign. This, there- fore, is the last speech from the lips of the younger Van Buren, which the world will have an opportunity of reading before the close of the political revolution | of 1848. Mr. Van Buren spoke to the meeting, which ‘was composed of several thousand persons, as follows:— Fellow-oltizena:—A convention of the demoorats of this county, having invited me to address you here to- day, it gives me great pleasure to comply with their request. A presidential election is about approaching, and the electors of this Si d will shortly be cal upon to discharge the r ry devolves upon them, of elevating to the chief magis- tracy of twenty millions of free people, one of the citizens of this republic, The great question which now agitates the public mind in connection with this duty, is whether slavery shall be extended to territories of tho United States that are now free, Thomas Jeffor- son, in drawing the declaration of independence in ’76, and in enumerating the oppressions practiced upon the colonies by the King of Great Britain, charges him with having waged a cruel war sgalust human nature iteelf, violating {ts mont sacred rights of life and liberty, in the persons of a distant who never offended him. ‘This piratical, warfare, (he said.) the oppro- brium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian King of Great Britain, Determined to keep up a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prosti- tuted his negative for suppressing any legislative at- tempt torestrain this execrable traffic.” The language thus employed in regard to the slave trade, was not stronger than was used at that day by the same dis- tinuished man, as well as by George Washington, Patrick Henry, James Madison, James Monroe, Guorge Mason, and the other elaveholding patriots of" the revo lution, in speaking of domestic rlavery itself; with the single exception that the foreign slave trade was an evil which our forefathers had it in their power promptly to suppress, and were thorefore responsible for the continuance of it, whilst domestic slavery was @ condition forced upon us by the mother country, for which we wore not rosponsible, and which required time, humanity and philanthropy to ameliorate and extinguish, “Those who declared and established our independence, like those patriots who recently overturned the French monarchy, knew and felt that the basis of true freedom was the oqual- ity of maa; and to bring about this happy re- sult consistently with the condition of the coun- try, they adopted the following policy, In re} to the States where slavery existed, it was left to the of the State govern- wisdom and humanity ment to escape fromthe evil. The unsettled territory north and west of the Obio, out of which it was con- templated that futnre States would be formed, belonged to Virginia, ‘This territory was ceded to the United States immediately at tho close of the revolution. Jef- forson was one of the grantors in the deed of cvssion ; the following year he introduced an ordinanee (cheers) by which it was declared, that after 1800, slavery, or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment’ of crime, should never exist in such territory, or in the States to be formed out of it. Three years afterwards an ordingnce was passod by which slavery was imme- diately and forever prohibited in said territory. This ordinance passed the Congress of the confederation unanimously, and was tent to Virginia to be ratified by the Legislature of that State ; it was so ratified al- most unanimously. Tho framers of the constitution, at the same time and place, authorised Congress after 1808 to prohibit the foreign slave trade. ‘This delay of twenty years in a work of humanity and concession wrung from the patriots of V! the North, by the obstinacy of South Carolia Georgia, which States, by their delegates in the con- vention, refused to come into the Union unless the concession was made, ‘The first Congress under the new constitution, in 1789, to remove all doubts of the validity of the ordinance of 1787, ratified it by a legis- lative act. Edward Coles, a most ostimable and intel- ligent citizen of Philadelphia—a member of one of the strongest and most influential families of Virginia, private secretary to Mr. Madison during his Presiden- cy, and formerly Governor of the State of Illinois— informs me that the ordinance of 1787 actually emancipated a large number of slaves, who, at the time of its passage, were found in the territory now the State of Illinois, So early as 1798, St. George Tucker, one of the ablest men ix Virginia, pub- lished a plan for the abolition of slavery in that State; and in enforcing the propriety of such sbolitio described slavery as an evils thousand times greater than all the others which Great Britain had subjected us to, and one from which Virginia must be saved. or her physical aud moral prostration would be inevitable, This glance at the early history of our country, and at the action of the patriots of the revolution, satisfies me that the framers of the constitution regarded #1 very 488 moral, social, and political curse; that 01 great object of the revolution was to escape from it. and that they intended to make and did make a gov- ernment, in which Congress should have power to pro- hibit and abolish slavery in all the territories of the United States; that they intended to form and did form a Union, into which no more slave States should ever come, and the members of which should. in good faith, proceed aa rapidly as possible to rid themselves of thie withering blight,and rescue their associates from the reproach and disgrace which its existence brot e revolution till recently, with tion of the admission of Texas, Loulsiana and Florida, in all of which, in my judgment, slavery ought to have been prohibited, (cheers) confirms me in this belief. Out of the Northwestern territory, ceded by Virginia, have been formed the States of Ohio, Indiana, Wiscon- ain, Mlinois and Michigan. These five States contain 4 population of between four and five millions, and al- most exbaustless physical resources. They were formed out of a part of the State of Virginia, and-how remarka- bly does the condition of Virginia, when contrasted with theirs, illustrate the effect of the Jeffersonian policy. She stands still, or retrogrades, whilst any one of them, with its boundless energy, resistless progress, rapidly ‘iucreasing population, either now exceods or m obviously soon outgro tate from which it sprung. Who 1 thote five lusty obil- dren, and can even believe that they have ever sprang from +uch an exhausted mother? exhausted too, not in giving birth to, or in nursing her ctildren, but exhausted in lying still and looking at them grow they were bora and weaned. It shat such a mother should have such ebild- + the great ot liberty—Thomas Jef- for a disciple ne ‘Thomas Ritchie. (Laughter and cheers) The policy that has produced these great results was not only in- troduced by Virginia, aud brought into successful op- eration upom Virginia soil, but until very recently, it has secured the unanimous and hearty asvent of the every section of the United States. Whon 1a was purchased, slavery existed in that State, und its continuance was guaranteed by the treaty At the time of the Missourt compromise, ‘aboliched slavery in all the territory of Louisiana, north of 36 30. So late as 1838, the terri- tory of lown was organised out of this northern por- tion of Louisiana. and in the act for its organization slavery was prohibiteu in said territcry. This was the latest exercise of a power in Congress which has been exercised since the foundation of the government, and which was never, until recently, denied. The territory of Oregon ix now without @ government, and its people have been petitioning Congress for this protection. New Mexico and Culifornia have been conquered from Mexico ; the President declares that they are ours, never to be surrendered, and he recom- mens Congress to organize a territorial government over them. These imperative duties remain unexe- cuted im Congress, in consequence of the determina- tion of citizens of the South that the territorial acts shall not be so framed as to preserve the law of free. dom. which is now the condition of Oregon, New Mexico and California, They deny to Congress, power to uphold freedom in the face of the repeated instances in chick Congremy by the ait and ander the tent of Southern men, has abolished slavery in territories ceded by a slave State. They claim a» right to go into a free country, under the fisg of the United States. and behind the arms of our troops, to overthrow freedom ‘and plant slavery there; they not onl claim this right, but they deny to their political associates of both political parties the right to enter- tain a different opinion. Im nt us this question in. the democrats of New York have steadily refused to make it a test of eligibility to office; they refased to do #0 at Syraouse—at Herkimer—in thelr legislative ad- dresses, and finally at Utica, in selecting dele; to the national convention. Virginia, Georgia, Alabama, south Carolina, and Florida, on tho other hand, have Ntical necessity ren, as tl pos ferson—should have such # refugwe resolved that they will, under no whatever, support a candidate for President and Vice President, who dees not entertain their faith in regard to slavery. Their delegates have come to Baltimore, and refused to associate with those who do not enter- tain this belief; that the Ution delegates were rejected from tht Baltimore meeting on this ground, I have no doubt. Either the Utica delegates or the Albany dele- ates must have been regular; but ono set should ave been admitted ; the first duty of any delegated body Is to determine who are ite legitimate members if two sets can be admitted this year, twenty can be next, New York can overwhelm any delegated con- vention: the Ution delegates were rejected or neu- tralized because they advoeated the perpetuation of freedom in free territory. The delegates from ether States to Baltimore, must have bad rense enough to know how to examine and decide « simple quostion of requlerity; if they had not. when they discovered their incapacity to the first and simplest duty of n delegated Roay, they should have inforred their ineapacity to do and adjourned. (Lavghter.) lua city like Baltimore, it seems to me, that if the arsemblage had bron thus converted Intoa mob and bad neglected to adjourn. some magistrate would have read the rict act and dispersed I infer, justice was a nia and of | therefore, that they wilfully and ned}; 5 tralised "the ‘yoloe "of the” Stete Seen’ Yok, freedom. The sepa- formed because that voice was for 4 rate organisation in this State, has been upon that question; it was om this ground thet democrats seceded from the democratic \d adopted a minority address; on the same | gro departed from the usages of 26 ‘end | Organized & separate party at Albany, and sent ndent delegates from Congressional districts to Bal- imore. The origin of this independent nization was w determination to sacrifice Silas Weights piss to be effected by a union between traitors in the State ‘and presidential aspirants backed by the slave inter- est out of the State-a combination of office seekers and slave-holders, who saw in it the chief obstacle to thelr advancement; and the Albany Argus | Was most appropriately selected to form this combine- tion, and to announce the plan of the cam . On | the 27th of August last, Mr. Crowell, thus | the ess of the conspiracy. Mr. Van Buren read | the following extract from the Argus of that dute:— ‘ THE WILMOT PROVISO—ITS ORIGIN AND OBJECT. “It wilh be reeollected that the Wilmot s0 | called, was reproduced from our own State, diate- lye the opening of the last session of Congress. It ered in by ® prominent member from this State, high in.the confidence, and intimate in the association of another distinguished oit! then at Albany, who is regarded as a candidate for residential office, and it followed directly full co tation at Albany. It was thrown in before Congress posaibili act upon the ten regiment army bill—fi ble to the prosecution of the war; and. was int to act directly upon the three million bill—supposed to be material as a measure of peace. Such was its origin, and ostensible object. “If the farther design was to create a Northern pert » and to advance the presidential ots of & rn democratic candidate, not! "¢, could have been more mistaken. It might create » Northern party—it might renew end embitter ling of hostility be- tween the two great, but not necessarily antagonist, sections of the Union ; but it could not advance the rospects ofany Northern democrat for the ste ion to which any such politician might » It might add to the actual whig strength—and might af- ford ‘aid and comfort’ to the partizans of that feith.— But it could weaker an lyse the democrac: of the South. A Northern candidate, fer | his friends and adherents upon this sectienal ground, could not fail to ensure bia own defeat. It would be as inevitable as any the most unalterable Jaw of physica or science, or the undoubted results of cause and ef- fect. It would be literally a political feo dese, Three lines will comprise the result of any such movement upon a Northern democratic candidate. would rally the democracy of the South, almost to a man, against him. It would inevitably divide thede- mocracy of the North. He, as a democrat, therefore, could carry her section—but must lose both.” This base charge (continued Mr. Van Buren) inst Silas Wright, of originating the proviso, with a his own advancoment, was well known by Mr. Cros- well to be in precise opposition to all the facts, and was in conformity to invariable practice of that editor, an effort to cover his own treacheryand - gacy, by charging upon Mr. Wright the very thing he was himself doing. Mr. King introduced the proviso upon his own responsibility, as he has often declared, and without consultation with Mr. Wrigl Mr. Wright never destred political advancement, end ne- ver moved a finger to secure it. It was known, however, that he was « devoted friend of freedom, it was an inevitable inference that whem he did crest he would be found where Jefferson had been found before him. Knowing this, rival aspirants for the Presidency immediately conformed to the Southern test, and ® conspiracy was formed to sacrifice Mr. Wright, by uniti ne against him the entire South, and dividing, neutralising and disorganising the North, East and West, and most particularly nullifying the voice of New York. On the 27th August, Mr. Croswell declared the conspiracy sufficiently ripe to be an nounced, and the characteristic article which I read to you, gentlemen, was his mode of anuounol it. You will mark the date—the 27th August th day on which Mr. Wright died. (Great sensation in the crowd) But the publication was made before his death was known at Albany. The blow that was thus made at a living statesman fell upon his new grave; the creature who sought to be an as- sassin, was, by an inscrutable dispensation of Pro- vidense, converted into ® jackel. (Sensation.) Mr. ‘Wright did not survive to feel the effect of this Gisorganisation of the party, and abandonment of principle; but, gentlemen, we do, The nomination of Lewis Cass, in the precise in i) it was effected, by nullifying the voice of New York, and after compelling him to recant his opinions upon the subject of slavery is the natural consummation of the plot which I have described. To say that the demo- crats of New York are not bound by the action of i tt ba ngs lear & va = mn to as. sert that tl are not un e@ proceedi n; Of any otbet, meeting equally ainorderly ‘ond. die pica, in which they did not participate. It seem- ed to be the design of this Baltimore meetin; to heap contumely and insult upon the demoorate New York. men who were allowed to neutral- ine the voice ofthe State, were gencrally men of little or no character. Take such men as Croswell, Brode- rick, Clark, Brandreth; and if the intention had been to degrade the State, their admission would have effect- edit. Those Clarks area remarkable family ; there are John C. Clark, Lott Clark and Orville Clark. John C. was a delegate to the whig convention, and as | am told, led off in support of Gen. Taylor. He is, as horse dealers say, when they part with s bad horse to an in- nocent purchaser, a politician that we spared the whigs. Gaughter’y ‘or myself, | should be glad to see a& pasty lange enough to contain all these Clarks ; and I should be entirely contented if it contained nobody else. (Laughter) But so iene a there are three parties, 1 am inolined to believe there will be a Clark in each of them. [More leughter ] am not re to say that Orville Clark is inferior to the rest of the Albany delegation; take the entire batch ([ say batch, because when it got to Baltimore, it kneaded like dough) itwase sorry lot, [more laughter], beginning with Croswell and ’ ending with Brandreth. If the democracy of New York were by the judgment of their brethren in the other si to sink under the stiletto that pierced to the heart of Silas Wright, they might at least have been attended by one of the regular faculty; it was adding unnecessary cruclty to wanton insult, to smother them with a body of which the head was an assassin, and tho tail a quack. But I beg your pardon for spending any time to show that ac- tion of this Baltimore meeting binds nobody but the meeting itself; they determined that New York should not be represented; they justify themselves by decla- ring that they cannot understand N. divistona, that New York must be Jet alone, and they can this. ot along without New York. We sasent to Having made no. nomination, we are proeesdlitg to make one; having no candidates in the field that re- present our principles, we are proceeding to put such candidates there. Our reguiar electoral ticket will be nominated in September—our candidates on the 224 inst. The Utica organisation was so far endorsed by the Baltimore meeting, that the Utiea delegates were admitted. The Albany electoral ticket is pledged to Lewis Cass. It will receive the vote of every conserva- tive in tho State, and answers the excellent purpose of carrying out the views of the Baltimore meeting, and the views of the democrats of New York at the same time. Anybody who wishes to vote for General Cass {a thus afforded an opportunity; and at the same time, neither the principles, the organia@ion, nor the ranks of the democrats of this State, wil be seriously dis- turbed. After years of dissension, the conservatives have quit the democratic ranks, and set up for themselves. "he only injury that has threatened the demoerae: for the past eighteen months is their return, and this evil is averted, 1 trust effectually, in the endorsement which they have received at Baltimore. Finding thus every promise of harmony—the Baltimore meeting hav- ing agteed to let. New York alone—we agreeing to be let alone—having no longer any cause of quarrel among ourselves— the democrats and conservatives cowl be tinet organizations, distinet tickets and diametrically opposite political principles, I took the liberty, in common with 1,200 other democrats, of mgning a call for a meeting in tho Park. to hear the report of the Utica delegates to the Ballimore Convention. I had, gad could have no cause of personal complaint, beyond that of every democrat in New York. | bad ‘no favo- rite candidate for the Prosidency—the State bad none. Iwas not a delegate to the Baltimore Convention. I did not attend the Baltimore meeting. Martin Van Buren had. it is true, been a candidate in 1844 for the nomination, Although not receiving it, he cordially supported the nomination of Polk and Dallas, In an- nouncing his determination to do so, he declared that his public life was forever clored, and to that declara- tion he has mwodily. adhered and now adheres. No effort was xpared by him to secure the success of Mr. Polk, and no complaint has been heard from him in regard to Mr. Polk’s administration. Under these ciroumstances, longning that all the seventy-two dele- gates from New York to the Baltimore Convention, complained of the action of that body, I desired to hear a report from the thirty-six whom the democrats ad sent, and in whose truth | confided as to what that action bad been. This being the only step taken by me, and this being my condition Let ye tf you may imagine my when I find the editor of the Washington Union, at thiststage of the proceeding, claring fm his paper. ‘we shall not be surprised by any act of violence or demagogueism which may be perpe- trated John Van Buren.” This vencrable harmo- nist was brought to Washington, through the expulsion of Francis P. Blair, to take charge of the party organ, ‘gud quell discord in the democratic chotr; and without stopping to consider hin general success, it seems that in this particular instance, aside from the indecency of his conduct, he has signally failed in the task re- quired of him. New York was to be let alone; its di- visions were incomprehensible. Why, then, does Mr, Ritchie open the campaign by arsailing its citizens be- fore they open thelr mouths? Did he know what might be expected from every honest man in New York ’—or is there any thing in my career which would authorize any man who respects truth to anticipate violence and er from me? Tho transplanting Mr. Ritchie to Was! ie adminis. ington was the signal failure of tration; the expulsion of Mr. Blait its grossest outrage and folly. Rip Van Winkle, who slept twenty years upon the Cattekill mountain, and, when he awoke, found his gan decayed, his family scattered, and the government changed, was well ain to re- cent events, compared with Thomas Ritehte now ; (langhter:) and here is avivac'ty and elasticity of " rt about him in ndvanced life. which is so far ng as tobe perfectlyludicrous, For instance now, when under