The New York Herald Newspaper, June 22, 1848, Page 1

et oY THE NEW YORK HERALD. Se ‘Whole No. 613::. NEW YORK, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 22, 1848. Affairs in the Dominican Republic. 7 Crry or Sr. Domingo, May 16, 1848. As promised in my last, I now proceed to give a sketch of the constitution of the Dominican Re- public, embracing an occasional reference to laws subsequently enacted to carry out some of its pro- visions. This instrument, the essential features of which seem to have been derived in part from the constitution of the United States, and in part from the French charter of 1830, declares, in the first place, that the Dominicans erect themselves into a free, independent, and sovereign nation, under a government essentially cjvil, republican, popular, representative and responsible ; and de- fines the limits of the national territory, which, it states, emfraces the Spanish part of the Island of St. Domingo and its adjacent isles—to be iden- tical with those which in 1798 divided it on the west from the French part. That is, embracing about twosthirds—perhaps a little more—of the whole area of the island. ce All persons are declared to be citizens who were born in the territory, and were residents at the time of the drafting of the constitution ; as also the children of all Spanish Dominican absentees and their descendants, who, not having borne arms against the new State, return to reside within its limits. Those are declared capable of becoming citizens—first, who acquire in the re- public real estate of the value of six thousand lollars ; and secondly, those who, by their per- sonal labor, form in the republic agricultural estab- lishments, under the title of proprietors, or owners. But foreigners comprehended in these last two classes cannot enjoy political rights until atter a residence of six years in the territory. This period, however, 18 reduced to three years—first, im favor of those foreigners who Bay 3 a Domi- nican wife ; and secondly, of those who torm agri- cultural establishments, the value of which amounts to at least twelve thousand dollars. All foreigners not belonging to a hostile nation are declared to be admissible into the territory of the republic, if they profess -any art, science, or useful industry, and are guarantied the enjoyment of civil rights, being declared to be under the safeguard of the national honor from the moment they step upon the soil of the republic The Dominicans are declared to be born and to remain free, and equal in right, slavery being forever abolished ; and all are eligible to public offices and employments. Individual liberty 1s secured. No one can be prosecuted except in con- formitv with a pre-existing law, and in the manner it prescribes. Nor can any one be imprisoned, unless taken in the criminal act, except on the order of a judge, setting forth the cause of the arrest; and this must be made known to the Party arrested at once, or at latest within the space of four-and-twenty hours. The confiscation of roperty can never be imposed as a punishment for, or consequence of crime; nor can private pro- perty be taken from its owner, except where the public good requires it; in which case he is to be indemnified its value, to be ascertained by a just appraisement. i . The residence or dwelling-house of every citizen is declared to be a sacred and inviolable asylum; and no domiciliary visits are to be allowed, ex- cept in cases provided for by law, and with the formalities it prescribes. No censorship of the press is to be allowed. All Dominicans are per- mitted to print and publish freely whatever they think proper, being responsible solely for the abuse of the right to the laws. A subsequent law has defined what shall consti- tute such an abuse, and limits it to five classes of cases, namely—publishing maxims or doctrines that tend directly to destroy or subvert the religion of the State, or the constitution of the republic; publishing maxims or doctrines intended to excite rebellion, or cause any disturbance of the public tranquillity; inciting directly to the violation of any law or, legitimate authority, or instigating to this violation by invective or satire; publishin, obscene writings, or such as are contrary to geo morals ; injuring any individual or individuals by infampus libels, stigmatising his or their private character, or wounding their honor or reputation. The author or editor of such imputations is al lowed, in exculpation, to offer in evidence the truth of his charges. Allegations against public functionaries are embraced within the same pro- vision. The constitution proceeds to declare tbat no person can be compelled to do what the law does not command, nor prevented from doing what it does not forbid. Public instruction is to be es- tublished, common to all the citizens, and gra- tuitous in all the elementary branches. Schools for this purpose are to be established throughout the territory of the republic. The details in regard to those elementary branches, as well as the higher ones, are to be regulated by law. To carry out this provision of the constitution, the Congress passed a law the following year, establishing one elementary school in each of the communes (or parishes) of the republic, and two in each pro- vineial capital. These last can be transformed into higher schools, if expediency suggests it. In these elementary schools are to be taught the principles of religion, the Castilian grammar, and the o her usual branches of a common school edu- cation. The law places the general supervision of education under the Minister of Public Instruction. _The Dominicans are declared to possess the right of forming associations—of peaceably as- sembling, without arms—and of petition to the President, or to the National Congress, as indi- viduals, one or many, but not in the name of a collective or corporate body. No law ean be made to have a retroactive ‘efiect; nor can any be en- acted that is contrary to the spirit or letter of this constitution. In cases of doubt the letter is to prevail. bs f Peg oa The Apostolic Roman Catholic religion is de- clared to be the religion of the State ; its ministers, in whatever pertains to the exercise of the eccle- siastical ministry, are dependent solely on the poles canonically appointed. The article stops ere, nor does the constitution say any thing what- ever on the subject of religious toleration, or make any allusion to other forms or doctrine of religious faith. I shell again advert to this subject in the latter part of this letter, The sovereignty is declared to reside in the @niversal body of the citizens, and is to be exer- cised by three delegated powers, corresponding to the three co-ordinate branches of our own govern- ment. The members of both houses of the na- tional congress are chosen for six years. The upper house, or as it is called the conservative council, consists of five members, one for each province of the republic, and is renewed integrally every six years. ‘The lower house, or tribunate, is composed of fifteen members, apportioned by law among the provinces, and is renewed by third parts every two years. Naturalized foreigners are not eligible to the lower house, until after a resi- dence in the republic of ten years from the time of their naturalization. } ‘ ‘The executive power is vested in a president, who is chosen for four years, in a manner similar to ours. It is provided, however, that the first in- cumbent shall retain his seat for two terms, or eight years. He is liable to impeachment and trial for mulversation in office, as in the United States. Connected with this department is the miniatry, represented by four heads—the minister of justice and public instruction, of the interior and police, of finance and commerce, and of war and the navy. The department of foreign affairs is to be filled by any one of these secretaries, whom the president may appoint to that charge. Different from ours, they have a right to appear in Congress, and take part in the discussion and action on any measures connected with their re- spective departments ; and, on the other hand, they are obliged so to present themselves, whenever summoned to do so by that body. | The judiciary department consists of several rades of tribunals; the Alcaldes, or Justices of the peace; a Justicia Mayor, answering to our County Courts, at the capital of each province, and composed of five judges; a Court of Appeals, likewise composed of five judges; and a Su- preme Court—of last. resort—consisting of four judges, whose place of sitting is the capital of the republic, Bach of these three lasttribunals has a law adviser, appointed by the executive, who is an indispensable element of the tribunal, and whose business it is to give his opinton—whieh is gene- rally followed—on all questions of pure law that may arise A The body of written law which these tribunals are appointed to administer is mainly composed of the French civil and criminal codes, commonly known as the “ Code Napoleon,” which have been adopted as the basis of the national jurisprudence. ‘he constitution directs that over each province there shall be appointed by the executive, a eupe- rior political chief—a sort of governor—to preside over its mternal affairs, and who is to hold his office for four ye Besides this officer, each province is to have sits deputation, or assembly, over whose sittings the chief is to preside, Not only the president of the republic, but likewise the members of both houses of congress, aré chosen by electoral colleges, the members ot which last 4 | may perhaps be taken asa bodies are again chosen by vote of the people in their primary assemblies. The qualifications of a voter are citizenship and the possession in fee of real estate, or in place of the last, the exercise of some public office or employment, the profession of some science, art, or useful industry, or the leasehold for at Teast six years of an agricultural establishment in active cultivation. In these pri- mary assemblies are likewise chosen the members of the Ayuntamientos (or town councils) of each commune. Each of these last mentioned bodies is presided over by the alcalde, who 1s chosen by the body from among its members. The national mercantile colors designated, and now used, are blue and red, placed in diagonal squares, separated from each other by a white cross. The military colors bear besides, in their centre, the arms of the republic, which are a cross, at the foot of which is an open volume of the gospels, and both of these rising from amidst a trophy of arms, with the emblem of hberty en- twined with a riband that bears the following device, Dios, Patria y Libertad, Republica Domi- boty a God, our country and liberty, Domirican republic.” ‘here are four national festivals, one com- memorating the separation ; two, important vic- tories; and the fourth, the publication of the present constitution. ie Under the article on religion, I remarked that I should again allude to that subject. The assembly who framed the constitution were divided in opinion in regard to religious toleration; some being in favor of it, but the majority o»posed to such a concession, and in favor of inserting in the article ai 206% or @ clause prohibiting the pub- lic exercise of any ether religion than that adopted asthe natiopaj oye, ‘The former, on the other hand. wished to have inserted an express declaration of religious freedom. Now this question deeply in- terested a portion—though a comparatively small one—of the citizéna, namely, the naturalized American people of color, of whom I shall spcek in a subsequent communication, These were Pro- testants, and had come hither in the time of the Hitian supremacy, underan express guaranty, thus far sacrediy kept, of toleration and, protection in regard to their faith and its public exercise. The discussion of the question of toleration in the as- sembly awakened their apprehensions, and many, if not most of them, were about making up their minds to ny to the other part of the island—as many of their fellow-countrymen had already done on the breaking out of the revolution—from a groundless fear lest, their old protectors being ex- pelled, their own rights of person and propery de- rived from them, would no longer be respected, To quiet these apprehensions, solemn verbal as- surances were given them that the old guaranties, iven in their favor by the late government, should e religiously respected by the new one. Soon after, however, on learning that the article on re- ligiee had been inserted in its preseyt shape— which expediency required the friends “of tolera- tion to acquiesce in—they again took the alarm; but their apprehensions were now finally allayed by their being referred to a previous article, which declared, as has been seen, that no person could be compelled to do what the law did not nor prevented from doing what it did u d although the article certainly does not cover, in terms, the whole ground, since the word ‘ law,” which might be legitimately interpreted to mean any future as well as present enactment, is used in it, and not the term “ constitution.” Bat though this circumstance might be thought to afford ad- vantage ground and aces for action to the ene- mies of toleration, if any such now exist in any quarter, it is too late to take any advantage of it, it being but justice to state that it is well under- stood and acknowledged on all hands that reli- pene toleration is a fundamental law of the repub- ic, quent nowhere expressed go to be, within the writer’s knowledge, in written terms; and no gua- ranty of the existing gevernment is relied upon as more sacred and irrevocable than, this. In regard to this matter, I might have entered much further into minute, and, in some respects, instructive as well as curious details, having at my command well-accred‘ted materials for this purpose ; for the peculiar faculty and facility of getting into the secrets of cabinets, councils, and conclaves, not apparent to the uninitiated, is not confined to your home correspondents ; though it certainly is to be hoped that it is there only they are ever to get imprisoned for it. His sole reason for not doing so is, that his motives might be thought to be dictated by prejudices which he does not entertain. The writer would further and finally remark on this topic, that so far as he has been able to observe and judge, a tone of sentiment and a degree of liberality exist, both throughout the different branches of the government and among the better informed portions of the community at least, such as we are not accustomed to look for, or suppose to exist in American governments and commu- nities south of our own country. Caress. Crry or Sr. Dominao, May 22, 1848. I will now give a cursory glance at the currency. trade, and commerce of this republic, and present some general statistics in regard to its revenues and finances ; closing with some remarks on the civil administration. In order to provide for the new state of things consquent on the separation from Hayti, the new government resorted to the expedient usual in such cases—a paper issue. I have not by me the docu, ments to show the whole amount issued from the beginning. In the second fiscal year of the republic (1845-6) there was issuedin paper and in copper coin, the sum of $1,123,898, and in the third and last reported year (1846-7), in same, the sum of $771,830, making an aggregate of nearly two millions of dollars. The whole amount in circulation is probably not far from three millions. This issue was based on the credit of the government, and, like most of such issues, it has gradually depreciated. A year ago it was worth nine cents to the dollar, and now it is worth a little over six and a half, showing a depreciation, during that period, much less rapid than it must have been in some previous ones of its short exist- ence. Its value has remained quite stationary for several months past. The government is now di- recting its attention to the devising of some means whereby to avoid the necessity of making any further issues. The only other circulating medium heretoforeand the principal one still, has been the Spanish or South American gold coins, though now, silver, in the form of Mexican and American dollars, is getting into use. : There are four ports of entry in the republic, though this one on the south, and Puerta Plata (Port au Platt eunder the Haitians) on the north, are the only ones worthy of remark in regard to the actual affieunt of commerce. f The mercantile marine of the republic is very small, and is almost exclusively confined to the domestic coastwise trade. As the republic is yet unrecognized, its flag has not appeared in any foreign ports except one or two in the West I Its foreign commerce is carried on in foreign vessels, ; » The sources of its trade and commerce are, with the exception of tobacco, the spontaneous produc tions of the country, more or less elaborated by human labor, | With the exception just stated, there are no agricultyrni products exported. Of theexports, mahogany is the staple of the south side, from this port; as is tohacco. of the north, from Puerto Plata. Besides these, lignum vite, satin wood, fustic, hides, honey, wax, and various other articles of less importance, complete the list. Of the two most important articles, tere were | exported the last fiseal year :—mahogany, 3,083,698 feet, of the export value of about $600,000 ; tobac- co, in the leaf, 2,845,399 pounds, of the export value of about $285,000. These quantities are somewhat less than those of the same articles for the ss year; but air annual average. The average custom-house value of all exports will not vary much from twelve hundred thousand dollars annually. The number of vessels cleared from the several wy of the republic, were, during we yeae 1845-6, 3 during the year 1846-7, 240. Of these, there cleared from this port the former year 108, and the latter 120—or, one-half of the whole. Of the re- mainder, there cleared during the former year, from Puerto Plata, 92; and the latter year, from the same port, 110. And these two ports divide between them the conimerce, imports and exports, in about the same relative proportion in value I may add, under this head, that about one-half of the foreign vessela—those of them that trade at this port at least—are from the United States. The sources of the revenue .of the republic may be giviged into three Ue Re git hc rehending tonnage, import and export duti jor there Semall duty of this last Kind on all pro- ductions of the country exported), the public do- main, the sale or renting of the same, and, lastly, internal imposts or taxes, of various kinds. The revenue from these various sources emount- ed, in pega 1845-6, to $118,755 43, hard money, and 944 22, national currency ; and in 1846-7, to $60,463 10, hard money, and $703,703 38 na- tional currency ; which shows a falling‘ off in_the hard money receipts of about one-half. This arose, not from a corresponding diminution of im- perts, from which it is derived, but from the fact that the tariff of duties on importation was, by a law of Congress, which took effect that year, re- duced one-half. F To show the proportions of the revenue derived from the principal classes—the last year’s alone, for example—that derived from imports amounted to $44,630 38, and from tonntige $15,735 46, hard money; and from exports, $139,146 61, national currency, or to about $11,827 63 hard money, tak- ing the market value of the government issue at that date, July 1, 1817 ; the two first items of which constitute a little more than half the whole reve- nue ; the whole for that year, reducin, Bie ere in the same way to its real value, being $120,277 88. The expenditures of the government for the same year were $32,942 32, hard money,and $1,345,217 87 national currency. Which last being reduced as before, the two amount, in hard money, to the sum of $147,285 84, showing an excess ae the ex- penditures over the legitimate receipts of the gov- ernment, of a little more than twenty-seven thou- sand dollars,—a sum not quite equal, however, to the diminutions of the revenue caused by the reduction made 1n the tariff of imports, ae Lhave analysed the official dpcuments, Caan, 4 the items of government emissions of paper ani copper and a small loan, and presenting all through only those which compose the actual revenue. I made this discrimination in order to show the actual resources of the government, as compared with the expenditures. use To devise the means of bringing up the receipts to the amount of the expenses of this government, (for the latter were considerably within the officia estimates for the last year), has occupied the earnest attention of Congress during its present session. The President in his annual message recommend- ed the raising of the tariff on the principal exports, namely, mahogany and tobacco; which measure, he calculates, would make up the deficiency for the future, while the Congress has been warmly dis- cussing a proposal to raise the whole tarift. No- tithe has yet been decisively acted upon. Mean- while, there is a considerable balance in the trea- sury, resulting from the extraneous sources of re- venue before alluded to. A foreign loan is talked of; butno steps have yet been taken, that I am aware of, for effecting it. T pass to a few observations on the general ad- ministration of the several departments of the go- vernment. Of the Congress, whose sittings I have occasionally attended, I may remark that their proceedings are characterized by a degree of de- corum an Penney system and regularity, that strike the stranger very favorably; and mea- sures are discussed in it with as great a degree ef ability and practical skill as could be expected under the circumstances. For it is to be consider- ed that they are practically novices in the science and art of legislation, since there do not exist within the constituency any traditionary or hered- itary ideas, so to speak, of the character and model of legislation—the nation having vegetated for centuries in the torpid state of colonial dependence; and latterly, down to the period of the recent na- tional resurrection, under the still more torpifyin, influences of foreign subjection. In this view of the case, one 1s surprised to find so much advance- ment in the science of jegislation as their acts and proceedings manifest. Comparing this body with our own, or our State legislatures, the contrast is, to be sure, sufficiently marked. But we are, as a nation, much older. ’ Nor yet is this the only, or indeed, main reason. We have grown up with our systems and practices; or rather, they are the legitimate offspring—the fruits of our domestic, social and national education; they, or their germs, are incorforated with our earliest ideas and associations, and grow with our growth, not less as individuals than as component parts of a social and political system. Here the case is otherwise in each of these respects. This ma- chinery of legislation which belongs to an ad- vanced political state, exists here as an exotic. It ig not indigenous to the soil, the habits and asso- ciations, the culture and training of the people.— Its idea has been seized upon, introduced and at- tached to the body politic here, by a few intelli- gent spirits, who, from observations abroad or study at home, have grasped the ideas of rational liberty with its appropriate forms, its politica machinery, and transplanted them to their own country, and moulded them, or are at least at- tempting to do so, to the condition, wants and ca- pabilities of their fellow countrymen, with what ultimate success time alone can disclose. Mean- time, it will be one of the principal purposes of this series of letters to illustrate this experiment, develope its progress, and show how an off-shoot of the tree of liberty thrives, and is likely to flour- ish transplanted to this island—home embosomed within the tropical seas, fanned by its soft breezes, and created by nature, as it would seem, in one of her most prodigal moods The remarks to which my allusion to the legis- lative body gave rise, are, for the most part, equal- ly applicab.e to every department of the adminia- tration. Thus, as has been remarked in a_pre- vious letter, the civil and criminal codes of the State are not of indigenous growth. They did not spring eut of the character, condition, and wants of the people—on the contrary, they are of trans-at- lantic origin, the offspring of a very different state of society, and are still clothed in the unnatural garb of a foreign language. All these circum- stances render it often a matter of perplexity and difficulty for the judges to expound the laws. The system 1s strange—foreign to them, Their early and inbred ideas and associations do not come in to assist them in their expounding of the codes, as is the case under the common law, or even those modified systems of the civil law which the wants of particular nations originate. Hence, though the judiciary are, so far as the writer’s professional experience and his observation, have enabled him to form an opinion, as a body, upright and intelli- gent men, still, there necessarily results, in many, instances, a tardy and imperfect administration of justice, beyond their power to prevent. These im- perfections and difficulties have attracted the at- tention of the government from the beginning. The President has recently called the attention of the national Congress to the subject; and the min- ister who presides over this department, closes his remarks on the subject by recommending such an alteration in the system of laws as will * adapt them to the capacity of those who administer, and of those who are to obey them.” | The subject of popular education has, trom the first, engaged the earnest attention of the govern- ment. A law made subsequent to the constitution, has sought to carry out the provision on this sub- ject contained in that instrument. This has been practically effected, in a great measure, here in the capital, and partially elsewhere; but the min- ister in his last annual report, laments the limited extent to which it has been done, owing to the inadequaey of the means at the disposal of the go- vernment for this purpose, and earnestly recom- mends that proyision be made for putting the sys- tem in full operation. _ In its general course of conduct and line of po- licy—whether towards citizens or foreigners, in domestic or foreign aflairs—this government seems to be actuated by just and liberal principles. But it has many difficulties to contend with, one of the main sources of which, though an_anoma- lous one, Iam fully persuaded, arises from the fact of its being, in all respects, fur in advance of the great mass—the embodied national character and intelligence of the country, of those whom it represents, or, to speak more accurately, governs. | It seems to know and endeavors to pursue a liberal | and enlightened policy in most respects; but it has not that firm sub-stratum, so to speak, that sup- port and impulse, which can only be found in an intelligent and enlightened constituency. Jn a | word, the government, as I have alread said, is far in advance of the mass of the people. Hence, the latter are a clog, instead of being a stimulus to its onward progress. This the government evi- dently understands no less than it feels the diffi- culty and perplexity of the fact. A particular and important part of the national policy of the govern- ment, earnestly pursued, though not yet consum- mated, will, if it 18 ever accomplished, remedy this evil in time, though this is not the result im- mediately aimed at—| allude to foreign emigra- tion for agricultural purposes. But of this I shall | speak more particularly hereafter, in connexion with the subject of the agricultural condition and natural capabilities of the country. Ca:Lens. Movements of Distinguished Individuals. | , General Cass arrived at Detroit on the 16th |instant, and was handsomely received by his | friends, among whom were the Governor and ki¢utenant-Governor of the State, the heads of | + departments, &e, | Ware Ratirrcation at Newark.—A Taylor and Fillmore ratification meeting was held at Newark, N. J., on the evening of the 20th instant. The Hon. J, C, Hornblower presided, and the greatest enthu- siasm prevailed. r. Clay, as well as the nomi- nees, was cheered at every mention of his name, Highly Interesting from Germany. Franxrort-on-Tuk-Main, May 25, 1848. Meeting of the German Congress. The grand epoch of the age for Germany has arrived, and the city that has been witness to all the pompous ceremonies of the old German empire for ages, is now the battle-field of the people. The elections in accordance with the spirit of the recent revolutions that have shaken the Germanic confederation to its very foundation, are now ter- minated, and about five hundred of the deputies to the eonstituting assembly have already handed in their credentials. termed, will number about seven hundred, but a quorum being present on the 18th inst., the assem- bly was solemnly constituted and proceeded to bu- siness, he principal chureli of Frankfort has been handsomely arranged for the reception of the representatives of the people, and accommodates about fifteen hundred spectators besides. ‘The first sitting was opened with no other cere- mony, than the Tinging of all the bells of the city churches, and aplain and solemn procession of the deputies to the seat of their labors, where they were received with three times three by the assembled multitude, and cries of “ Long live the fatherland—long live the German people.” The moment was a solemn one ; as all are convinced, that instead of being the termination of the con- vulsions that are now rooting up the very feunda- tions of society, in a political and social sense, it is merely the commencement of a series of battles that threaten to be long and bloody, and whose probable terminaden no human Reema can fathom. Having proeeeded to business with the oldest member as president, and the youngest as secretary, provisional officers were elected for one month, and the gentlemen chosen inspire the high- est confidence. VonGagern, of Hesse Darmstadt, received fA dal for President, and Von Soixon, of Manheim, received quite as unanimous a vote for the Vice Presidency. Both of these noble men have for years fought the bat- tles of the people, in opposition to the tyranny of royalty, and have been Reta and persecuied as bit- ter radicals ; they now stand at the lead of the noble army, which their untiring efforts have at last assembled on the battle field and God speed them victory. The assembly contains many of the most brilliant men of this noble country; but I am sorry to say that many of the members are also tobe considered stars of a very inferior magni- tude, while others, whom all hoped tofind here, are lett, at home, the victims of political intrigue, of re- actionary efforts, or to use the mildest term, political ignorance of their constituents, who are so pertect- Aorta aback by the unexpected waves of liberty that are flowing over them, as to. be blind to their best interests, in the selection of their candidates. All eyes are turned to the United States, and I am proud to say, that our noble constitution is every where looked upon as the [see model for the re- generation of Germany. On every corner may be seen Ha placards announcing the declaration of independence and the constitution of the North American republic, translated into German, and for sale ata price calculated forthe masses. In connection with this, a number of gentlemen who are intimately acquainted with our affairs, from long residence or travel in our country, have been elected members of the assembly; and, I may say, with especial reference to these ‘qualifications, Among these are Baron Von Rénne, well known asa Prussian diplomatist in Washington, who has recently made himself very popular in Berlin, by a celebrated speech on American affairs ; Profes- sor Frederick Von Raumer, whose late visit to the United States, and work on our institutions have made known to the American people; him well and Professor Tellkampf, formerly of the Union and Golumbia colleges of the State of New York. To the latter gentlemen I am indebted for an ex- cellent seat on the floor of the House, and all the parlianientary documents which are distributed to the members. Nearly all the sessions, so far, have been consumed in organization, and all the mem- bers are divided into filteen divisions, for the se- lection of standing committees—each division se- lecting a member from its body. This division is considered necessary here, in order to let the members have an opportunity of becoming ac- quiinted with a certain member, as the vast majo- rity are perfectly strange to each other, and totally unacquainted with their respective qualifications. The committee on the order of business, is ex- expected to report to-day, when things will pro- ceed with more system. The principal member of this committee is Professor Frellkampt and his text-book is Jefferson’s Manual; we may, there- fore, expect as near an approximation to our order of business, as existing circumstances will allow. Notwithstanding the absence of any clear party question as yet, todraw the lines between bitte. rent grades of political feeling, there is, neverthe- less, already quite a clear distinction into radicals, liberals Aid Genidervatives; the latter, afhong whom are several Catholic priests in their cltrical robes, have, as usual, taken the extreme right; and a small but determined band of bitter radicals have seated themselves on the extreme left; these are distinguished by tremendous beards, necks @ la Byron, a student like dress on the whole, wild and incoherent gestures, and are evidently ready to fight a mortal battle ; waging a war to the knife against all crowned heads, and réady to proclaim the republic at any moment when the have the remotest hope of success, perfectly indifferent as to consequences. ‘heir number will evidently in- crease or decrease, according to tlie tactics of their opponents; and if the latter dure to remain conser- vative, the liberals of the centre will go over to them, and the fighting will then become severe and earnest. From the general appearance of the assembly at present, my fears are that the extreme moderate party—in favor of negociating with the present existing governments instead of taking things in their own handsz—will so predominate, that the people will take the affair in their own hands, and headed by their determined radical leaders, will drive the new German Parliament to the four winds. I say this is not at all impossible, and the probability of it is openly discussed by many of the members. They have resolved nog to dissolve themselves if they should be obliged to fly; but to take refuge in some other city, and con- tinue their proceedings under the protection of the National Guard or standing armies. I am con- vinced that did not every man of experience fear an awful social revolution, and a reign of terror, on the proclamation of the republic, that we would have that form of government to-morrow. Many of the liberal constitutionalists tell me that they would consider a republic, such as we have, a perfect paradise in comparison with their present condition; but Mas n question is, how make so giant a spring with so little preparation, and with no transition?—they fear a convulsion in the body rolific, which would lead to anarchy and horror, ‘he radical party in the constituting assembly look on their body as one whose power aud duty it is to destroy all that exists, and constitu entirely anew, independent of existing forms or interests} the liberals desire to regenerate the country on the broadest democratic basis, consistent with the ex- istence of a constitutional monarchy, and to do this in confereuce with existing powers and inter- ests, so as to clash as little as possible, and in this way avoid bloodshed, pave the way, to a gradual and lasting developement of republican institutions, and restore contidence to manufac- tures and commerce ; the loss of which alone threatens to plunge the whole country in bank- ruptey, and reduce the operative classes to a state of hunger. It is needless to say that the conser- vatives are enemies to every interest of the people, and would gladly hold them in bondage ail long. r, or tire them by opposing Srety promremaye ovement, and by intr aging discord, lengthen the strife, in the hopes of exhausting them; their efforts, however, will be futile, and every step they take towards the old regrme, will be one step to- wards the republic. The following will give some idea of the character of the assembly :—A com- mittee of thirty has been appointed to draft a new constitution for all the German States, to nold the same position towards the coustitutions of the in- dividual States, as the constitution of our Union does to the separate States. The plyn of a consti- tution already offered by a committee of seventeen, appointed spontaneously by the people to draft it, will not be accepted; it has two features that the Germans are not prepared to swallow at the pre- sent day. In the first place, it recommends an emperor for the whole confederation; and, second- ly, a Senate, or -upper house, composed one-third of princes, one-third of representatives appointed by them, and one-third of members with excessive property qualification; and this house must con- cur with the bills of the lowerhouse. This plan, although offered by one of the first men of Ger- many, and long known as a friend of the people— the celebrated Dahlman—will not take; the great statesman is behind the age this time. The cry is, no emperor, no house with any other power than that from the lap of the people. A committee of thirty has been appointed to tho- roughly investigate the grand social question of labor, and all its concomitants. Thisjs the great | The new parliament, as it is! question of the day in Europe, and the alternative is a satisfactory solution, or, a reign of terror. A | motion has been made to invite the crowned heads to take seats with the people in the assembly, and fraternize with them in the great work. they ‘refuse, it is proposed to declare them traitors to , their country. Another motion has beeu offered, declaring that the present constituting gyembly is the provisional government for the ‘ihe being, recommending, at the same. time, that it act as such, and appoint ap executive committee to carry out its resolutions. - . | A motion is being discussed to-day, and will probably pags, that no State be allowed to have a | | constituting assembly, or a State organization, so | long as the assembly for the confederation’ is in | | Session ; for fear that the constitution of said Stite | | will clash with that of the Union. This is directed mainly against Prussia, whose constituting assem- bly has just convenéd in Berlin. If this motion | pass, it will settle the question of the sovereignty | of the Frankfort assembly, and lead to a conflict | with Prussia, as the latter will undoubtedly resist; | indeed, there is a great deal of bitterness against | Prussia and Prussidn soldiers, and a good share against Austria. In short, I see no hope of a fe- deral union, and must warn you to look out for se- rious news, as the question is, union or cite ere ‘Trade and Na’ ion of North Germany. The following brief, and in some respects neces- sarily incomplete, review of the trade and shipping of the various States and territories of North Ger- many more immediately exposed to the injurious consequences of a state of wartare, will perhaps be of more than usual interest under existing cir- cumstances. It will place the Manchester Com- mercial Associations, which have taken the lead in impressing upon the government, by memorial and deputation, the urgency and importance of bringing its accepted friendly mediation betwixt the conten ing parties toa prompt and eaceful issue, in possession of the more precise facts and figures which an intelligent body of merchants will best know how and most opportunely to turn to account in furtherance of their objects. We begin with Ham- burg, premising that, the returns, which are the latest we have received, and assuredly the latest et made public here, are not in all respects Brow; ht down to the same date. This default of completeness does not, however, materially affect the general view which it is desirable to present, or the considerations which it is calculated to suggest. e number of vessels which entered the port of Hamburg from the sea during the quinquennial pe- riod from 1840 to 1844, gives an annual average of 3,252, of 481,000 tonnage. These figures show an increase in the navigation of more than 125 per cent in the space of thirty years. In the year 1845, a total of 3,990 vessels entered from the sea, viz:—435_ coming ‘from trans-atlantic ports; 1,566 coming from British ports; 1,989 coming from other ports of Europe. Of the values of the com- modities imported in the same year by this mass of shipping, we have no specific returns; but, tak- ing the maritime commerce, imports and exports together, at the same rate of proportion to the ge- neral commercial movement as in 1843, which comprised the traffic with the interior of Germany, inclusive of a portion of that through Altona, we should have about 224 millions sterling of sea borne trade upon a total aggregate movement of nearly 35 millions. As, however, 452 vessels more entered the port of Hamburg in 1845 than in 1843, whilst proportionally the sailings might be in the same ratio, the collective value of imports and ex- ports by sea would probably be in excess also in the former year. ‘ For the years anterior to 1845, we have more precise and abundant materials to work upon, without, however, being enabled to detach alto- gether the special movement of trade and naviga- tion from the general movement, which compre- hends that carried on by the Elbe and by land car- riage. The sea and river navigation together shows the following results for the years stated: — i 1843. 1844. 15.634 14.393 1,382,973 1,278,668 2, Entries and sailings of vessels together. . ‘Tonnage «. 11,873,843 The years , 1842, and 1843 show a mac reater shipping and trading activity than 1844. In 841 the excess of shipping employed was equal to 148,477 tonnage, in 1842 to 100,175, in 1843 to 109,- 305 tons, more than in 1844, The entries and sail- ings for 1844 were thus ributed :—Entries, 7,619, of 680,488 tonnage ; sailings, 6,744, of 593,- 180 tonnage. In this movement of navigation the trade with Great Britain in 1842 employed 2,320 vessels, entries and sailings together, of 394,129 tonnage ; but 1n 1844 only 2,187 vessels; of 383,775 tennage. The country next in order for the im- ortance of its connexion by sea traffic with Ham- hate: is Holland, which in 1842 had inwards and outwards together, 902 vessels, of 57,225 tonnage, in the trade in 1844 reduced to 696 vessels, of 41,708 tonnage. The trade with Prussia, almost all by the Higher Elbe, occupied 582,000 tons, inwards and outwards, in 1842 ; in 1844, 496,052tons. With Han- over, chiefly fluvial navigation also, the tonnage em- ployed, inwards and outwards together, was 54,708 tons in 1842, and 46,515 in 1844. We have no re- turns separately of the maritime and fluvial navi- gation, but it may be stated, as a general approxi- mation, that the latter enters for more than one- half into the whole number of vessels, with at least two-fifths of the total tonnage. fhe traffic by the Elbe was materially aflected by the oner- ous tariff of dnties imposed upon its navigation in late years. The commerce of Hamburg absorb« | upwards of 90 per cent of the total navigation oi the Elbe. The commerce of Hamburg represented about the following aggregate values in imports and ex- ports of merchandise, by sea, river, and land car- riage :— 184: + 16.277 ; 1343. 1844. £35,600,000 _ £34,765,000 £34.010,000 For the last year cited, the returns for the others being omitted as superfluous and unnecessary, the, total movement thus presented was made up of imports to the value of about £17,557,000, and of exports for £16,453,000. The following are the propggtions in which the three countries. which igur® at the head of the list entered for imports yand exports in the aggregate mass for 1844 :— pets Exports. £4,621,650 £4 669,500 852.500 3,367,260 +, 2,280,250 . 2,880,000 cipal ports from Great Britain con- sisted of raw cotton, cotton yarns and fabrics, woolen fabrics, cutlery, iron and steel, and indigo. Phe chief exports from Hamburg to Great Britain ere raw wool, corn and flour, and cotton manu- factures. i ‘ The importance of the trade with Hamburg to British interests may readily be estimated by these figures. It may be added, moreover, that as the total effective a ad Hamburg consisted, on the Ist of January, 1845, of only 205 ships, of the aggregate burden of 50,937 tons, inclusive of eight steam-vessels, of which five served on the Elbe, this most important traffic was carried on chiefly by, and all to the advantage of, British shipping. Prussia, for. Tux Prusstan Partrament.—The deputies re§ ceive an allowance ef three thalers (aine shillings) per day, and their travelling expenses. To some of the peasant representatives the allowance 1s in- dispensable for the journey. One of the deputi li aday laborer, a proletarier, but the great ma- jority of the Chamber consists of men in easy, if not wealthy circumstances. Even those classed as “peasants” are mostly occupiers of land, what we should call small farmers. 129 deputies are persons holding offices, either of the State or the municipalities ; most of these are jurists or law- yers; there ‘are forty-one clergymen ; merchants and manufacturers, thirty-one; teachers and Ge- lehrte Savans, or it may be assumed, professors twenty-seven ; landed proprietors, _twenty-six—ol these only three are holders of privileged estates (Rittergut), which, having formerly belonged to the domains of one of the class of nobles, are stil almost exempted from taxation ; mecham teen; magistrates, seventeen; physicians, te military officers, four; a prince of the reigning house and,four of the ministers ; peasants, forty- five ; agriculturists, or renters of large parcels of | land, five ; two shopkeepers, one agent, one land- | surveyor, one day-laborer, and a town councillor. Of thirty-nine deputies there is no special descrip- tion, From the class of nobles there are twenty- fourdeputies retarned. The majority of the pea- sant repgesentatives (twenty-nine) have been elected in Silesia. Louts Puirre An 18 Famity aT Claremont. —We have just visited the neighborhood, where we have learned on anquestionable authority that the single hired carriage with which Louis Phi- lippe_indulged the Queen, and himself during | the first month, been ontinued, and the only expense of that kind ventured upon is the hire | | ofthres cabs on a Sunday morning to convey the + = family to the Roman Catholic chapel at Weybridge. | The whole of the household, chiefs and depend- ants, dine together. Everything, including what- ever wine and dessert are allowed, is placed on the table at once without a single remove. ‘There is only one servant in attendance in the room. ‘The | descendants of Charlemagne wait upon themselves and each other.—Cambyidge Advertiser. Views of the mt condition of Repubiic, by an aingvaeeaent siscasma , [From the London ‘Times, June 2.] No observation is sufficiently extensive to em- brace the infinite variety of the forms of distress and embarrassment which are pressing at this time with a daily increasing weight upon the French nation; no description can be su! ciently graphic or minute to convey to the inhabitants of a peaceful land, and the subjects of an established Goverament, a full and complete conception of the efleets of such a revolution. The revolution 1s in every house and at every door. The terror it still inspires has twice in this last week roused the Citizens of Paris from their beds at the break of day, and kept them under are till midnight; for the defence of property and life is there the princi- pal, we might say the only, business of man, The multifarious pursuits of lite have been suddenly stopped. Official services and even judicial ex- perience have been turned adrift into the streets : the learned professions and the liberal arts have lost, for atime, their objects and their rewards ; the trades have ceased to purvey abundant supplies to the wants of a metropolis and to the taste of Eu- rope ; industry itself, in her humblest walks, has been ousted of her rights,by the scandalous example and the base competition of 100,000 workmen con- verted into paupers by the delusive pledges and the mischievous prodigality of the state; and the re- public, which is responsible for the past and for the future of the nation whose power it has as- sumed, totters under this tremendous crisis, with- out the means to supply the resources it has al- ready dissipated, without a man to give a vigorous impulse to the executive power, without even a definite object or a political system to govern the loose and turbulent deliberations of the National Assembly What we behold—what we know of this extraordinary state of anarchy and confusion —is but the superticial and perplexing aspect of a scene where the mind seeks in vain to arrive at any conclusion; and the multiplicity of irregular and disordered objects confounds even the sight. But take the daily life of any individual citizen of that huge town of Paris at this moment, and see what it consists of. What privations, what duties, what reluctant submission, what ruin, what terror! The authority of government has ceased to pro- vide for the security of his person and his family, and he must therefore mount guard, and perhaps expose his life in actual conflict with the revolu- tion. The faith of the government has already been so far violated that fe has lost a portion of his deposited savings; and the rest of his property invested in public securities is enormously depre- ciated, and threatened with total ruin. The con- dition of public affuirs is so disastrous that it has interrupted all the avocations and amusements of private life ; and all that men care for and live for 18 engulphed in an unprofitable sacrifice to an idol of imaginary freedom, which can confer none of the blessings of freedom, but only the harshest drudgery and misery in return, The statements recently published in the Mont- teur of the trade and revenue of the first four montift of the present year in France, as compa- redewith the first four months of 1846 and 1847, de- monstrate with the utmost clearness what the ex- tent of these national losses has already been. In the import duties on various articles, including es- pecially all raw materials employed im manufac- tures, the fall has been on an average about 66 per cent; or, in other words, the consumption of the country has been reduced to one-thgrd of what it was in preceding years. The period of four months, for which the return is made up, includes of course, the month of January, and days of February anterior to the commencement of the re- volution, during which time trade was slackened, but not, as it has s nce been, annihilated; so that in reality the burden of the deficiency on the months of March and April, is even greater than the aggregate amount of the four ‘ost months, would make it appear to be. The receipts of im- ports which were 12,725,150f. in April, 1846, and 10,750,672f. in April, 1847, fell to 3,764,590f. in April, 1848. In the same month, the amount paid on cotton wool imported, fell from 1,197,198f. in 1846, to 578,533f. in 1847, and 202,405f. in 1848. Caste iron from 433,597f, in 1847, to 92,125f. in 1848, Coals from 473,887f. to 194,269f. "At this rate of reduction, the falling off in the revenue from the custems alene, would exceed three mil lions sterling per annum, which is more than half their total amount in the present state of the French tariff. But the other branches of the reve- nue, derived from direct taxation, have not fared atall better. The falling off in them for the month of April alone is twenty-three millions of francs, or £920,000; and the sums collected, either by the prepayment of taxes, or by the extraordinary im- post of 45 centimes additional on every franc here- tofore levied, (that is, an augmentation of 45 per cent,) have by no means supplied the actual de- ficiency in the most direct and certain portion of the public revenue, The resources of the state have, therefore, enor- mously diminished, and its expenses have actually increased. The actual cost ofthe atélvers nationawx has risen to £10,000 sterling a-day, in Paris alone. The Assembly itself receives £900 a-day, or about the same sum as the whole civil list of Queen Vie- toria. The Garde Mobile have certainly dene good service, but they are paid four times as much as the soldiers of the regular Sry. These are public and acknowledged expenses ; but, in addition to these disbursements, an enormous outlay of a more secret k hasbeen going on. The sum found in the treasury by the republican government on its ac- cession has never yet been accounted for, or even named; what is more extraordinary, we believe it hds never beeen asked for, although it certainly exceeded five millions sterling. Yet it is that sum which has chiefly kept the government on its legs for the last three months, and there are now manifest signs that it is rapidly coming to an end. Many of these difficulties were trom the first foreseen; but instead of being provided against, they were aggravated by such absurdities as the guarantee of labor to the working classes. The atéliers nationaux have be- come mere haunts of the dissolute and the idle ;— they have drawn off workmen who might have found employment elsewhere; they have attracted to Paris loose bands of “companions,” as they are termed ; they have surrounded the capital wita an army of deceived, irritated, and starving men; and at last the ‘*guarantee of labor” is come to this— that the Minister of Public Works calls upon all able-bodied men between 18 and 25 to enlist at once in the regular army, upon pain of immediate dismissal from the national wotkehopa, Meanwhile Paris is daily and nightly on the aleft, until some found of remo i method shall have beeg | enormous mass of pauperizedGitizene fro cinity of the legislature and the faubourgs' of the capital. Very probably, thig removal will not be effected without a serious collision. We do not for a moment ,deny that the embar- rassments .arising out of the state of things into which the revolution of February plunged the French nation were 60 terrible, that it was not to be supposed; and we neverdid sujpose, that any amount of political energy and wisdom eould avert very great calamities from the nation. But it could hardly have been foreseen that the French people would display, both in their executive go- vernment and in their National Assembly, so. very slender an amount of these essential qualities in such an emergency. The three weeks which have now elapsed since the opening of the Assembly, have been spent without an approximation to the real work of government. One or two good com- mittees have been named, chiefly composed of members of the old Chamber of Deputies, and their labors may produce something useful ; but the debates of: the Assembly have been to the last degree sterile, indecorous, and incoherent. Not only have no subjects been seriously discuss- ed, except the superfluous question of ihe bani .h- ment of the house of Orleans, but no parties have been formed, no leaders havé msen up, no confi- dence has been established between the govern- ment and the representatives of the people. And by some strange caprice of fortune, at a moment when this labor question involves the safety of Paris and the destiny of France, the insoluble task of dealing with it is assigned, not to the man of enius or science, or experience, or war, but to the Gitizen Trélat, late an apothecary in the Faubourg St. Antoine, and now Minister of Public Works, whose good intentions are the only compensation for the confused prolixity of his speeches and the infirmity of his judgment! Such a state of things discloses its own inevitable conclusion. It will drag on for months or yearsin the same misery _ and diseredit, until some man of a strong will and a ciear intelligence makes his ny nog ; and to that man France will transfer herself without re- servation, provided he undertake to rescue her once more from evils thore intolerable than those of the former Directory. It is stated that a number of abolitionists resid- ing at Salem, lowa, recently stole nine negroes from a Mr. Daggs, of Clark county, Mo. They were pursued and captured by the owner and some of his friends, who, on their way back were, in turn, mobbed by superior numbers of abolitionists, and their slaves again set free. Subsequently, about one hundred men, all armed, started from Farming~ ton, Missouri, for Salem, lowa, to recapture th¢ negroes, or arrest the abolitionists.