The New York Herald Newspaper, April 28, 1846, Page 6

And at that time, too, sir, we had not the emmarr (ile upoa Which to repove, nor in other re- were we them in a condition to Assert more solutely than we did our right as against Great Britain, independent of the title ot Spain. It was, perhaps, sir, sufficient for us at that time to have our right of possession acknowledged by that Pow- er. The ten years being about to expire, the term was indefinitely extended, very uowisely, | think, air, in view of our then altered circumstances, by the convention of the 6th of August, 1827, which we Row seek to abrogate ; and when abrogated, weave for the third time in the exclusive possession, of the country a8 its legitimate sovereigo ; @ trespass upon which, wilfully, and by force, by any other power, would be an act of war, to be treated accordingly. Having the right to be the party im possession. on the admission of Great Britain through Lord Cas- tlereagh, in 1818. that right must necessarily be ex- clusive. Great Britain willhave no mght to occupy any part of the ommtE for if we are of right the party in possession, she cannot be there except wrongtully. Suen subjects of a foreign power as shall choose, atter that event, to remein in the coun- try, would necessarily become subject to our laws and jurisdiction; and on taking the oath of allegi- ance, would share with our own citizens all the benefits of our national liberality, as grantees of lands, and participate in the advantages humanity | posed derives, of whatever country or creed, from our much cheriabed and free institutions f I think, sir, the time has arrived when this con- vention should be terminated; and I had hoped we would have voted upon the proposition, without debate, with great unanimity and promptitude. At present. sir, although we have the acknowledged right of possession to the territory of Oregon, ia the greater part of it—in all of it north of the Columbia river, except a small Americen settlement at Bul- finch’s Harbor, Great Britain, by her subjects and her chartered power, is in the actual and exclusive possession. Soexclusive was this possession, that the northern bank of that river was known and called the ** British side,” and the oppos te bank the “ American side.” Our own citizens, Mr. Presi- dent, derive no benefit whatever trom this conven- ion; all the advantages are on the side of Britieh subjects; and we, at the e time, the true owrers of the wh less we take some decided action in order to obtain, on our part, that exclusive posseamon which belongs to the right, they will continue to derive these bene- fits, to the exclusion of our citizens. It seems to me, therefore. sir, the advantages being allon the side of Great Britain, unlees we give the notice; un- less we caprene 8 desire to terminate the coaven- tion, 1t will never be terminated by Great Britain No'ye will never come trom that side, sir. She has dil that she desires, as things pow stand, and has, therefore, no stimulant to act. She will not take the initiative. She does not desire to be remitted to her original barren pretensions ; whilst we encoun- ter 10 danger, by reposing upon a title “ the best in existence.” ‘And, as was eaid the other day, by the Senator of Massachusetts, [Mr. Webster.] it cannot give oflence to Great Britain, being but in accord- ance with a treaty stipulation ; and I will add, eir, she would have no right to demand the reason for such action on our part, nor would we have the right to ask of her the reasons should she choose to give the notice, but receive it in amity should it come from that power. This convention, sir, is an obstacle in our path of progress, and we must get tid of it. So long as it exists, we can do nothing effective ; we cannot extend our laws in their most ample scope over the country for the protection of our citizens there ; we cannot erect means of de- fence or of retuge; we cannot make grants of land in fee to the setulers who are there now in thousands, reposing with confidence upon the firmness and jus tice of agovernment they dearly love ; in short, sir, we can do no effectiveact whilatthe convention exists, By abrogating it, we are at once enabled to exercise, in the fullest extent, any act of sovereign- ty, we may desire, it will restore us to treedom and enable us to pursue such a course for our own inte- Test as we may choose, in our wisdom, to adopt. If we do nottake this course, if we do not give this notice, if we allow things to remain as they are, there is manifest danger, before the lapse of many years, that diffioalsies will so grow up and thicken, that a war may be the result, or else, that a country, favored by Providence beyond almost all others in all the great essentials of human happiness, and so necessary to us in an enlarged view of our future destiny, may become, by our unpardonable neglect, an independent nation under some foreign guarant; and possessed of elements and a position weil cal- culated to annoy and embarrass us hereafter. Sir, there are strong indications of a desire in several quarters thatsuch should be its destiny. It is the opinion of gentlemen of great intelligence, high character and influence, that it is not possible that Oregon should long continue to be an appendage ot our government, but must be independent. J think differently, sir, if we do our duty. I think as it 13 an integral and most important part of our empire, we should be awake to its preservation. If we are mindfulof this germ ihe enterprise of our people bas planted on the shores of the Pacific, it we nurture it and cherish it, a8 it should be nurtured and cherished, bestowing upon it our kind, pro- tecling care, it cannot but grow in beauty and ex pand in strength, and, deriving its sustenance from the parent stem, will flourish wath it in undying ver- dure. i Ic depends upon ourselves, whether this country shall remain with us or not. [ts destiny 1s, under Providence, in our own power, and we eucounter @ most weighty and feartul responsibility, if by any supineness, timidity, or want of resolution on our part, its preservation shall be jeoparded, and, in the end, lost to us forever. | Lf it was proper, sir, inthe nascent state of the Atiantic colonies, fur Great Britain to assert, and prosecute, and establish by force of arms,and by ar- gumeanis trom the cannon’s mouth, the pricciples she did establish for the extension of her lerritory,— how much more proper and necessary 13 it for us, sir, in this our age, with all the improvements in mechanical philosophy and the arts, by which spice is anothilated and distance measured, not by miles but my minutes, with our teeming millions on the vast plains of the West, in reach of the Pacific— many thousands of whom have gone to settle upon its shores and upon the fertile banks of its rivers— that the full benefit of this pais ot British law should be claimed by us, and we be as ready and as willing to contend for it, even unto war, aa she was witt our aid, against France. And why should we hesitate to take the initiative of measures which will force her, sir, to acknowledge her own doc trine ? The judgment ot the civihzed world will be pronounced against her should she disavow the doc- trine, and the sin of a war, should one follow, will lie heavy on her soul. i s Relying, Mr. President, on the principle of public Jaw, as to territorial rights, taught us on the heights of Abraham and on Braddock’s field, Great Byitain will have no reason to complain if we urge them against her, who originated them and gave them currency. And, sir, when Oregon shail ve filled ‘with our people, (as it soon will beif this govern- ment is true to its own interests,) no apprehensions of any foreign intruder, under what flag soever he may seek to make his entrance, need be entertained. It 18 Our true policy then, sir, to give the notice, and aseert aid maintain the principle of British law which Englaod is estopped trom denying, and which establishes our titie to the Russian line. If, however, sir, 1 could be made to believe that the et- fect of the notice would be, as has been intimated, to cur government in a position to compro- mise our undoubted rigat, upon any other line south of that, I would vote against it, and fall back upon the “ masterly inactivity” of the Senator ot South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,} as the wisest policy, and leave to ume to accomplish the great object to which the whole American heart isso earnestly and truly devoted. But, sir, 1 have full faith 1a the pru- dence, firmness, and sagacity of the Executive, and do not anticipate any sach calamitous result. Ido not suffer myself for a moment to believe that he will violate his published pledges. No, sir, | have implicit faith in hina, and that he will vo act on this and on all other great oceasions, in which the inte- rests and honor of his country are involved, as to comn2and the unqualified approbation of those who have raised him to his present elevated position. Considering, sir, the conuguity of Oregon to our western setticments, and as the only vent, westward ot the vast surplus productions of the rich basin of the Mississippi to the shores of Asia, with her mil- lions’of inhabitants, and its accessibility by rail- roads from the Atlantic States, bringing them also into close proximity te the same great markets ; and considering alao, that our republic opeas her lic domain to the over-populated countries of urope, and offers to all who may seek it cheap tee-simple farms, aad the full enjoyment of our free institutions, we cannot be charged, sir, in desiring to regon, with seltish or ambitious views, or with a spirit of mere territorial aggrandizement ; but the impartial aod the just will see in it a desire only to extend more widely the area of human tree- dom, and diffuse more oroadiy the means ot human inese—as an extension, sir, of that grand thea- tre, on which God, in his providence, and in his own appointed ume, intends to work out that high destiny he has assigned for the whole human race. But, Mr. President, it is eaid the duticulty must he notice, sir, wili not it will suniu- ot this controversy to aconciusion. ‘Tueregre ma- hy things to negotiate about, sir, many inportaat questions and jnterests whicn are fit subjects of ne- i id among them ale those periaining to Buy Company. And, 1 believe, oir, ine Hua: that ail the difficuity, or ciety ail, woich surrouuds this qu-stion, so tar as Great Britain is coacerued, isthe obigations sbe is uuder to thal corporation, growing out ot the renewal oi their coarter 10 1833, | lor twenty Oue years, ia wnicn, vy the way, aif, tue Privilege was reserved to Great Birtain tu graal, ior the purpose of setiiement or cuivuization, any of the comprised withia the lunies of their cnarter. In the correspoudence wito tue Biitisa Cuionial Seeretary of State, which led to tais renewal, sir, the company urge, 8 & reason lor it,inat * they ole country. This being the case, sir, un-| amongst nations, and to say hat our territorial di have succeeded, after & severe and expensive com- petition, in establishing their rettlements, and ob+ taiaing a decided superiority, if not an exclusive en- joymeut of the trade ; and that they occupy the coun- | try between the Rocky mountains and the Pacific, by six permanent establishments on the coast, six- teen in the interior country, besides several migra- tory and hunting parties ; and they maintain a ma- rine of six armed vessels, one of them a sel,on the coast.” They also speak of farms, and of other projects, having reference to an export trade, and the settlement of their retired ser- vants inthe couatry. All these things, sir, superin- duerd by the act of Great Britain, tend, no doubt, toemberrags her, as she may, in justice, be com- pelled to answer, over to that company, for an inju- ry that may result to itfroma surrender of her pre- tensions to the country. aa Now, sir, it would be manifestly proper for the two goveramentsto conier together on these mat- ters, to negotiate about them, and perhaps, sir, it might be fouad to be expedient to indemnify this company for their outlays there, ahd concede to them the use of the Columbia river for a few years, to facilitate their exit, with their property from the country, and as auxiliary to winding up their effairs. So far as these and kindred matters are concerned, sir, | hope negotiation will go on, but am utterly op- to it, if it is to involve acession of any por- tion of the country to Great Britain. I am opposed to that,sir, and will never sanction such an uct by my vote. A nation, sir, submitting to a negotiation which shall end in compromising a claim so valid as ours, by yielding upa part, when it has strength enough to preserve the whole, does, in my judg- ment, an uopardonable wrong, and becomes dis- honored, not oaly in the estimation of its own peo- but of the world. I will never consent to it, ¢ what may happen. red to arbitration, and that such a mode is 10 strict contormity with the law and practice of ni 8 in not acéepting @ proposition of tifis nature, when lately tendered by the British Envoy. The Senator from Kentucky [ Mr. Crittenden] said the other day, jthathe did not know what right we possessed to exalt ourselves above alllaw heretofore recognized putes are tobe placed above all arbitration then, with great emphasis, remarked, ‘ what a glorious homage would this Republic render to 1ts own best principles by accepiing the arbitration ot a tribunal composed of men distinguished only for their tilente, knowledge, science, and moral worth.” Sir, I should be very much opposed to sub- mit a question of territorial right to any power on earti, or to any board of civilians, in whatever form it might be proposed. There are, to my mind, sir, insuperable objections to it, and 1t does not seem to me to be practicable according to the proposition of the Senator. Leaving out of view all others, there is one fatal objection to such a proceeding, and that is, the parties cannot be compelled to abide by the award : there is no power by which it can be en- forced. Instead of settling the question fiaally, it might render it more complicated han before ; and in toe event of a refusal by one party ta stand by the award, war most probably would ensue. Suppose the Columbia river, sir, should be declared by the arbitrator as the line, in conformity with the Briush proposition ; can any one believe this government or country would abide by it? If a monarch is made the arbitrator, we would have his prejudices to en- counter, and incur the risk of his submitting the question to one of his Ministers, or Secretaries, or Chiefé of a Bureau; and in either case, we would have no personal knowledge of some of the parties by whom the award is to be made. ‘The arbitrators, whoever they might be,would not be required to be governed by the right of the case, nor by the strict law of the case ; nor would they be thus governed. Other principles —considerations of expediency, suggestions of policy, and, withal, a desire to give eacn claimant something—would naturally influ- ence them. Sir, this administration could not stand a single moment before the American people, if, by ite act, by referring a question of this nature to the decision of aboard ot arbitrators, the entire con- trol of the Pacific coast, and of the commerce with Caina, and the foreign export and import trade ot the western States now opening to them with the east, shall be losttothem. No administration could survive a turrenderof such important prospective interests. Arbitration, sir. 18 out of the question In controversies between individuals eubmitted to arbitration, the atbitrators are known to the partier, and a power 18 vesied in the courts to entorce obedi- ence to the award ; but there 1s no tribunal to com- pel obedience between nations. The whole thing 1s surrounded by difficulties. Besides, sir, there is really nothing here to arbitrate about ; for a propo- sal to urbitrate, and an accepta ce, presuppose a right exis's to a gia! the country, which we deny. Where a right to coterminous territory is admitted to exist, but the boundary unde- fiued, it may be proper, in such a case, to re- ter the matter to mutual trends, to establish the line of boundary. That was the case in regard to our north-eastern boundary ; and it was reterred to the King of the Netherlands ; and he, instead of attend- tug to the terms of the submission, and following the highlands, assumed the valley of St John’s River us the true boundary, which satisfied neither party. But, sir, it is unnecessary to say anything about arbitration, as the government has, in the most decided manner, rejected the proposition ; and there is no wish, | am sure, on the part of this coun- wy» that it should be accepted at any future time ‘hilst negotiating, sir, in 1818, upon this very ques- tion of Oregon, then called * the settlement on the Columbia river,” « reference of it to the Emperor ot Russia was in contemplation. The action of our government then, sir, upon the suggestion, was not different [rom the present. In a despatch from our Seeretery of State (Mr. Adams), of the date ot July 28, 1818, to our negotiators (Messrs. Rush and Guilaun), 1 find tne following passage, which I will read for the benefit ot the Senate, from the 4th volume of American State Papers, title “ #o- reign Relations,” p. 377: “The expediency itself of submitting questions of territorial rights and boundaries, in discussion between two nations, to the decision of a tnird, was unusual, if not entirely new, and, should the contin- gency occur, will probably encounter difficulties of execution not foreseen at the time when the stipu lation wae made ot resorting to it. The sudjects in controvery are of a nature too intricate and com- plicated, requiring, on the part of the arbitrator, a Patience of investigation and research, historical, political, legal, geographical, and astronomical, for which it is impossiole to conceive that the sovereign of @ great empire could personally bestow the time. This, sir, was American doctrine then, and it 1s correct. Mr. Adams was Tight. Questions of this description should not be submited to a foreign wer, for the reasons given by him, and those | ave given—that there,1s No power existing to en- force the award, and if one of the parties does not choose to abide by it, it can only operate to produc: the conflict which it was the object of the ar! tion to avoid. While speaking of this subjec:, sir, I wish to notice the peculiar phraseology of the ter of the British minister conveying the pro; to the rejection of which so much exception seem: tohave been taken. In his note ot the 10:h Janu- ary last, to our Secretary of State, after aliuding to the rejection of his first proposition, as containedin his note of the 27th of December, tor a reterence of the question “of an equitable partition of the ter- titory,” and the objections of our Secretary to it, he says: “< This premised, the object of the undersigned in addressing to Mr. Buchanan the Present communi- cation, 13 to ascertain from him whether, supposi the British goverament to entertain no objection to such a course, it would suit the views of the United States government to reter to arbitration, not, as has already been proposed, the question of an equi- table partition of the territory, but the question of ttle in either of the two powers to the whole terri- tory, subject of course to the condition, that if nei- ther should be found, in the opinion of the arbitra- tor, to possess a complete title to the whole terri- tory, there should, in that case, be assigned to each that portion of territory which weuld, in the opinion of the arbitrating power, be called tor b 4 justappreciation of the respective claims ot each.’ fNow, sir, it will be perceived here is no distinct proposition to refer the question of title at all; he merely inquires, Supposing Great Britain should en- tertain no objection to reter the question of title to arbitration, what would the government of the United States be willing to do? It would have been proper, in my judgment, to decline a reply to @ proposition presented in such a form, as it was not a defiaite proposal to submit the question of title. Itis a *‘ fishing” question. A hypothetical case is presented, which our government might well refuse to entertain, and made subject to the condition, on the happening of a contingency, of an equitable di- ion of the territory. Sir, we do not desire a di- vision ot the territory. I am instructed, and feel pleasure in acting up to those instructions, to Op- poae by my vote a surrender of any portion of terri- tory righttully belonging to us through the instru- mentality of arbitration by crowned heads, or a board of civilians, or by negotiation in any torm. 1 would advise negotiation, sir, as I have already said. in regard to ali other matters growing out of this question, or with which it is legitimately con- nected ; and should be disposed to be liberal. I | would grant to the Hadson Bay Company, which | has #0 much at stake, certain privileges tor « limited jPeriod. I would do nothing that 16 unjust, nor ad- | Vise it to bedone 5 and in taking a Past history, sir, T believe the great my ot re publican principles cannot point his fiager to a sin- gle act of national iujastice committed by us. It may De said, to the giory of the American name, that not @ singe wet ia cur whole career can be | found, by our imost unserupuious enemy, eulewiated to stamp Lujustice upon our national character. We | have never done injustice ; we haveralw; 8 sough' im our national cvudact, in all our difficulties aud emafrassmenta, to Catry out the golden maxim, “ Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you.” Our reputation, in it is said, sir, thatthe matter should be refer- | to be supported by the party like cases ; and our government is censured, sir, for | ninously adopted, as Namponted and 1 desire to it 0. [wish to me henpring even omens po, of injustice, and, therciore, sir, if the Hudson Bay Company have important interests the: that they have I am free to admit—and the British go- vernment is responsible to them for any injury which may result, in consequence of any dieposi- tion of the country policy may require Great Britain to make ; and it, in order to carry on their trade a few years longer, and settle their affairs, the: should desire the use of the river for rt period. I would concede it to them most cordially. I would afford them every facility for closing up their fairs, and leaving the country to our exclusive ju diction; but tq no division of the territory could I ever consent. We all recollect, sir, that memora- ble display of the wisdom of Solomon—the case of the living child claimed by two mothers—and the exhibition of true parental affection on that occa- sion. She who consented to the division of the child was adjudged not to be the true parent, and the real mother was restored to her own. So it is, with the true friends of Oregon; they cannot nt to a division of the child of their love. It England is the true parent, give it all to her, sir. We cannot consent to a division of the territory, either by the Columbia river or the 49h parallel. And here, Mr. President, I must be permitted to soy, ‘* more in sorrow than in anger,” | regret, asa friend of the Executive, that he felt himself bound to offer to Great Britain the propeetrine to divide the territory on the 49th parallel. 1 think, sir, the error on his part consisted in this: that he did not consider ita mew question, so far as he and bisad- ministration were concerned. In my judgment, sir, 80 faras he was concerned, it was an entirely new question. And why, sir? Because, at the convention which assembled in May, 1844, to no- muinate candidates for President and Vice President, to whiclr he belongs, a delegate of the State of New York offered the fol- lowing; among other resolutions, which was una- a principle of action and ot union. Here it is, “ Resolved, That our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon is clear and unqnestionable ; that no portion of the same ought to be ceded to England, or any other power ; and that the re-occu- pation of Oregon, and the re-annexation of Texas, at the earliest practicable period, are great Ameri- can measures, which this convention recommends to the cordial support of the democracy of the Union.” E Now, sir, on these great “ American measures,” then for the first time adopted as such, we went beforethe country. The present Executive was the candidate of the pzrty that avowed this right and utle to the whole of the termtory of Oregon. Ore- gon was the watchword throughout the whole length and breadth of the land. {t was not con- fined to the west or south-west, but in the north- ern, middie, aud throughout all the States, it was the rallying ory. Oregon and Texas were one and undivided. The Executive was elected ke the aid of this measure ; aud to what did he pledge him- self on the eastern portico, betore his assembled tellow-citizens, in his inaugural address to them and to the country? Mark his language, sir : “* Nor will it become in a less degree ay duty to assert and maintain, by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that portion ot our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Mountains. Our ttle to the country of the Oregon is ‘clear and unquestionable,’ and already are our people prepar- ing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wives and children.” =" 2 , Such, sir, was his explicit and frank declaration, in accordance with the public judgment of the county, 3 such washis pledge. He had been elect- ed as friendly to a series of measures, of which the entirety of Oregon was one ; and thus it became, in my opinion, as to him and his administration, an entirely new question. It never had before, Mr. President, been an element in any political contro- verey, and his inaugural address prefigured to his constituents what his cqurse would be when called to act upon the question. In hig messy e delivered to Congress a t the present ses! » he does not de- partfrom the ground he then assumed as to the tight, but in ‘reference alone to what had been done by his predecessors, and the implied obligation which their acts seemed to impose,” and not cor- sidering 1t a new question, he made the proposition. Again, I say, sir, | regret the President took that view of the subject, and offered a proposition 60 well calculated to embarrass his friends in different parts of the country, and who had united in con- demning those predecessors in masking a similar offer. Butjthe proposition was made and rejected by Great Britain, withdrawn by our government, and is no louger binding. The President tells us, with his conviction that no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be effected, “the proposition of compromise, which had been made aud rejected, was, by my direction, subsequently withdrawn, and our ttle to the whole Oregon terri tory asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by ir- tetragable facts and arguments.” He then recom- mends giving the notice to terminate the conven- tion, and says: “* At the end of the year’s notice, shoula Congress think it proper to make provision tor giving that notice, we shall have reacned a pe- riod when tne national nights in Oregon must either ve abandoned or firmly maintainea. That they cannot be abandoned without a sacrifice of both Aational honor and interest is too clear to admit ot doubt.” Again he says, ‘ Orsegonisa part of the North American continent, to which it is confident- ly affirmed the title of the United states is the best in existence,” i 2 _ To understand, sir, what is meant by our national rights in Oregon, which cannot be abandoned with- out a sacrifice of both national honor and interest, we have only to recur to the passage first above quoted. Wee there find that itis to the whole Ore- gon territory, our title to which is maintained “ by ure ragable facts and arguments.” Under these full and patriotic declarations, the country can re- pose, sir, with pertect confidence; entertaining no apprehensions that their President will swerve from them in the slightest particular, now that the hone rary obligation is fully discharged. " i; The recommendations of the President, sir, should be carried iato eff-ct. [ hope they will be by the unanimous vote of the Senate. I should re- joice to see entire union upon them In cases ot this kind there should be no party divisions; party should have no existence ; it is not now a party question. By reference to the vote in the other tLouse, it will be seen that party lines were not ob- served, and I hope it may be so here. £iven, sir, if the very objectionable resolutions of- fered by the Senator Irom Georgia (Mr. Colquit:] should receive the assent of the Senate, I shouli utili teel assured, having so much confidence in the wisdom and firmness of the Executive, that what- ever compromise he might be compelied, under the terms of it, to offer or accept, it would not be such 4 one as would involve a session of any part of the territory, because, sir, he is fully cominitted to the nation 1intain its right to the whole territory, and to reserve unsullied the national honor ; and he feels the responsibility of that position. Mr. President, let us enquire what will be the state of thingsatter the netce is given, and the twelve months have expired. What will follow, su? It British subjects remain in the territory, they will, necessarily, become subject to our laws, as they are now in every other part of the United States in which they may happen to be. ‘That, sir, will be their condition—that will be the effect of the termi- nation of the convention ; tor we would be at once remitted to our right of possession, which-must ne- cessarily be exclusive, placing us in the actual sove- reiguty of the country. That we can maintain that sition 18 very certain. ‘Ihere need be no appre- ension, sir, if notice be given, and the measures recommended by the President carried out, and emigration encouraged, that any act of violence on the part of Great Britain will take place ; because, in addition to ocher considerations, we have her un- qualified admission, that we have the right of pos- session, and any act of encroachment on her part would be entirely unauthorized and unjustifiable, and which she would not hazard, ae it would be an ct of war. She cannot now grlaney that admis- sion. She cannot abridge it, and while it remains, she would have no right to interiere in our exclusive possession. The question then will be, sir, shall h | we maintain this right, tortified by the admission of Great Britain herself, and reposieg upon a title so clear and unquestionable as ours is shown to be, by force of principles which she has herself establish- ed, or shall we abandon it? I cannot think of it for & moment, sir, as it would be a wilful and wicked abandonment “of our own self-respect and our na- tional honor.” All we have to do, sir, in this and every other emergency, is, to pursue the path of duty and honor, lead where it may. After all we have said and done, sir, it would, in my judgment, be highly derogatory to our national character to re- cede a single inch from the position we have as- sumed, fortified as it 1s by the clear right of the case, sanctioned by the common judgment ot the whole eountry, and taken with deliberation. But it is said, sir, Great Britain will not recede— she will not yield her pretensions, and war may come ; and this seems to be the opinion of the Se- nator of Michigan, (Mr. Cass] 1 cannot undertake to say, Mr. President, what Eugland will do when the erieis comes; but thie I think | can say, that her history sows that in almost every case threatening @ controversy with ua, in which she has been firm! met and resolutely opposed, she has uever persisted. To instance no other examples: at the time we ac- quired Louisiana, did she not object, and protest, and threatea? She was thea at war with France, and might, by belligerent capiure, have added that rich province to her crown; but we pursued the even tenor ot our way, kept our object steadily in view, and jn spite of enenuies at home and abroad, con- suommaied the act: and what was the result? So im regard to our proceediags towards Spain, betore the Florida treaty. She charged us with a desire for territorial uggrandizement; she protested against our Tight to take possession ct that part of it we claimed; yet we pursued the course policy and justice to our- eel uctated—placed at the disposal of the Execu- tive means adequate to the exigency of the case, this regard, 19 pure and | and we heard ao more of British interterence or op- in to the of this rosin pntd the first pag yc Gheut. Por three years she raised diMeculties, coin- ed objeetions, and postponed the execution of a po- | history proves. Who believe sitive treaty stipulation; but we were firm and im- portunate, and were reinstated our possession. And itis only necessary for us, sir, in this case, to be firm, calm, and prudent, demanding nothing but what is exactly right, and manifesting a disposition to do full justice, and there is no danger of acon- troversy, La 7 But, sir, if we adopt a timid policy ; if we betray a weak and vacillating purpose ; if we hesitate—we run the hazard of bringing upon us the very calami- ty we seek to avoid. Great Britain understands thi well. She knows our history. She knows we as firm and unyielding.as any nation ean be, the right on our ice, and ith that we have never per. jated in the assertion or maintenance of wrong. All we have to do, then, im this cr is, to maintain this firm and decided position; an my life on it, she will not involve her countryand this in the calumi- ties of war for Oregon. Sir, Britain is not prepared for a war withus. She never was in a more precarious condition than is at this mo- ment; not from internal decay, perhaps, sir, but from the circumstances of ber position, and without a friend in any one of the nations of the earth. She is, too, at this moment embarking in a bold, and to her dangerous, experiment—no less, sir, than a ra- dical change ia a policy to which she has adhered, with such pertinacity, since the revolution of 1683. Her success, sir, in this experiment, she must know and feel, depends in a very great degree upon the maintenance of amicable relations with this coun- try. We have been, and now are, her best custo- mer, and it is not to be presumed she wou'd attempt such a ch , with her best cestomer in arms against her. ‘That would be fatal, suicidal. The controversy will never be prosecuted to a war by Great Briiain, under the circumstances in which she is placed, uoless we manifest timidit and indecision; and if it should, sir, I cannot thin! she could do us any very great injury. I nave re- flected a foe deal upon the subject, and I cannot for my life, sir, see how she can inflict upon us apy permanent jury. while ehe is exposed to that hazard from us by the very nature of her system. We might lose some merchant ships, and a vessel of war or 80; but her owa commerce would be more crippled than ours. We could carry on.a war of ten years with less injury to us than toher. Our condition is vastly ditlerent now from what it Was when the war of 1312 was declared. Then our po- pulation was small, our internal commerce nothing. iow we have facilities of approach from the sea- board into every part of tie country, near 20,000 000 of people, and an internal commerce fifteen times as great as our foreign, which we could fall back upon, and verify the fact, that we ean live and flourish without any foreign commerce. These make our sition more favorable for a war than that of Great ritain; besides, so far as the great staple of her manufactures, cotton, is concerned, she is almost wholly dependent on us. She cannot procure from India aad Egypt enough to keep her spindles em- ployed three months; and unless she draws ner sup- ply from us shrough neutral ports, she must be bro- ken up. Taking this single consideration into the account, the prospect of inevitable ruin to her, keep- ing her condition in other respects in view, isalarm- ing indeed. This great staple contributes 80 much to the support of her population; and is so important an element of her commercial and internal prospe- rity, that it will always operate, whilst we control its production, as bond and security from her that she will keep the peace. It is most manifestly, sir, her interest not to goto war, and she will make great sacrifices to avoid it—every sacrifice short of national honor, which, so far as she is concerned, is not involved in this question. Seeing, as she does, this territory filling up by our own citizens; that it is contiguous territory, and the only outlet westward for the great valley of the Mississippi to the markets of Asia, and entirely detached from all her colonies in either hemisphere, and that it can be to her but a barren possession, the sacrifice in yielding peaceably her pretensions to any part of it, accompanied by those friendly arrangements to which I have alluded, will bear no comparison to that we should encounter by an abandonment on our part. 2 And, sir, it will not be igs alone which will be engaged in this war, should one befall us. Tne people of Europe have the spirit of revolution and tetorm raging within them, only suppressed by the strong arm of power. It is the policy ot thrones and dynasties to prevent a war with us. It a war does come it willbe a war of systems—not for Oregon ; and in ecuh a war, so sure as the red man fader away before the advance of civilization, so sure wil those thrones and dynasties fall before the advance of republican principles. No, sir; Europe will not suffer England to war for Oregon with us. The great free-trade interest alone, now promising to be in the ascendant in England, will have power suffi slent to prevent a war, and will prevent it at every sacrifice. 3 P T have not been able to see, sir, how a nation so politic as England 13, can hazard a war, in Poa pi sent condition, provided the matter is managed by as, a8 it should be, (we doing nothing calculated uritate, and manifesting a just and liberal spirit to- wards her,) with becoming firmness. It war doer grow out of this question, Mr. President, it must be commenced by England—we will not take the ini Uative in that. But, it is said, sir, we must so ma. aage the matter by negotiation, compromise, anc acquiescence, in the demands of Great Britain, at not to force her to this alternative; for it is said, sir. ifwar does ensue, we will lose our foreign trade, oe visited by all its accumulated horrors and cala mities, and that w would be broken down in ou: finances, as the Senator ot South Carolina [ Mr. Cal- oun) said a few days since. If these are proper considerations, sir, and to be used as arguments on such a topic, the duty of maintaining national rights would be atanend. Such arguments persuade ur to surrender them up quietly to any arrogant de- mand or baseless pretension, if made by a formida. ble Power, lest, by resisting, we should be subjected to loss and injury. Such reasoning, sir, puts a stop it once, to the assertion and muintenance of any right, no matter how important. Much as I detest war, sit, and would earnestly seek to avoid ite con sequences, could it be done honorably; much as } should deprecate an increase of the paper systen which might ensue,—I would greatly prefer them all, to a surrender, under xisting circumstances, o! any portion of the Oregon territory. There is no: thing that can grow out of war that my State would aot be willing to endure, in preterence to the sur- render of any part of it—nothing, whatever, sir For, 80 tar as we are concerned, the point of honor 1s involved. We have been told, sir, time and again, if we do assert our title, and take measures to maintain it, war will follow; and again and again are we reminded of the magnitude of England’s power, and of our own unpre pared and detenceles: condition. Sir, I have said { did not believe a war could do u3 much inj ury—certainly not so’much as it would England. She hag no interual commerce to fall back vpon to sustain her—no internal re- sources—all is scattered over the face of the earth With us, itis wholly ditferent. We possess all the varieties of soil and climate, well adapted to the most profuse production of all necessary articles of consumption; a population possessing every kind and degree of ski l, Kiet pg) and pursuit; with an internal commerce spreading over more than three thousand miles of territory—amounting annuall® to many hucdred millions of dollars, with the most perfect facilities by railroads and canals to accom- modate it, which would not only sustain, but enrich the whole country, and verify the fact, as I have be- fore said, that we could live and prosper, independ- ent of all foreign nations. We would discover that our prosperity does not depend on the accidents of foreign commerce, or on the unruly politics of Europe. This commerce between the States, sir, is without its restrictions, like that between so many foreign and distinct nations Compare our situation in this regard, with thos European States having but little foreign commeres, and none internal, esti- mated by ours; they seem to prosper, eir, under bur- dens and exactions far heavier and greater, even in time of peace, than ours could be in war. Situated a8 we are now, sir, it we have not the ability to sus- tain a war, it seems to me that no nation on the face of the earth ever had or ever wiil have that ability. As to “breaking down our finances,” sir, and the evils of the paper-system, which, it is thought, will necessarily follow a war, this will be but tem orary, and can be greatly modified by wise legis- jation. There ie nothing, sir, in this view of the subject calculated to inspire alarm, or make us hes- itate in detending all our rights We have now, sir, in the country about $100,000,000 of specie, which, in the event of war, would remain in the country, as there would be no use tor it to pay ances abroad, there being no foreign trade. This would be a basie for safe issues, according to the be modern science of banking, of three hundred mil- lions of dollars. Treasury notes, bearing no interest, and receivable by the government for all en would be at par for all government payments, an being in demand to pay taxes, would not fluctuate very mueh in value in the market. Such a system might be made to work quite sately, , during a war, but should terminate with it, or before our Tevived commerce created a balance of trade against us. oe La Pag do i ogre) Not pay now, indirectly, through the 0; our Gani law more than they would have to pay directly by ta: in the shape of duties, as they wi war, they would be better enabi which should be levied by taxation to su; waged in defence of national rights an honor. A war with all the calamities al upon it, such as they may be, would not be barren of benefit. It w unite our people more closely than they are now united, would increase their energies, and, by calling into exercise the sterner virtues, lead, in the end, to a vast increase of our tiont It they have no taxes to pay not in case of to pay those rt a war becoming, sir, too! eff-minate, lux- tide and caibavagals il these tendencies would gr Th uses of adversity! ‘Which like the toed, u ly and venomous, ‘Wears yet e precious jewel in its head.’ And as a speedy recovery from the ill of u War, sir, no nation on the globey alf the Yecuperative energy that ours sseg. «This our the {late war was of any injury to us? “Though many fell— trough much blood was spilt—our ign com- merce broken up, and all industrial purstlits erip- p'ed and deranged, and not one object attained for which the war was de-lared and waged at so much expense of blood and treasure, who can dowht that it was of immense service to us, weighing all these against that one item which it gained for us—the respect of all other powers, and the high exaltation of our national character? And we recovered from its effects ina tew years, and with renewed life and vigor have since pursued our glorious and successful career. The Senator from Delaware, sir, (Mr. J.°M. Clayton,) took occasion, in his remarks upon these resolutions, to contrast our naval force with that of Great Britain, and read to the Senate a prepared statement of her military and commercial marine. But the Senator did not seem to reco! that the number of vessels of war possessed bY a nation is no criterion by which to esumate its power. Eng- land has many ships of war, sitr—she has the wood- en walls, but has she the sinew and muscle with which to man them? Can she get the men? [ recollect reading lust summer, sir, in @ British: magazine, an article upon tl lefences of Great Britain, and, among other thi the coadition of her navy, both jas to the materiel and in welch it wes sree shat Comets spain gr one of ¢ most popular officers in her navy, great difficulty, and had been unable up to that time, to ship acrew for the steamer “Retribution.” Now, sir, with this fact in view, I would ask that Senator, how itis 1n the power of Great Britain, to man one: half of the vessels on that formidable list he ted to the Senate, even by resorting—as she certain-. ly would resort—to the press-gang? She cannot man them, sir. The Senator showed, sir, by his statement, that in proportion to our commerce, compared with that of Kogland and some of the munor Powers of Europe, we had tewer guns forits protection than any ot them; but the Senator did Not seem to consider the capacity of this nation to arm itself on an emergency, and he left the infer- ence very fair that he believed ours was the weak- est naval power on the globe. [ think, sir, a litde ion of, and examination into, elements of naval power will serve to satisfy every Senator tha we have the capacity to put afloat, in a very short time, a more powerful nav; Great Britain ever d. It cannot be denied, sir, that we are ca- pable of constructing vessels with more rapidity, and with better equipment and sailing qualities, than any other nation; and it war comes, instead of finding us unprepared in this arm of annoyance and defence, we should be found m a few menths, the best prepared nation in the world. It is true, sir, of national vessels, we have but “seventy-six, all folds but a ae a Saginecsial Beitr ap a y any. jour packet ships, sailing from the pens of New York and Phil adelptune ure T, tter fitted, stauncher, better sailers, and capabie of carrying more guns and sustaining their recoi and resisting an enemy’s broadside, than our sec class frigates were in the lat war, or could soon be made so by additional bulwarks, the work of a few weeks. These, with our whale ships armed and fitted, to say nothing of our steamboats with arma- ments on board, will enable us to put afloat a more efficient navy than Great Britain ever possessed; and for shipping crews, patriotism would supply the place of the press-gang. ’ i If you will look, sir, at the list of the Britisk avy, you will fiad that many ships named in it are not seaworthy, and cannot be made so; many of them are old ships, ships engaged in the battles of Trafalgar and the Nile; they are now old hulks, unfit for service. ¥ Mr. J. M. Crayton desired to correet;the honor- able Senator in one ortwo particulars. He did not say that we were the {weakest nation, nor had he endeavored to pines the strength of Great Britain. in a striking light before the Senate. He had mere-- ly stated the relative naval power of this country and England, in reply to the remarks of the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Allen] He had said nothing to disparage our own naval force, but he had thought it proper to correct some statements of the gentle- man from Ohio in regard to the naval power of England. And he had done so from facts thenin his porsession. Since he had made that statement, he had seen a still later authority, disclosing more particular information as to the naval power of Great Britain than he had been in poseession of at the time he had the honor to address the Senate. He stated at that time that England had 671 ships, carrylng an armament of 16,272 a pune, By the latest official documents received by the last steamer, I perceive, so mauch has she increased her naval power within the last quarter, that she has now 17,772 ‘guns inher-navy. This isa great in- crease, and thie has been effected in the last quar- ter of the last year. The number of her war steamers, according to the account we were in pos- session of when he last addressed the Senate, was 98. He perceived by the documents lately received that there were now 121. He had alap stated that her military marine amounted to 40,000, and he did say too, in reterence to the commercial marine, to which the Senator from Iilinoia had now alluded, chat ours was about equal, or perhaps a little inferior to that of Eogland. But the recent information showed that that estimate was somewhaterroneous, or at least that their commercial marine hed in- creased since theformer statement. _ The tonnage, foreign and coastwise, of the United Ki gdom ot Great Britain, at the close of he year 1838, was 2,420,759 tons. same state- ment 1s made by MeCulluch, title “British Empire” and by Baron Charles Dupin, in hie “ Puralle des Trois Principales Marines de ’ Univers.” A rare work, very recently published, and re- ver:ved within a few days at the Treasury, (McGregor’s Commercial Tariffs, &c.,) reterrec to and relied upon in the Secretary’s report this fay, brings down the information on the subject (ate as the 31st December, 1844, at which time it appears that the whole tonnage, foreiga and coas' wiee, of the United Kingdom, was 2 994,166 tons; which added to that of Guernsey, Jersey, and Man, (50,226 tons,) makes the whole tonn of all, by he latest returns received within the last week at the Treasury, 3,044 392 tons. The Secretary’s report states the tonnage of the United States, on the 30ch June, 1845, at 2 416,999 tons. This was the amount siated by Mr. C. in his ee! ot the 12h ultimo, on the Oregon question. le then estimated the tonnage of the United King- jom, &c., at 2,420,759 tons, which was according to the latest returns to be relied on at the time. By tbe latest “List of the British Navy,” it appears that there has been a very extraordinary increase of the naval power of Evgland within the last quarier of the year 1815. He (Mr. C.) stated im_the debate on the 12th ultimo, from the best information to be then had, the whole number of guns in the British navy at 16,242. Tit state- ment was founded on the then latest returns ot the British navy. Tne official list received by the last steamer now shows the number of guns to be 17,772, exclusive of the armament of the sailing packets. It is certain that the British navy has greatly increased ot late. Mr. C. stated, on the same occasion, the number of English war steam: ers, by the only official list then to be consulted on this side of the water, at 93. The late intelli- gence shows that this number has been increased, within the last quarter to 121, Mr. C. observed, in his speech ot the 12th ultimo, in reply to Mr. Allen, that he had carefully avoided overrattng the British power. His estimates were er oar predicated on the very best information to be hi at the time he spoke, and he had rather underrated the British and slightly overrated our own naval power. He stated the number of guns in our navy at 2. the number is, I now learn, precisely 2,329. The important result of this interesting in- quiry into the relative naval and commercial power of the two countries is almost precisely the same as stated by Mr. C. Great Britain ay the Secretary’s report, to have about every 100, tons of porate we have only 96; while France has 1,046; Hollaa Sweden an Norway 394; Turkey 1,223; Denm: 708; Portu- gil, 398 ; ; Austria, $21; and Russia far more than any otier nation, in propertion to the amount of her commerce to be protected. ‘We are behind all gther civilized nations in this respect. We have less pro- yen for the saune Tet nen ot Coe eerie wealth than any other people, must ournavy fore we can tad on a respectable peace eng lishment, if we are to measure our own by the standard which regulates the other navies of the world. Mr. Baerse.—The Senator’s statement confirms what I said, sir ; for it does represent his own coun- ‘as the wi st naval power on earth; it shows that even the minor Cte of Europe have more guns in proportion to their commerce than we have. And it confirms another statement I made, sir: that Great Britain cannot man her guas. She has, sir, it seems, by the Senator's showing, 17,722 guns in her navy ; and as ten men are required to each gun, she should have 177,220 men ; whereas, the fact is, she has but 40,000. Bat, sir, this inequality is not the point. The question is as to the capacity of this nation to arm for a contest ; and in tais particular, that of Great Britain, vast as it may be, is still inferior to ours. She does not possess the elements of preparation and combination we do, and in these we are the strongest naval power on the globe. Look at one tact, sir, in proof ot what individual enter- prize ean do, in building stea sels. In 1834, when the whole steamboat tonnage of tie British empire did not exceed 82,000 tons, that in the Mis- sissinpi valley alone amounted, two years ago, to 125,000 tons, or one-third more than that of the whole British empire. Compare the capacity of Great Britain with that of the United States to pre- pare a military marine. Sir, there is no compari- son. We have forests, which she does not possess —we have all the materiel, the personnel, and the ae skill in kien 18 Re has never possessed such as our line pack- ete ; she has never yet epprosched us in the construc- , swiftness, and Ga tion of steam-vessels in ii them to rua .. We have twenty- lee in the hour—a apeed never vet attained by any Bratjsh steamers, and never will be, w our models are ado) Ta ever particular—t! have not tae ability now to go into the detaila—in every particular, we have immense edvantages over her, in the possession of the elements of defence and as- sault, which can soon be worked te inte effective means. Our capacity, sir, to.put country in & — of naval defence is decidedly greater than But, sir, as signs of approaching war, the great muta hd “navel pecperasions. 1 m ba md Great ritain is 5 which we so much, are referred to; and to what do they all amount? I have said, sir, 1 did not believe Great Britain would go to war for Oregon, aud I consider these preparations no indication of such a purpose. She makes periodicaily a survey of her marine, examines and repairs her dock-yards, cuts down large vessels into razees ; amd it is a part of her sys- tem. She hae been, and is now, buaily engeged in fortifying the more exposed points of her Coast, tut the reason of that was well known. All this activity, to which the attention of Senators and the country has been, digested rire noed beste G bao Oregon question assumed its pac ‘ot impo! adtiortesting aspect ; at least before ithad become such a prominent question between the two govern- ments, as it now 1s. Before the President’s Inau- quel aes, ENTE US the British Penesirs on the. ‘ebruary, }» in presenti ann! saree pron ets eee to increase the navy; ant Teason 8 was, that Great Britain hed then three additonal naval stations to maintain: one on the coast of Africa, one in China, and one in the Pacific ; and that they would require an increase in the naval force of four thousand men, and for tg and ordinance an additional sum of £1,000 He also re Z an Tncrease of the meerieeee aaeaes be leclared, not for any 4 war of aggression, but in consequence of the extension of their com- merce in all parts. He said, ‘*We do not propose this increase from any apprehension of wer, [hear, hear,] or with any view whatever, to aggression. (Loud cries of hear.) : Ali this was before Oregon had become a promi- ‘nt topic, and may be trared to the pampnlet “ On ne State of the Naval Force of France,” put forth in eae jing, by the Admiral Prince de Joinville, and the publication of Thiers, going to show that a descent by Napoleon upon the English coast was seriously contemplated trom Boulogne, and would have been carried into effect but for lental causes. This pamphlet pointed out the weakness of the defences of the British coast opposite France, and ii |, im case of @ war, an army from France might easily make a sudden descent upon England, and this through the agency of steam. Steam, sir, has placed those great powers on more equal ground. Brest, capable of Cr a fifty war steamers of the firet clase, is only one hundred mies—a .cw hours run—from the coast of Cornwall. Dieppe, Boulogne, Caleis, and Dunkirk, thoughgmaller ports are from sixty to twenty-four miles only from the shores of Sussex, Kent, and Essex. With that im- mense contro! ot men which France possesses, and with war steamers, what is to prevent her from re- paying the visit England made to her capital thirty ears ago, oF of ravaziog her coasts, unless adequate Doetifications, either fixed or floating, and a sufficient military force, be: raised to prevent a landing? The Duke of Wellington, himeelf, in his evidence before the Committee on Spiowrecks, raised by the House of Commons, says: ™ In the event of a war, consider that the want of protection and of refuge, which now exist, would leave the coast of England opposite to those of Franee ina very precarious eitu- ation.” These forts, now erecting, might protect the points where they shall be built; but they do not insure the safety of England, because the power, certainty, and celerity of steam, enables France to choose own point of debarkation and attack. Wind and tide are not to be waited on. Steam has revolution- ized the science of naval warfare, rendering compa- tatively ineffective theximmense sail-navy of Eng- land for defence ; at the same time increasing the effectiveness of a small steam-navy at least fourfold —it unfit, sir, the tactics and strategy of past 'imes for the present, and makes France, by her Proximity, @ most dangerous neighbor. When itis considered, sir, that she has, in addition to her force of 80,000 men in Algiers, a standing army, well disciplined and equipped, of 350,000, with magazines arse- nals filled to repletion, and all munitions of war on hand, besides nearly a million of militia, and a well- dniled national guard in all her provincial cities and towna, it 18 very easy to believe, in the present state of improvement in the means of warfare and ap- proach, Great Britain would be alarmed; hence, her past and present activity. Her insular position, sir, 1s no longer her sure protection. Her popular national air— “ Britannia needs no bulwark, No towers a! the steep; Her merch is o’er the mountain wave, Her home is on the deep,” ~ now no longer true, sir. She does need thove bulwarks,” maa @ vast expense she is building © “towers along the steep;” and they all had refer- "nce—not to us, sir, but to her dangerous neighbor and hereditary foe. She has. to oppose to this tre- mendous power of France, a standing army of 130,- (00 men ; 80 090 of whom are scattered abroad over the ae a in ines to keep down the commotions of a people waiting their ** opportunity.’ when England’s “ necessit; > shall hate, senved; and tne remainder, most of them raw recroits, are scattered over England and Scotland. Well might she be alarmed, sir, at the t before her. The Senator from Delaware, sir, [Mr.J.M Crar~ tox.] when exhibiting to Senate the immense aaval power of Great Britain, forgot te say, or at least he did not say, that mach of it had to be spread, for the protection of her colonies, over the glube ; and, without leaving these colonies and ex- posed to the attack of a hostile torce—and they are the most inviting points of attack—she could not concentrate a fleet upon our coast that need gi tue slightest alarm. vith the aid of our vest ond unexcelled commercial marine, su al eh and steamers as we could soon =" Hy, tastoad ot being blockaded, as we have been we could blockade our enemy—I have no sort t about it. So far as naval superieriy is concer to be tested, let the ene! this nation and this people be roused—and on that subject would soon be put to flight. It 18 not our policy to keep up, in time of peace, and no war-cloud: impending, a cumbrous and expensive naval force—it will not, I trast, ever be our policy. I am, sir, among the warmest and best {riends to the navy; and because { am so, I shall expose its increase, in. time ot peace, to any great extent, Jest that shoul/, break itdown. Itis sufficient for us, sir, that %ve have. the capacity, whenever an emergency “hall arise, to make it more formidable than that of any other power on the face of the » let thr. arrive to-day, or atany time. 1 am confident, »1r, should the emergency occur to-morrow, the tnergy, the alacrity, the means and capacity of the country to meet it, would be so displayed as to astonish our- selves. Should a war come, sir, in the tien of our right, I believe all partiea would cordi: unite in carrying it on with vigor. There wi not be, as in the last war, “(a peace party,” aiding the enemy, preventing capatalists from loaning mo- ney to the Government to carry it on, and rejoicing over our defeats. There would be no domestic traitors, We should all be Americans indeed ; and heart and hand, in cordial union, rally as one man around oar country’s standard. A war, sir, will not proceed from us. It must come from the other quar- ter ; and if it does come, it will be a war of aggres- sion, unsustained by the sense of justice, or the sym- pis at other nations. We never will, we cannot af aggressive power ; but when an aeoault is made upon us, sir, the whole land will rise as the mighty man armed, and with a vigorous and united effort, overwhelm the aggressor. Sir, I have done. Reapsr—thank God. un Seta ina ucaeete <eriber is prepa TE rh criber it prepared to sapply dea Se es Price than bp fy establishment iu the ery, free of cartage. , Spirite of Turpentine, at the very lowest market price. Apply personal ONS re Be 4 Office 186 Water above ald im*r Distillery, tet Avene nod rh treat. dana ssa ating he rom ign caged Joused er reaovd frcen 96 eases 0 $f Benade tom 8 co se *N. B—Teems cash. i" rad haere UET FUBLISHED=The = tie Hows Book,” 200 pagea, with 600 ougravings—price sly 37 tenesene "Ser Comie Al sued ia Apel, * fee, 180. Sco tn, number, wil be in The au ee tha atzention of Il be the best ever got imbers sent by mail. t shade io Books, Primers, Re. tone vith colored Litas oes Eyes Oe TPE BAS Chathamner! 0 MARKIED LADIES—A Secret Worn Koowing = “Apply f er particulars to Dr. CHF. MONTEL, lowerpostofice. “No letters taken from the fle tnheos hey are paat roid allatre HENRY, BENT rete SAIN pin Kao etfally informs gertlemen trade, that iu fature he will Pretares only, whieh wist Ve executed (oe hinhemey tek yous ib . fer rs = Aas eletexces 4:ven i required 26 Soa TO MACHINISTS AND MANUFACTU! . LAT ihe leo,cu‘ting copies: sefatele Bk atl Sehr Maina Now Po net, om 0 JAS. T PERKIN a im*re aU ALE CASE MANUFAULOKY. ew tone OBR. Coe tbe cat a Bt ai re ‘e ry LAKE SUPERIOR, COPPER STUUKS. SPOTS Ly "PAGE RON Ramee 107, the ' i | ;