The New York Herald Newspaper, April 12, 1848, Page 1

THE NEW YORK H Whole No, 5066, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 12, 1848. Views In Engilsh of the Revolution In France, [From the London Chronicle, Marob 11 1 ‘The anpeal to the public from Lord Ashley and Mr. Stafford, on behalf of the ‘‘ many thousands of Englis workpeople who have been suddenly driven from France, without in many instances haying received the arreara of their wages} or being permitted to bring with them the smallest portion of their property,” contrasts curiously with the congratulatory address from the Eng- lish residents in Paris to the new republic, co- temporaneously reported by the newsp pers. Our countrymen, both at home and abroad, have laid aside their ordinary sobriety of language and de- meanor, to express their admiration of the noble qualities exhibited by the French people; our leading statesmen have emulated eack other in disavowing the remotest wish to embarrass the provisional government, as well as in expressing the most earnest desire to cultivate. friendly re- lations with the new republic; yet the English are selected as the first victims of a system which, unless some speedy and effectual check be put to at by the leaders (if there are leaders) of public opinion in France, will undo all that has been doing for the last thirty years to remove national prejudices, and bind over the whole of Europe, by the common bond of interest, to peace. The Mayor of Rouen promises compen- sation ; but the provisional government should come forward to denounce so flagrant a derelic- tion of their favorite doctrines of fraternity, and purity their country from the stain. Have they already forgotten the stinging reproach of Sieyes — You wish to be tree, and you do not know how to be just.” | M. Lamartine is not the only member of the provisional government who can write with spi- rit and eflect, The style of two very important circulars that have just appeared—trom M_ Car- not, Minister of Public lastruction, and M. Le- dru-otlin, Minister of the Iaterior—is unim- peachable ; but we cannot say-the same of the matter; and as it is now almost universally agreed that a republic is the only form of govern- ment that affords a chance of the restoration of tranquillity, it seems most extraordinary that the very men who have taken upon themselves the direct responsibility of framing it, should persevere in wv sak enene its foundations, and ren- dering almost inevitable the downfall of their work. ote Tt has passed into an axiom among political reasoners, that the two essential qualities im a legislator are knowledge and honesty of purpose; he should know what is best to be done, and he should be ready to do it. Now let us see how M. Carnot, the Minister of Public lastruction, writing to the rectors of the colleges or public schools, proposes to have the people ins ucted in the exerCise of the elective franchise: ‘* The greatest error (he suys) against which it Is ne- cessary to Warn the inhabitants of the country, is, that itis necessary, in order to be a represen- tative, to have education and fortune. As to education, it is evident that a worthy peasant, with good sense and experience, will infinitely better represent in the assembly the interests of his condition, than a rich and lettered citizen, who is a stranger to country lite, or blinded by different interests to those of the mass of the peasantry. As to fortune, the indemuity which will be allowed to each of the members of the assembly will be sufficient for the poorest.” ‘The peculiar business of the National Assem- bly will be to resolve problems which have per- “plexed the wisest of mankind: to forma consti- tution ; to settle a new system of taxation; and to determine whether competition or asso- ciation be the best principle ou which the rights of labor should be based. The representative does not come merely to represent the interests of his condition; he comes to legislate for France, for Europe, for the world; and he may come, according to this Minister of Pablic Iu- struction, pertectly uninstructed either in the history or practice of legislaiion, and trust en- tirely to good sense. The following are a few of the requisites indicated by an eminent English statesman: “To s.and upon such elevated ground as to be enabled to take a large view of the wide spread and infinitely diversified con- structions of men and aflaira in a large society ; to have leisure to read, to reflect, to converse ; to be enabled to draw and court the attention ot the wise and learned wherever they are to be found; to be a professor of high science, or of liberai and ingenious art ; to be among rich tra- dere, who from their success are presumed to have gharp and vigorous understandings, and to possess the virtues of diligence, order, constan- cy, and regularity.” : hee: ‘ The advantage of fortune is, that it gives lei- sure and independence; it is not, in itseif, either knowledge or honesty ; but it is, to a certain de- gree, asecurity for both. * Go on (wrote Junius to Woodiali) and secure an indepeadence, how- } ever smail; withoutit, no man can be happy, nor, I fear I must add, honest.” The indemnity of twenty-five francs a aay is the very worst part of tne measure; for it extends indefinitely the list of candidates, converts the representation into « metier, nulds out 2 premium to political adventurers ‘of the most dangerous class, aad gives them a specific interest 1a procrastinating the public business, and humoring the worst pre- Judices of their Constituencies 3 “it must not be forgotten (continues M. Car- not) that in a great assembly, such xs is about to mect, the greater number of its members tulfil the part of ajury. They jadge by ‘yes’ or ‘no,’ us to Whether the matters proposed by the élite of tie members be good or bad. hey have occa- sion ociy for honesty and good sense; they do not inveat. This is the fundamental principle ot republican law inthe matter of national repre- sentation.’ They are to judge, not invent; but it requires something more than honesty und good sense to torm aseund opinion on political questions; and to assimilate the members of a legislative body to @ jury, is preposterous. ltis easy enough to Say thut Wey are to be guided by the Gite; but wio are the élite? rich and lettered are disqualified ; the bourgeoisie are pro- scribed en masse; the established celebritics, Toiers, Mole, Odillon Barrot, Dipin, Berryer, &e, will be regarded wits suspicion if they get seats; 80 that “the Worthy peasaut’” will have to exercise his unsophisticated judgment at starting, In order to decide who, during the re- mainder of the session, 13 to undert.ke the task ot thinkimg for hun. 4 But M. Carnot knows what he is about, and the real object of this cireular is clear. The ad- hesions lo the provisional goveroment prove no- — even approval, much ies preference, publican form of government. As well ar- thata man who ciaug to araftin a siip- reck, preferred a raftto a ship. We may tak that the subdivisioa of property, and the impos- sibility of ratsiog bulwayks reund a throne in France, Leave no alternative (or tie present; but there is still a s'rong teeling in favor of monar- cay ia some of the agricultural districts, ag well asumong the middle class, who sre beginning to be very seriously alarn atthe shock given to comaerce, and the marked hostility directed inst themselves. The object of M. Carnov’s euculur is $0 counterset tua feeling; and ne summons the 36,000 primary instructors ** to rise at his appeal, and contribute their patt in found- lag une republic ;? that is, in inductag the elec- tors to vote solely for republicans © What France requires is new sien, A revolution must not on- ly renew institutions, but men also.” M. Ledra Rollin, tn his circular to the com- miassaries of departments, speass a still more de- cided lang : “Let mot generosity degene- rate into weakness, Toke for your rule that pubite fuactions, in whatever degree of the rarchy,can only oe confided to tried republica — Av the head of each arrondissement, of each municioality, place sympathetic and resolute men. Don’t be tender of your instructions to thems animate their zeal” By means of the coming elections, they hold in their hands the destinies of France. ‘Let them give us a Nation- al Aasembly capable of comprehending and com- pleting the work of the people—in one word, all men of the eve, and not oj the day alter—tous hommes de la veille et pas du lendemain.” This is astriking illustration of the pass ge we quoted the other day trom M. de Tocqueville, to show how a system of centralization might be employed by a dominant party in France.— Suppose every branch of local administration in England to be uader the immediate control of a metropolitan authority ; suppose sheriils, clerks of the peace, local judges, county mavistrates, deputy Heutenants, grand juries, moyore aud bal- liffs, as well as tax-gathereis, and other persons conuected with the revenue, to be directly ae- pendent on the goverament; and suppose the Home Secretary and the President ot the Coun- cil sending express orders to each of them to ex- ertall the influence he can command to carry their candidates. This would afford but a taint notion of the course which MM. Ledru Rollin aad Carnot have pursued, no doubt with the full sanction of their colleagues. The National, the organ of one section of the government, after stating that “the assembly must be the true expression of the country,” an- nounces the formation of un grand Comité radi. cal republicain at Paris, to correspond with the provinces and ensure the triumph of republican- ism, ‘Let there be no misunderstanding re- garding our intentions ; the only candidates we will accept are those who are nettement frankly republicans. Let people consider themselves forewarned ; we will not accept another form of government ; and our minds are made up to con- sider as an intrigue and as treason, and to be treated as such, every combination which should again put in question the republic proclaimed in the days of February ” We always thought that the definitive settlement of the form of govern- ment was left to the National Assembly; but this is a curious mode of collecting “‘the true expres- sion of the country.” [From the London Standard, March 11.] The Paris papers of yesterday, brought by ex- press, show great efforts to maintain the public credit. They abound with advice and assurances having that end. Several important decrees ap- pear in the Moniteur from the ministry of finance; the first relates to the mode of paying out the depo: of the Savings’ Banks; the se- cond alienates the Crown onds, and converts to money all the gold and silver found in the alaces of the kil the third alienates the royfal forests, and the fourth does the same by the state forests. By the fifth decree the 100 millions remaining of the loan of August the 8th, 1847, are to be immediately emitted, the subscriptions to be open for a month. i Marrast is named mayor of Paris Aclub, very ominous in the present state of affairs, has been founded. Its (grea! object is to control the electio: so that none but known republicans shall be returned to the National Assembly. This is supposed to be levelled at M. Thiers and Odillon Barrot, the paper in whose interest loudly condemnsit. Multitudes of workmen are employed in reconstructing parte of the Palais National (late Palais Royal); also of the King’s Palace at Monceaux. Five thousand men are employed at the Champ de Mars; and General Lamoriciere has demanded an increase in the army to the amount of 100,000 men—all these ef- forts being attempts to keep the mob employed. Ii is mere waste of time to employ it in specu. lating upon the proceedings of the fantastical provisional government that now acts the part of ruler of France. The people who seem to act in the capacity of a government are mere pup- pets, moved by the popular humor of the mo- ment, and sure to be thrown aside upon the first symptom of exercising an independent judg- ment, happy af they escape with a contemptuous dismissal. A Even had we not before us proof that the crime of Louis Pilippe (who had done more than any other man had ever done in any country in liber- alising political institutions), was his aversion to war; even had we not this plain evidence of the motive for the late revolution before us, we could not look upon an armed and idle people with a distrusted army of nearly 400,000 men to dispose of, without knowing how the affair mustend. Still it is our part, and the past of every other European State, to leave the republi- cans without a pretext for aggression; justice and policy alike recommend this part; j because independent States have a clear right to play the fool at home, as long shall please them to do so at home, and only at home—policy, because the longer they indulge in their domestic folly, the less formidable will they be to strang- ers. We own that we are annoyed and disgusted at the compliments paid to the young republic in diecuasing its proceedings with the gravity with which we see them discussed; more annoyed and disgusted with hearing these proceedings applauded, as if all that is now going on were not a mere farce. The sous of Sisyphus, who, in our day, are reacting the blunders of Fox, Grey, Erskine, Sheridan, and the other great men who were led astray by the revolution of 1789, have not the excuse that may be pleaded for these great men, that they were without the instruc tion of example. Every one now knows from the memoirs and histories of actors in the revo- lution themselves, that the whigs were alto- gether wrong as to the motives and designs of the revolutionists, and that Burke, by the force of a. tranecendant sagacity, like Cromwell’s, worth @ thousand spies, was as well acquainted with every motive and design of the republicans ot 1789, as if he had been taken into their coun- cils. France has gone vack to 1792, and we, if we have common sense, will look for a sequel corresponding to that retrogradation. (From the London Herald, March 11 ] We have never concealed from ourselves that the provisional government of France had un- dertaken a work of gigantic difficulty, requiring the union of calmness, of courage, a knowledge of first principles, and of administrative detaiis. To suppose that in the excitement of a trou- bled time, when credit is restricted, trade crip- pled, manufacturers languishing, the exchange in dismay, foreigners leaving Baris, and hun- dreds of thousands of workmen unemployed, with arms in their hands—to suppose that, in such a moment, men without previous official or administrative experionce, should have, in all cases, exhibited models of wisdom and disere- tion—should have disclosed the economic saga- city of a Sully—the knowledge and experience of a Colbert—or the philosophic acquaintance with principles and systems that distinguished Turgot—was, indeed, to have expected far to much. _ Sallys, Colber's and Turgots, are not at once improvised. Such plants ure of slow growth, and only come to maturity in cycles of years, peradventure of centuries. They who expected such fruit of the first ministers of a violent re- on, changing not merely the personnel bat stem, shape and frame of a neighboring government, expected, we need hardly say, far too much. heir hopes and expectations were much too rash—much too eager, and cven ep pear more unreasonable and irrational than any even the wildest things that have occurred since the 22d or the 23d of February. However much the performances of the provi- sional government may astonish their friends and disappoint their enemies, they are sure at least to dissatisfy politicians who are so unrea- sonable as to expect impossibilities at their hands. The provisional government are not gifted with the power of the philosopher 10 * Rasselas.” They cannot make the sua of July shine out warmly in cold and windy March, or give to Paris the dry salubrious air of Egypt, the ruits of the tropics, or the cloudless ciime of southern Spain. Less than this, they caanot io a moment restore public confidence, or place public credit or capital in the position in which both were a month ago. Bat, though they can- fot perform miracles—though they cannot cause the sun to stand still, or the south wind to blow instead of biustering boreas—yet they may, by their conduct and their measures, allay uaneces:- sary apprehensions, and by a judicious course prevent vain fears, alarms and panics, from ex- tending. It is impossible that such a convulsion as has taken place ia France caa happen without producing much suffering and many bankrupt- cies. Jn 1820 there were hundreds and hundreds of fai‘ures, aud we look also for many in 1343. But we are satisfied that in 1830, as now, many of these failures might have been prevented by a timely succor extended to commerce. No as- sistaace could in 1830 have saved lor any usetu mirpose the house of Laffitte, which had beea ony previously in a desperate state. But many houses with abuadaot ass-ts were saved by the timely and jadicious loan of 30,000,000f thea ad- vanced to the commerce of Piris by th: Bink of France. Writing in London on a mutter hiav- ing reference to the interaal economy of France, we are, of course, lisble to tall into some error ; but judging from the events of Octoser and No- vember amougst ourselves at the period of the commercial , We should say that the provi- sienal government committed a grievous error— always supposing their books were fairly kept, and their assets were sufficient when realised ina time of confidence and calm to pay all ere- ditors—in not straining a poiut to aflord ussist ance to the house of Gouin. M. Gouin, our readers should be made aware, succeeded ina great measure to the business of Lathue. The nead of the house had been deputy for Tours since 1331, had been named minister of finance in the cabinet of the lst of March, and thou- sands of tradesmen of Paris and the ban-lieue kept their accounts with him. It would, there- fore, have spared ali these individuals a great shock aud a grievous calamity, to have come to M. Goutn’s aid, even though an administrative principle were to be strained in doing so. This, indeed, the provisional government seems to have been aware of the day atter the failure—in other words, a day too late—for they then af- forded that assistance to others denied to the deputy for the Indre and Loire. The provision- al government are, however, but men, aud there- fore fallible. To satisfy some of our contempo- raries they must be more than angels. Without defending every one or even a majority of their acts, we hold them to have exhibited, from their first entrance into power, @ food and a judicious epirit. ‘They have no doubt promised more ina week than they can perform in a twelvemonth. But that is a necessity of and incident to their very existence for a day—for an hour. All men succeeding to power, alter so radical and organ- ic a change, must promise more than is possible, or more than would be desirable, if even possi- ble. So it was in 1789, 1790 and 1794 i in Frand¢e in 1830, and in England in 1888 and 1834. _Why should we expect human nature to be different in 1848, after a revolution more awful, more unexpected, and more 1mmense in its r sults, than any recorded in the page of history Obstinacy, pride and blindness, the provisional government have not exhibited; but, succeedin; toa government of obstinacy, blindness an pride, based on the most soul debasing selfish- ness, fraud and corruption—they are forced into extremes the very opposite. They must yield too much and too often, and level themselves down to the spirit that stalked abroad in the streets of Paris with a torch in one hand and a sword in the other. But whose fault is this? It is the fault—and the fault only—of those mad and silly men who resisted slight, but just and necessary changes six months BGO, and who are now expiating their short sightedness, their per- verse and pedantic imbeciltty, in exile and dis- grace. For the present, let it be undertood by all statesmen and politicians, by all thinking men, that there is nothing to lean on but this provisional government. _ There is nothing to fall back upon but anarch if they be removed or set aside; and’ who will not say that the worst measures yet issued:by the existing authorities, or that can emanate, from them, are not prefereble to civil war, confu- sion, plunder, or a recurrence to street-fighting and barricades? M. Guizot appears to have been for the last two years placed 1a the unfortynate posi- tion su aptly described by that famous Frondeur, the Coadjutor of Paris; ‘‘ Il est des conjonc- tures (says the cardinal) dans lesquelles l’on ne peut plus faire que des fautes.”” That certain- ly was the tate of the still, soured, and arrogant pedant, made for his sins a minister, and it might be considered his misfortune too, did not aman who knew human nature better than any man of his time, or of ours, tellus ‘* La fortune ne met jamais les hommes en cet état qui est de tous de plus matheureux.” lf this preseat revo- lation was, as the Srécle says, ** inevitable et in- domptable,”” it was made so by the perverse and ayuastic selfishness of the ex-Monarch, and the unsympathising, uagocial, and wholly Gene- vese, character of his first minister. Othe peo- es or their opinions, the late I'rench Minister for Foreign Affairs, though greatly his superior in every respect, knew no more thao our own Peel. ‘Of the Doctrinaires, indeed, he knew the opinion, as Peel does of the millowners, the anchester cotton men, and the followers of the money muck; but England is no more exclu- sively composed of millowners and Manchester men than France of stiff, square-butlt pedants, or Swiss economists. i One of our contemporaries, the organ of Peel, the economists, and the holders of heaps of un- employed money, has endeavored to raise a pre- judice against the provisional government, by quoting, unfairly, isolated passages from former works of Louis 4lanc; but if Peel were treated after this fashion, and Hansard called in evi- dence against him, where would be the wisdom of his solemn blagne set to the variations of for- be ears of perpetual change? We seek not to efend every word or every writing of Louis Blane. But, unlike Peel or any of his disciples, he is an admirable relaterand painter. There is no Clumber heaviness—no Tamworth prolixity —no Gladstonian. paltering in a double sense, about him. Atleast you know what he means —what he would be at, and that ismore than can be pation’ of the most substantial, the most artful of human mystifiers. The thoughts of Louis Blane are often robust; his reflections are nearly always original; he is too manifestly a true man, and sincere. ‘There isno dryness of heurt—no ‘‘arttul dodging”—no callous selfish- ness about him. Can as much be seid of any of the Peel-Lincoln politicians? Louis Blanc may be, and is, we believe, most mistaken on many points—on some points bis views are nexious and nonsensical; but on his public character there is no stain. What he is now, he has been since 1832 and 1833, wien, in his 19:h year, he came up trom the College of Rhodez to assist the National. _ To some we may appear to attach too much importance.to this in most respects clever, but in many respects most mistaken young man; but when we state that his character and his wri- tings have been for the last fortnight the whole stock in trade of the writers of two daily Lon- don morning journais, we may be pardoned for telling our contemporaries something of a per- son about whom they evidently know nothing whatever, [Aleo from the Herald of March 11] When the future historian of the revolution of 1848 shall sit calmly down to collect the many and extraordinary facts connected with his sub- ject, he will not tail to advert to the remarkable readiness and unanimity of the episcopate in France, in adopting and proclaiming the repub- lic. The Romish bishops are not oaly not luke- warm in their adhesion to tne new order of things, butthey are in the very first ranks of those who are cheering with their applause the destroyers of the monarchy. They accept the revolution almost betore it is offered, and that nothing may be wanted which the sanctity of their office may confer, they commend its per- fect success to the prayers of the faithiul. Has- ty as was the flight of (Louis Pailippe, the last print of the foot of majesty had not disappeared from the soil of France before the republican flag floated in the breeze from every cathedral tower, whilst the vaulted roots within re-ochoed to the souad of Domine salvum fac populum, substituted, at the shortest possible notice, tor the too quick- ly forgotten Domine salvum fac regem ‘This im- petuosity of the priesthood, however, was even surpassed by their singular agreement. The re- cognition of the fall ot a dynasty came not {rom tae lips of this spiritual autocrat or of that, but from the lips and hearts of all. The prelates of the French church, in their several dioceses, in &@ Moment, as it were, took the same view, and adopted the same course, without taking coun- sel, without conferring upon the nature of the crisis or the duty of their order jn a terrible emergency, they received the news ot the events only to welcome them with acclammation, and to circulate them for approval. It would be uncharitable to suppose that these sacerdotel chiefs had any hand whatever in bringing rbout the catastrophe, which whey hail with such unequivocal delight, or that they them- selves attempted to work out the pertect imma- nity and autonomy of their church, for which they vainly contended against the conseil d'etat of Louis Puilippe, in the uacanonical vesimeat ot the blouse. Buc may they not have had the sagaci- ly to anticipate the down'all at hand? 1)d the confessional breathe no hiat of the coming whirl- wind, and was there no agreement vetorehand oa their position, which it behooved the chureh to aesume, for neediul protection from the storm ? [t 18, perhaps, as impossible to arrive ut a satis tactory solution of these questions, as it is to quell the suapicious that naturally suggest them- selves to the distant and impartial observer; but the data which reach us are not to be mistaken We submit them to our readers of them what they may! To quote the various circulars or pastorals 1s- sued on the occasion of the revolution in diff ent dioceses, is by no means necessury—the strain of them all is identical. They evince no Christian sympathy for the sun which has de- elined—they welcome with hymas of praise, the not wholly developed orb that is ascending. [wo of the most important of these documents, are, however, worthconsideration. Oae isfrom the pen of the CardinalArchbishop of Lyons. This haughty prelate may be remembered by our read- ers. It washe who, some two or three years age, set the now dethroned king and his couocil of State at defiance, when they ventured too ques- tion the archbishop’s right to proaounce a judi- cial sentence of condemnation upon a work on the ecclesiastical law of France, trom the pea ot one of the first lawyers in the kingdom. This lofty asserter of the prerogative of the church la- contcally observes, with reference to the fall of the ex-king, that “It is the hand ef God who overturns thrones, and dashes crowns tv pieces in his righteousness,” and directs his clergy to “setto tne faithful the example of obedience and submission to the republic. You have often wished,” he Continues, ‘to enjoy the liberty which makes our brethren of the United States 80 happy; that liberty you shall have If the authorities wish to plant the national flag on the religious edifices, eagerly second the wishes of the magistrates. The flag of the republic will always be a flag of protection to religion.” ‘The pastoral then gives a few phrases complimentary to the lower orders, and concludes with a direc- tion to read tae missive from every pulpit. The second document, and that to which we | others. is a far more lengthy performance than the pro- duction of the Archbishop of Lyons. It is a manifesto of no fewer than five closely-printed pages, and has all the ight of authority that the pen of the ArchbishOp of Paris can commu- nicate. The Parisian prelate starts with an ex- planation of the principles upon which the Ro- mish hierarchy are tendering their more than ive obedience to the powers that be, and come, in their nakedness, the staggering principles themselves. The Metropolitan, like his brother, is a bold interpreter of the mysteri- ous purposes of Heaven. With the penetrating glance of the clairvoyant, both discern the vi- sions hidden to the mortal eyes of meaner men. Will it be believed, that whilst the king, who a month—a week—before received the hollow blessings and the adulation of arch-minister of trnth, was still a fugitive in the land, the gifted archbishop had the modesty to declare, that he ‘at once recognized the mysterious de- sigas of Him who delights in showing to kings that their majesty is borrowed,” and that no christian could do otherwise than ‘adore, pro- strate on the ground, an act of justice so prompt and go terrible ” as the dethronement of the so- vereign whom he had himself served, and the substitution of a republic, whose value, to say the least, was as yet not fully established or easy to ascertain. These declarations made, the guileless prelate proceeds to argue, by a train of reasoning certainly novel in a Romish hi ch, thet the democratic principles now pro- claimed and dominant in France are, and ai- ways have been, the fundamental principies of christianity, and the “Catholic” church. Of all the revelations which from time to time have proceeded from the ‘‘ Catholic” church, this, rhaps, is the most barefaced and astounding. For ifteen centuries and more the Romis church has inculcated, as all men must know principlesthe very opposite to republican, and yet, with the glaring fact staring us in the face, the Archbishop of Paris is ready to ‘ adore prostrate on the ground” republican institu- tions, because they represent the very policy of i a of which he is so ingenuous a dis- ciple, Bat let the archbishop explain the seeming anomaly! Itis astonishing how much contra- diction is susceptible of explanation in an ex- panding church, or amongst squeezable divines. Cases of conscience are notto be tried in-courts of common law. That which takes the garb of contradiction before the vulgar, becomes recon- cileable and agreeing truth when explained by the initiated and the learned. The church, the archbishop (of Paris) tells us,ifshe has not proclaimed her vitally republican doctrines, has, nevertheless possessed them. Be- cauge a man does not display his sovereigns on the teble, it does not follow that his purse is not laden with gold. ‘It wasnot the mission of the church,” says the Archbishop of Paris, ‘* to force upon the world a doctrine (the doctrine of democracy identical with that of christianity) which was to cause ‘no other blood to be shed than that of Christ’s apostles and disciples.” Butthis isnot all! The writer, daring to the last degree, boldly asserts that not only have the clergy of France in all ages been the chief de- fenders of the national liberties, but thit if the elergy have stood aloof from constitutional go- vernments established in France since the resto- ration, it is simply because such governments have not been liberal enough. ‘We had no fa- vor for the political liberties which are proclaim- ed by the pppressora of the church and of the country—those on which the foot of the conque- ror trod—those which were never auyht but the stalking-horses of ambition and covetousness. But we shall favor those liberties which are about to triumph, because their object will be to protect the rights of all alike, and to insure to all the members of the great family, not. a chimeni- cal happiness, with which we have been so aften deluded, but all the happiness of which a great nation is capable under laws and a perfectly just government.” We have nothing more to say. We give the words of the archbishop as we fiad them. The moral to the humblest intellect is obvious. If we are not prepared here in England to see eve- ry pMacipleof loyalty swept away, and Chartism rampant in ths land, let us beware of Popery, that falls prostrate betore democracy, and hates royalty when most it seems to worship at its shrine. [From the London Athenioum, March'll] The revolution now 1n progress of accomplis meant in France yields—as so entire a reconstruc- tion of society must—its morals to every class, and, avowedly unpolitical as are the column of the Atheneum, yet there can be few great politi- cal movements which do not afford a tact or an inference to the especial interests of which we and such as we have charge. In the midst of a subversion so sudden and complete, and with so much for the revolutionary workers yet to do, the time for safe inference is not come; and we will confine ourselves to facts—recording trom time to time such features of the great and com- plex action going on as affect the particular world in which we are laborers. The prominent fact, then, is, that the third French revolution has seemingly completed the work which the second had begun, in assigning to mind the supreme social posidion, aud eleva- ting the intellectual professors to be formally— as atthe time of the first revolution they were virtually—the rulers of France. The new con- vulston has been consuimmated—so far as there is consummation in the matter—and is in pro- gress of being consolidated by a band of poets, men of letters, artists, and scientific celebrities. Such names as Lamartine, Victor Hugo, Beran- ger, and Arago, are turning up ia the lighest pla- ces. Lathe case of M. Hugo, some minor inci- dents have made the moral of the change stri- king. He was one of those in whose person the influence ot the second revoiution had already made itself visible. Asa mere literary man, he had. attained to one of the most eminent of so- cial positions—being a Peer of France. We waive the witticism which, on his being made a Mayor of Paris, played with the moral, after a Freneh fashion, by asserting that he had been transformed from a pére intoa mere. Bat it is worth recording asa direct expression of the substitution which has taken place, that when a mob in the Palace Royal shouted, “Dowa with him! he is a Peer!” the cry of “ Never mind— he 18 a poet!” converted the denunciation into shouts of “ Long live Victor Hugo!” The poet is tobe the peer of thrice-revolutionized l’rance. As journalism made the revolution, it is natu- ral, too, that journalism should be one ot the first orders in the State to benefit by it. The stamp duty on periodicals is abolisged, and a reduction ot price to the reader has, ofcourse, followed in many instunces—probably will inall. We may mention, as a fact worth pondering by the public of this country, where sound literature is so im- portant to the well being of society, and yet on account of the fiscal burdens to which it is liable so dear—that the present price of the Presse, one of the best conducted jvurnals in France, 1s three fifths of a penny, Eaglish money—little more than half a penny per number! The descent of the spirit of communism, too, from politics into the relations of commerce, 1s another fact well worth noting. It will be curious and instractive to watch the working of such a principle, should it spread—which seems philosophically impossi- ble. Born of the long sense of intoleravle ex- clusions, it ig seeking to push itself to conse- quences practically absurd. [t would destroy, in tae field of enterprise and speculation, the great Ego which has in all time been the moving and presiding spirit there. The ;rineiple ot associa- tion, Which is a mighty moral lever, carried the leagth of communism parts with its fulcram. However perfect asatheory, the latter is the megest transcendentalism—untitted for practical application, and adapted only to a condition of and for providing a’ sinking fund to pay off the capital, shall be divided between all, according to the amount of sala- ry or dividend of each. In consequence they decide that the division of the proceeds of the Presse shall be made as follows :—1. Pay- ment of salaries. 2. Interest of capital at 5 per cent, according to the average ovrofits of the Presse, trom the Ist of August, 1839, the dav of its purchase, comprising therein the sinking fund. 3 Division of the profits m_the yeeor: tion of capital in mosey to capital in labor re- presented by the amount of salaries ” This word ‘salaries’? must have some more nobie import. The proprietors of the Presse, there- fore, extend it, without distinction, to editors, clerks, compositors, correctors, printers, distri- butors and folders. ‘ One of the earliest effects of the revolutiona: change has been the resumption of the suspend- ed courses in the different colleges—or, as they are in future to be called, lyeeums—of Paris. Nor should we omit to chronicle the fact that while our rei aves are disposed to seek a mo- del for their democracy in the United States, they are prepared to take a hint as to their per- sonnel of government from China, M. Carnot, the Provisional Minister for Public Instruction, hasaddresseda circular to the heads of acade- mies announcing the adoption of the rule of ad- vancing the most promising scholarg of the pri- mary schools into the secondary educational in- stitutions; from which and fromthe superior ly- ceums there will be a regular selection of the ablest pupils for public offices of honor and emo- lument in the several departments of the admi- nistration. This plan, opening up to industry and genwus the great path to high employments, is communism of the right sort. It properly belongs to another part of our pa- per, but may be mentioned here as bringing the whole of the subject together, that the Minister of the Interior, in issuing his mandate to the director of the Louvre to open the exhibition within fifteen days from the 29th of February, has decreed that all works sent in this year are to be received without exception. Suchisevery where the order of thehour in Paris; there are to be no disappointments. Everybody is pro- visionally qualified for every thing. It is of more permanent import to state that a meeting of artists ofallclasses was held on the 5th inst., at the Na- tional School of the Fine Arts, on the convoca- tion of the Minister—at which M. Ingres pre- sided, and M. Delaroche took the vice-chair. At this meeting a provisional bureau was charged with the task of organizing the best, means of meeting and voting, in order to name in the five divisions of painters, sculptors, &c., architects, musicians and composers, dramatic authors, journalists, hommes-des-lettres, &c., and drama- tic performers, permanent committees to repre- sent the different bodies, and communicate with the government and with each other. In how many forms does the parallel between the Three Days’ and the Two Days’ Revolutions present itself! What observer of opinion mi- nifesting itself in literature can avoid speculat- ing on the fruits of excitement among those who are “in,” and of the sad” leisure awaiting those who are “out!” M. Guizot, for instance, has time to resume hia old habits—under more favor- able circumstances than were permitted to M. Peyronnet in 1830. Let us hope that no Baron difaussex redivivus is coming among us to patch up the deficit in his revenues by a levy on the circulating library of incorrect and raliae gos- sip. But what of republican France ?, Has M. Hugo no dithyrambs to add to the series which began with the death of the Duc de Berri and the baptism of the Duke of Bordeaux? Will the new ferment quicken into life anything 80 strange, so forcible, so fervid, as the genius of George Sand? Will M. Béranger, as.an acade- mician, have any more songs to write? The last change but one yielded to the Théatre 'ran- gais its “ Bertrand et Raton”—the aniiquity of whose satire already is, something marvellous. Will M. Scribe have anything to say respecting the new posture of affairs? His “ Pail,” we see, is in full representation; but that was wril- ten turing the past reign. ‘* Les Aristocraties,” by M. Euenne Arago, has, also, been represent- ed atthe Théatre de la Nation. Somagf tha literary men who have made name and fame under former dynasties, are, we per- ceive, already on the alert. M. Alexandre Da- mas bids fair to be the subject as well as the creator of a century of inventions. Naturally enough, his egotism, fertility and ubiquity, offer too tempting a subject to be mag ieaved by the paregraph-mongers; and, accordingly, he is made to figure in one of the earliest pages of the history of the republic. But it must surely be a broad stretch of fancy to assert that the histor1o- grapher of the Montpensier marriage, whose ‘‘ I and the prince” looked so grand in print some two years since, has already vowed allegiance to those who have driven out his royal asso- ciate. It were to make the evasion a s10er and the servility too mean. The world, of course, expects an indignant denial. What if itcome not? But all the old pictures seen in new lights produce a strange bewilderment -of ideas. M. Emile ¢e Girardin haranguiog over the grave of Armand Catrel—and the triends of Carrel, caught by a phrase, clasping the hand that slew him—are among the strange eflects shown by the wairligig of time and change. A correspondent has called our attention to a prophecy by Lady Hester Stanhope, uttered some twelve or fourteen years ago, in reference to M. de Lamartiae, which recent events make sufficieatly remarkable to amuse and interest even our most unsuperstitious readers. It is, at the least, aliterary curiosity. In this case, as in many others, says our correspondent, the pro- phecy may have, at least partly, occasioned its own accomplishment. The passage is extracted \from De Lamartine’s “ Voyage en Orient,” and isas follows :—‘ Croyez ce que vous voudrez, me dit-elle, vous n’en tes pas moins un de ces hommes que j’attendais, que la Providence m’en- voye, et qui ont une grande part 4 accomplir dans Poouvre quise prepare. Bientot yous retourne- rez en Kurope; |’Europe est finie; la France seule a-une grande mission & accomplir encore. Vous y participerez—je ne suis pais encore com- ment, mais je puis vous le dire ce soir si vous le desirez, quand j’aurais consulté nos étoiles.2— You see, adds our correspondent, madness is sometimes the telescope of truth ; cay it sees through a glass darkly—a part, not the whole. [Fro the Manchester Examiner, March 11 ] Twenty days have scarcely elapsed since a revolutionary mob drove Louis Philippe from his throne; yet, already, law and order reign again supreme in France; and no where has any destructive convulsion or conflagration, anarchic or alarming, intertered to mar the effect of the lesson which tae revolution of 1348 is calculated to teach. The middle classes of France have proclaimed by conduet, still more emphaticaliy than by word, that civilization—that whats most valuable in civilization—does not depend on kings, or dynasties, or ministries; but that as, in the course ot centuries, it has been slowly evolved without the help of these, so can it con- tinue to exist, in tranquil and fruitful order, when these, and what beloogs to them, have va- nished. The working classea of France—they, too, have more than ouce repeated that old pro- clamation of theirs, which cannot be repeated too often:—‘* Kings, or dynasties of kings, go- vernments by whatsoever name you go, unless you look a little after us, the workers, assure us by the very fact of ita revolution, France hae made an immense gain—has assured itself that it really is alive, and notdead—that it has fo: enough to make away with and abolish thal pably false, whether it may be able or mot to evolve and reconstruct the true. Philippe and company sate there, in high these eighteen years—doing what t—sowing the wind, and they have reaped the whirlwind :— taxing, intriguing, diplomatisiag, bribing, with an effrontery that grew every day prouder of itself, Other countries have suffered the like, and borne it, if not quietly, yet unresistingly. And now the mob of Paris rises, musket in hand, and sweeps away all that. A great gain, surely; the necessary antecedent of all other nation! gains. . And so France is once more a republic. The peaceful burgher will no longer see the iniquity which his sire and his grandsire fought to abolish, rampant in court—on throne. ‘The man of talent, he too, is enfranchised ; behold, at last, the republic invites, may, beseeches into his fitting arena ; /a carriere eat ouverte aur talents ; —** The tools‘are to him who, can han- dle them! The peasant, the operative, what hashe? Hope, at least :—this new government was his making—it can hold together only it he support it ; whoever may go uncared for now, We A ee not be he ! x On Monday, came out the decree for a nation- al assembly, to be chosen by universal su! and vote by ballot, of the whole thirty millions ~-not by some 170 thousand placemen, actual or expectant thereof. It is to be chosen in the early weeks of the forthcoming April, and to meet at Paris with the opening of May. The last ma- tional assembly, of universal suffrage and vote by ballot, that France remembers, was in the Autunin of 1792—fifty-six years ago. Like this new one, that old one met after France had hurled down its king and proolsimed itself a republic ;—so far and no farther the resemblance reaches. In all other respects, what a contrast! In 1792, France was divided against itself—roy- alists and clergy against republicans, department against department—La Vendee flaming up in insurrection,—the Paris prison chokeful, soon to be emptied by massacre—Prussia and Austria rushing over the frontier to extinguish the revo- lution—the Duke of Brunswick and 30,000 bayon~ ets acting as extinguisher. And now! From furthest north to furthest south, not a mur- mur of discord,—church and mammon, peerage and peasantry, Rothschild and the Archbishop of Paris, Marshal Soult and Marshal Bugeaud, all with areal joy (tor Louis Philippe nad no friend), acknowledgé the republic. Prussia, Austria, Russia, look on in dismay, and far from attack- ing France, think only of what minimum of ““ constitution ” their subjects are like to force from them. : Not the least significant, not the least pro- mising token of the iuture of France is the tem: per of mind, whicl, according to all observers, the French display under these new, unexpected circumstances. Nothing of the old fanjaronade, extreme of enthusiasm alternating with extreme of desperation ; silent satisfaction, rather, and, may we not say, tremulous hope in Heaven. “1 saw,” says an observer, ‘‘the Paris population escorting its slain ones, in solemn procession, on Saturday last, to Jay them beside their slain fathers, beneath the July column—mute patriot- ism of a new generation joining the last one, also mute. There was something very striking in the silence with which, on the whole, the ceremony was transacted.” It iga new quality in such French solemnities, this of silence ; and full of good augury ! ‘tant from Yucatan,. [From the N. O. Picayune, April 4.] ‘The achooner Montano, Capt. Stoddard, arrived last evening from Laguna, whence ahi iled.on the 26th ult. The situation of affairs in the peninsula is deplorable. Tne Spanish raco and their descendants are threatened with extermination. ; ‘The citizens of Valladolid and Ixamal for a bare J time held out against the assaults of the Indians who sur- rounded them, but early in March they began to despair of making good their defence, so hotly were they press- td. They began to deliberate upen falling back on Meri- da, and thus take up a new line of defence, and this pur- Pere. ‘we presume, they executed, for the next we learn that « host of Indians hed surrowaded Merida itself— report sets their numbers down at fifty of sixty thou- sands. These msy beexeggerated. but every new suc- eess must swoll their ranks, and there seems no hope for the Spanish race unless the thorities of Havana inter- Import savages. presume he promised his protecsion from the manner in which the editors speak of him. The commodore left Carmen on the 16th, on am ex- cursion to visit the ruins of Palenque. On the 24th he sailed on the steam frigate Mississippi for Vera Cruz, accompanied by the Scorpion, Spitfire and one other ‘Vessel. Cupt. Stoddard informs us that the U. 3. steamer Iris ‘was to sail from Carmen for Sisal, to take off the inhabi- tants of Sisal and transport them to Laguna to prevent them from being massacred by the Indians or driven into the sea. The situation of the peninsulas is indeed pitiable, but we have not room to oularge upon the subject or make farther use of the means so kindly placed at our disposal, FOR THE SAT OF WAR. The United States schooner Major Lear, Capt. Preble, and tbe schooner Cadmus, Capt. Southard, last ev if for Brazos Santiago with government stores. T! United States steamship New Orleans, Capt. Auld, | on tho 2d inst. for Vora Cruz, with government stores. The following passengers went over on her: Gen. Kear. ny, Hon. Mr. Sevier and suite; James D. Mix, Com’ GF, Peirson, U.S. N ; Col. Fiesco, Capt, Hanter, 24 I nois regiment; Capt. D ©. Berry, Massachusetts regi- ment; Lieut. Gilmer, Hogineer Corps; Capt. Badger, Wood, Lieut. G. Patten, Capt N. H, Niles, 24 Ohio v. ; Lieut. A. Jackson, Capt. Blandipy etachment of dragooun from Jefferson bar- and ono detachment of mou: men from nd one detachment of infantry recruite.— june, April a ARMY | INTELLIGSNCE. The United States schooner Pionser, Capt. Martin, and the United States schooner Arispe, Jones, left this evening for Port Lavaca, Texas; also the United States schooner Col. Croes, it. Rogers, for Brazos Santiago, and the United States schoouer Gen. Patterson, Capt. Jackson, for Tampico, with government stores.—N. O Picayune, April lat. Gen. Shields was at Pittsburg on the 7th, on his way to Mexico. Col, Jason Rogera, of Louisville, died in that city on the 34 inst. Col. Rogers was for many years an officer in the regular army of the United States. Hs was Lieut. Col. of the Louisville Legion in Mexico, and had the honor of being appointed military and civil governor ot the city of Monterey. In the same city, on the 2d inst., died Lieut. Stephen Johnston, United States Navy. FUNERAL OF LIRUL. HENDERSON. ‘The remains of this ga!lant young soldier were borne to the gra’ ya Sunday with ail due honors—honors be- coming the man and the soldier.—Picoyune, April 4, PROM TH# PACIFIC Among the passengers arrived at New Orleans, on board the Avon, from Havana, was Midshipman Lee, bear- er of despatches from Com. Jones, whom he left at Cal- Ino,on the Onto. on the 3d February. Mr. Leecame to Havana by the British steamer from Chagres. He brings late advices from Re gon Mp every thing was ing favorably, and the country perfectly tran- O. Bi u April 3 1s m NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. The U.8. sloop of war Gertaantown, Com’r. Lo dropped down uvder sail on yard to the ancltorage of the N tination is the Gulf of Mexico, The U.S. brig Bainbridge, Lieut. Com’g. Slaughter, bound te the Coat of Africa, got under way on Satur- who are ready to toil, due workgand subsistence imexchange for it, you really cannot remain on this earth any longer!” Such is the proclama- tion which the working classes of France have made in these very weeks once again, amid the sound of tallingthrones. Where I’rencn peers lately sat, and debated, ‘‘ Who shall be minis- ter,” there now sit Louis Blane, the newspaper things pertect like itself, and where enterprise and effort are not needed. Some of the com- mencing forms of its exhibition, however, we borrow, for the instruction of our readers, from a contemporary, the Daily News. The Northern Railway Company has announced its purpose ot making all individualsof every rank and class in its employment, from the president and the engi- neer-in-calef tothe humblest station man, sto- ker, and plate-layer, virtual partners in the en- terprise, and participators in its profits. Private estublishments are one by one following a like course. The case more immediately to our point is that of the journal,’ La Presse, wt the head of whose leading column uppeare d the other day the following announcement of its new syste- matic entity i‘ The proprietors of the Presse, called together by M. Emile de Girardin (one of them,) #gree unanimously to the principles here- after stated, already adopted by the company of the Northera Railway Company; association of labor and capital—division of profits. Hence- forward, in every industrial enterprise, all the salaries of laborers, workmen, foremen, clerks, engineers, directors and managers, shall be made acommon fund with the capitalists, with refe- rence to the labor of one and the capital of the profiie remaining, after the pay capital, desire particularly to draw the reader’s attention, | ment of labor and dividends on editor, and working men in blouses, passionately decreeing the “ organization of labor.” Such 18 the result that comes of paying no heed to the proclamations of working classes. z For the rest, in reply to the question which ali Europe is now putting to itselt—"* What will come of itt How can labor be organized in France—in Europe?” what answer can we or any other man or men return? Itis enough to kaow that the matter is being debated, will be debated (the mea in blouses taking good care of that) until what is altogether impracticable and insane in the much talk and writing that late years have produced, be separated from what they hold of practicable and sane—so that the latter only shall be permanently embodied in the daily ways of men. [oough that the question of the * organization of labor” has been raised this French revolution, into the altitude of a European one, to which all practical men, as well as all thinkers, must forthwith address themselves. It is not a problem that one gene- ration can solve—its solution will tax many ge- nerations, Let us be thankful that it is to be at least attempted, and rest secure, now as ever, of a — issue. : part, then, from this fathomless business of “ organizing labor,” what has France orn by ite revolution? May we not say that, already, day, and dropped down to H. Roads; will sail first fair wind. for Campeachy, on the lat Scorpion, Iris, Water Witch ‘The briz Vesuvius, nad tho schooner Falcon, lieut Com, Glasson, were at Laguna, Marek 12ik.—Norjurw Beaoon, Aprit 10. Putwavevrwia, April 11, 1848. Presentation of a Flag, Sc. Our French citizens have had a splendid Ame- rican flag made, at the establishment of the Mesers. Horstmann, designed to be presented to the French Benevolent Society, a8 @ companion for the tri-colored flag presented to the same sociation a short tinte since. The French re dents are making extensive preparations fora demonstration, to take place within a short time, with a view of expressing their sympathy with the cause of republicanism. ‘The steamship Columbus has delayed her de parture uatil Thursday, and in the meantime the necessary repairs to her engines are going on. The break was caused, it is said, by the engi- neer backing her out of the dock without shut- ting off the air-pump piston. ‘The jury in the rape case before alluded to, have returned a verdict of not guilty, but order~ ed the detendant to pay the costs. U The Legislature of the State adjourned sine die at noon to-day. ‘Two of the biils vetoed by the Governor have been passed by @ constitu- tional majority in both houses. One 18 that chartering the Ocean, Delaware and Philadel. phia telegraph Company, and the act extending the chartey of the Delaware County Bank. King Louis — a =.