The New York Herald Newspaper, April 29, 1844, Page 3

to Lord Aterdeen, to wuich, uaduubtedly, yourcor- Teepondent in London alludes, wes this: that the abolition society vt !.ondon should raise a taud suf: ficient for the purchase of all the slaves in Texas, and plaee it under ihe control of the Government of Texas The Governmeat of Texas would gran’ lands to the «bolition soeiety, fully and amply euffi- cient to secure the society aginst all loss, aud be .o the society 4 vast fund, in sddition to theiradvanres for the support of their future operations, (in the U States ot cours-.) The British Goveroment en.ered warmly iato the plain, and offered to secure the pay- ment of the money to Texas, if Texas would allow her agent or commie-ivner, for that purpose appoint ed, t0 select the lands and adjudge the quamiity.— And if there was the least delay ia the psyment of the money, after the regular transfer of the laade, Regional would pay the interest during the delay. 8 of in L: version of the ridiculous transaction paved »adon, as understood here by several intel- nt eitizeas who had conversed with Andrewe, ter hie return, on the subject, May serve 10 illus trate the meaning of your London correspondent in that of bie ttateqient of Audiews" proposition which would seem to treat the money, by the aboli- tion sogiety to be advauced, as a loan. But the negotiations now on feot between Texas and Mexico, through the mediation or rather uoder the control «f Great Britain, has changed entirely the whole choracter ef effaire, and demande tbe most prompt and energetic action of the Govern- ment of the United states. The people ot Texas love their Constitution and ferms of geverameni ; and ninety-nine out of a hua- dred wouid die for their preservation. The Con+‘itution of Texas secures to the master te perpetual rig’t to his slave, and prghibits the troductivn ot es into Texasfrom any other quar ter than the United Siutes. Tt the United Starea preeerves and secures to Tex- as the possession of her Constitution, and present form of Gcvernmeat, then have we gained all that we can deeire,and a'so all that Texasasks or wishes. Now, aeeing the length of time that Mexico has boen engaged in a fru'uess effort to coi quer Texas, the vast iwjyry which such a protracted state of thi, has inflioted upon our commerce in the Gulf, the i terferenoe of ‘aud in the strife between these two blics here on our bordersecretly endeavored to pereuade one nearest to and immediately adjoining the United Siates to give up to the other, and rurreni- der her independeucs, and civil, political, and re'i- gious liberties, to a Roman Cathulic ceuntry ; the teoposbiliyy ot Mexico's ever being abie to bay off to England the: forty or fifty millions deot claimed by Englund as due for many years, anless Texas 18 again added to Mexico, and perheps after such add.- tion transterrd to England in full payment of the debt—seeing that this surrender of sovereigaty by Texas to M+ xico at ones bberatesgall the slaves in Texas, and that Eagta: d thereby gaingall she wana, and more than che ew respected, can the Goverr- ment of the United States longer doubt what to du 1 Pardon me Tem varm on thissubject | Ougnt aot the United S:ates to vay at once to Mexico: you shall keep this contest op-n ao longer; you are by 20 doing 1 flicti+g serious injuries on the eommerce of the United >iares; you are enticing and inviting the imtrigues and ivterterence of foreign Powers, who have nv business or concern here, or right to ine termeddl+ in this matter; you have hed eight years to one Texne; you have tned, and always fail- ed, and we so cemand, peremptorily, that you at once acknowledge the independence of Texas, that these evils, which we have borne long enough oa your aceount, may cease. Let the United Statesdo this, and she gains every thing —England nothing Excuse the warm'h of la T have gone too far to give my edvice. But I have only stated what I know to be the wishes of the fear sh) Texas. e Take this position on the side ot Constitution ical, aud re! and the lawe, and the civil, pol liberties of the jeopie of ‘Texas secured therebs, saying nothing abcut abolition,) and all the world will be with you With sentiments of profound reepeet and esteem, T have the honor to be your obedient servant, W. 3. MURPHY. Hon. A. P. Vesuvr, Seeretary ot trate ef the United States, &c. Mr. sii y to Mr. Upshur.—[Extracte ] KGATION OF THE UNITED States, Gaiveston, Texas, dept. 23, 1843. . * * * * . Your despatch, by Mr. Abell, made a deep impres- sion om my mind For many years I have looked with anxivus solicitude to this growing fanaticixm, and the evils it wus likely to bring upon my couniry. The eloquent manner in which you have portrayed those evie has deepened those impressions ; and, adding to tne dark shaded picture which you have 80 justly drawn, the present prosp-et which England has of posessi:.g hereelt in part or in whole ot this province of Texas, giving her the oppurtunity and ad mage to work her own will in regard to abol- tion, I feel'a whirlwind of emotion in my bosom which I will nowattmpt to descrie. Let the Gov- erament of the United 3:ates take some immediate, quick step ou this sabj-ct You have in this correa- Pondence eucugh to justify immediate and prompt action. | * * * * *. Pardon me if 1.4m too solicitous on thie subject. 1 feel the deep i s'atstuke. Our whole Suuth- ern interests are invulved in this negotiatioa, and with it the interest of the Union iteell. The great blow to our civil institwions is te be struck here, and it will be a fatai blow it not timely arreated England is aoxious to get rid of the Constitution of Texas, because it s-cures, in the most nervous and clear Inogu ge, the righ’s of the master to hia slave, and it alo prohibitsthe i stroduction of slaves into Texas fr. m any other nation or quatter than t+ United States. “Now, all the United States hav do ia, to 1d the people of Texas in eustaining sit Cone i wion-—that Gnatitutiva whicn, whilet it effectually secures the nghts of the maste: c. ves tothe pecple the blessings of civil, poiitical and religiens liverty Saying nothing, therefore, which eaac ff ud evea our Tanatical brehren of the North, let ine Uaited States eepouse at once, the cause of eivil, political and religious fiberty in this ere ; ths will be found tube the safest weue to go hefore the world with. Oa this iseue, we can dety the world; and the decision of this is:us ia our favor grins all we want to gain. ‘ « Mr. Ujshur to Mr Murphy—[Extract.] DspartMent or Stats, ‘Washing:on, September 22, 1843. . * . * ‘* . My deepateh (No 6) will have informed you of the very deep cosvern with which the Presid at re- the policy end measures of England with re- ference to Texan. No doubtis entertained that the success of her florts will produce the most serious effects, not ouly uj ou the interests, but upun the tran- quility of this coustry Her oprratious necessarily race Mexico ve well as Texan; hence, there is astrong necvssity that there should be sreque-nt and free commun citions between yourself and Mr. ‘Thompeon, our minisier at Mexico. Mr. Upshur to Mr Murphy.—[Extracts } (Sonfitenuai ) Derantmenr or State, Washing'on, September 22 1843. Sim: Your Jetier ot the 8h of July, marked “‘pri- vate,” is received i i regret exceeding!y‘o levrn that there is any mis- underetending un the pirtof any portion of the p-o- ple of Texas, in regurd to the teeling with whicn the United tates regard that Cointry. Surely, ‘here never existed a s/rong+r cause for national sy. ps- thy than thac which binds us to the perple of Texas. ‘e have every motive, of interest as well av of feeling, to cherish that p-ople to encourage und nid thern in all honerab e cvurses, and to rejoice in their prosperity. It is very in-portant that thie should be unders‘ood in Texas. Yeu will learo. from my last re ic d w t h, torwarded by Mr. Abell, the app - ensious felt by this Gov rament, in r-gard to we policy and measures of laud in the Gulf of Me, 1co. She claims to,have, ul this moment, a cootro'~ ling influenes there, aid her statesmea 1a Parla ment speak openly of the necessity of ** maintain: ing her a-eendency.” It 13 not possible to misun- derstand ber. So far as this Government is con_ cerned, it hav every desire to come to the aid of Te: in the most prompt aud effectual manner. How far we shull be supported by the peoasle. { re- gret to sey is somewhat doubtful. There is no rea gon to fear tha: there will be anydiff-rence of opin- ion among the people of the slave-holding States and there is a larze numoer in the non-slave: hol sing States with views sufficiently liberal to embrace a ge absolutely necessary to the salvation of the uth, althourh in some respects objec iovatl- to themselves. The more the subject is rfl cted on, the more the truth appear that the Nor h have a much deeper interest init than the Suuth. ‘The policy whien the South would pursue wou d simily give them security, and no other advantage what- ever. On the contrary, it would injure their chief agricultural interest, by raising up a power!ul com: titor. The North, ou the con:rary, would find in It a new oF ot east an enlarged market for their manulactares, 4 cheavening of cotton, the principal raw material, a new field tor their commerce, aud a considerable extension of their navigating inter- ests. Of this, I have every reason to hope thut they will soon be convinced ; no effort will be spared tu lay the truth before them — It it should be success. ful, the destiny of T: xas will be bright indeed ; if it should tail, she wil at least be no worse off than she is at present Hence, she has every motive to hold on to her present position, and to yieldjnot to British counsels or British influence. She m: reat assured that the very moment that she shall commit hereeli to British protection, she will be the lamb in the embrace of the wolf, I cannot, of course, authorize you to say these things in an official form, because 1 do not know how far Congrse will be to sustain the measures of the Executive. My object is merel to enable you te understand our views and feel- ings, und to estimate the chances of succes in the P ity which we wish to pursue. You can make them known, in an unofficial way, to any extent to which you may think it prudent to go. At all events, Texas must not be permitted to throw her- self into the arms of England, under any impres- sion that thi vernment, or this people, is either hostile or even cold towards her. -_ + © * 8 * 8 * Permit me ener to urge upon you, the most untiring vigilance of the movements of the British Government. She is pushing on her policy more rapidly than she herself intended, andl its “results threaten to endanger the peace of the world. Our country has an interest in it, which involves her destinies. I hope, therefore, that you will not fail to communicate with this department as frequently as possible, omitting nothing which may have even aremote bearing on the important concerns to which your attention has been called. ave the honor to be, sir, Your obedient servant A. P.U. PSHUR. W.S. Murpny, Esq, &c. Mr. Upshur to Mr. Everett., DerantMent or State. Washington, September 28, 1843. Sim: The movements of Great Britain, with res- pect to African slavery, have at length asaumed a character which demands the serious attention of this Government. So longas we were permitted to believe that the effort to abolish slavery was con- fined to private individuals, actuated by a sense of justice or a feeling of philanthropy, we were con- tent to leave the issue to the calm renson of our own people and the guarantee of our Constitution and laws. Asa domesti¢ question, the Government does not possess, and, it is presumed, will never at- tempt to exercise, any authority over it. But it now wears a different aspect, and presents itself in a much more formidable attitude There are ma- ny and strong reasons for believing that the aboli- tion of domestic slavery throughout the continent and islands of America is a leading object in the resent policy of England. If that policy were con- fod to her own dominions, we should have no right to complain. Althongh we had just reason to apprehend an. evil influence from the example which she set in the liberation of her West India slaves, that was a measure which she had a nee right to adopt, and which, theretore, could not justly subject her to the charge of unfriendliness to other Powers. But if it be her nein to extend her policy to other countries, and to use her influ- ence to bring about a state of things calculated seri- ously to affect the institutions of nearly half the States of our Union, the duty which we owe, not only to our interests, but to our independence and dignity, demands a prompt and decided counterac- tion on our part. ‘The remarks of Lord Brougham and Lord Aber- dees, in the House of Lords, on the 18th of Angust, as reported in the London Morning Chro- nicle of the succeeding day, have attracted the premrceee attention. They are reported as fol- lows :— “Texas.—In the House of Lorda, on Frid: 18th Avgust, Lerd Brougham introduced the ject of Texes and Texan slavery in the following Manner, as reported in the London Mourning Chron- icle of the morning of the 12th: A . “ Lord Brongham said taat seeing his noble friend at the head of the Foreign Department in his place he wished to_obtain some information from him relative to a State of great interest at the present time, namely, Texas. That country waa in a state of independence, de facto, but ‘its indepen- dence had never heen acknowledged by Mexico. the State from which it was torn by the events of the revolution. He was aware that its indepen- dence had been ro far acknowledged by this coun- try that we had a treaty with it. The importance of Texas could not be underra- ted It was a country of the greatest capabilities, and was in extent fully as large as France. It pos- seesed a soil of the finest and most fertile character, and it was capable of producing nearly all tropical produce, and its climute was of a most heulthy character. It had access to the Gulf of Mexico, through the river Mississippi, with which it com- municated by means of the Red river. The popu- lution of the country was said ,to exceed 240,000, but he had been assured by a gentleman who came from that country, and who waa a member of the same nrotession as himself, that the whole popula- tion, free and slaves, white and colored, did not excred 100,000; but he was grieved to learn that not less than one-fourth of the population, or 25,- 000 persons, were in a state of slavery, This point led him to the foundation of the question whieh he wished to put to his noble friend. There was very little or no slave trade carried on with Texas from Atrica, directly ; but a large number of slaves were consequently being sent overland to that country Although the major part of the land in Texas was well adapted for white labor, and therefore for free cultivation, still the people of that country, by some strange infatuation, or by some inordinate Tove of immediate gain, prea slave labor to free labor As all access to the African elave market was shut out to them, their market for slaves was the Uni- ted States, from whence they obtained a large sup- ply of negro slaves. The market from whence they obtained their supply of slaves were Georgia, tke Carolinas, and Virginia, which States constant- ly sent their surplus slave population, which would otherwise be a burdeu to them, to the Texan mar- ket. No doubt it true, as has been stated, that they treated their slaves tolerably well, be- cause they knew that it was for their intereet to rear them, as_they had such a profitable market for them in Texas. This made him irresistibly anxious for the abolition of slavery in ‘Vexas; for if it were abolished there, aot only would that sonnty, be cultivated by free and white labor, but it would put a stop to the habit of breeding slaves for the Texan market, the consequence would be, that they would solve this great question in the history of the United States, for it must ultimateiy end in the abolition of slavery in America. He therefore looked forward moat anxiously to the ab- olition of slavery in Texas, as he was convinced that it would ultimately end in the abolition of slavery thronghout the whole of America. He knew that the Texans would do much, as regarded the abolition of slavery, if Mexico could be indu- ced to recognize their independence. It, therefore, by our good offices, we could get the Mexican Government to acknowledge the independence of Texus, he would suggest a hope that it_ might ter- minate in the abolition of slavery in Texas, and ultimately the whole of the Southern States of America. The abolition of slavery in Texas must put anend to one of the most execrable crimes (tor he would not designate it by the honorable name of tratlic) that could disgrace a people, name- ly, the rearing and breeding of slaves or the being engaged inthe sale of our fellow creatures. He therefore hoped that his noble friend would have no difficulty in letting him know whether he could give any information as to the state of the negoti- ations on this subject, or as to the nature of the inetructions that had been given to our minister in that country. _ If the production of such documents in the furnishing such information was not suitable at the present moment, he would not press his no- ble friend; but he had no doubt thut his noble friend could confirm his statement, and he trusted that the Govérnment would not Jose any opportuni- ty of preaing the subject, whenever they could do so with a hope of success.” : “The Earl of Aberdeen, in reply, said that he could state that not only had this countfy acknow- I-dged the independence of Texas,but alzo that we had a treaty of commerce and a treaty for the abo- litton of the slave trade with that Power. He did not believe that there was any importation of slaves into Texas by sea, but it was true that there was a Jarge importation of slaves from the United States invo that country. Immediately on the negotia- tions being entered on with Texas, the utmost en- deavors of this country were used to put an end to the war which prevented the full and entire recog: nition of the independence of Texas by Mexico.— Their endeavors had met with very great difficul- tes; and he was enable to say that there was an. immediate prospect of obtaining the recognition of the independence of Texas on the part ot Mexico; butit was with areas pleasure that Ne was uble to say that, probably, the first step to this had been obtained, namely: that an armistice had been es- tvbliched between the two powers; and he hoped that this would lead to the absolute acknowledg- ment of the independence of Texas by Mexico.— The armistice was an important step to obtain ;— and he need hardly say that every effort on the part of Her Majesty’s Government would lead to th.t reault which was contemplated by his noble riend. [le was sure that he need hardly say that no one was more anxious than himself to see the abolition of slavery in Texas ; and if he could not conseat to Vek hae papers, or to eive further infor. mation, it didnot arise from indifference, but from quite a contrary reason. In the present state of the negotiations between the two countries in question it would not contrMute to the end they had in view if ae then expressed any opinion as to the state of those negotiations ; but he could assure his noble triend that, by means of urging the negotiations, as well as by every other means in their power, Her Mayesty’s ministers would press this matter. “Lord Brougham observed that nothing could be more satisfactory than the statement of his noble friend, which would be received with joy by all who were favorable to the object of the anti-slavery societies” 7 ‘The language attributed to Lord Brougham is per- fee ly expheit and plain. He ie hostile to slavery upoo principle, and anxious to abolirh it every where H+ is, however, particularly desirous to atiolish it in 'exas, becauee the abolition of itin that couatry will, ia his opinion, necessarily lead to the the sume result ja the United Ststes He was uo- doubtedly apprised of the {ct that negotiations had been contemplated by the British Government, acd were probably thea ia vrogress, with a view to the abolition of slaverv in Texas; he expreases a etrong interest ia their sucersa, and desires to kaow the nature of the instructions which had been given to the British minister, and what probability there wes that the negotiations would lead to the desired re- eult. Lord Aberdeen, declining to give the infor- mation asked for by Lord Brough.m, because it might be injurious to the negotiations to do 8%, az- sures him that Her Majesty's mimstera will press them earnestly, aud leave no efforta unexerted to bring them to a succeveful termination. Whether or not the language attributed to Lord Aberdeen wes meant to extend bevond the single fact of the liberation of the sluves of Texas may perhene admit of doubt. But it is fairly enzcepndle of a much more extended conetruction. Lord Brougham had «ken of the abolition of slavery in the United ftaies asa neceesary and promipent consequence of the ebelition of itin Texas; and Lord Aberdeen assures him that every effort on the part ot Her Ma- jesty’s Goveroment would lead to that reeult wi was contemplated hy his noble friend. It is quite clear that the aboliiion of slavery in the United States was the most important **rezult” contempln- ted by Lord Brougham; and it is not uareasovable to suppose that it was then most prominent to the mind of Lord Aberdeen. It was evidently ao under- stood by Lord Brougham himeelf for he declares that the statement made by Lord Aberdeen was perfectly satisfactory, and that at would be “received j who were favorable to the object very society.” That object is uni- pation. Lord Aberdeen said nothing to indicate thathe had been misunderstood. Ina matter eo veriously affecting a friendly Power, itis not to be suppoeed that he would have enffered any misapprehension to exist in regard to his meanin; end inteptions. It dees no vielence to the rules o| fair construction to understand his language as an avowal of designs which, whether 6o intended or nor, threaten very serious conqeqnences to the Uni- ted States The President would be reluctant to heticve that any design unfriendly to this cousity ox aining at the institutions of any of the States of our Union, enters into the policy of England. He cannot, however, look with indifference upon such declara- tions as these, made by her leading stateemen, and with the full authority of her Government ie at taches the more importance to these declarations, because they are perfectly consistent with informa- tion recvived trom other sources, all tendiog to the conclusion that the policy of England, in regard to the abolition of negro slavery, is not limited to ‘Texas alone. i : No foreign government can be permitted to inter- fere, directly er indirectly, with the established ia- stitutions of the U ited States, or of uny of the sep arate Svatea of our Union. The bare suspicion ot such a design is calculated te excite, and in thisin- stance has actually excited, a very strong sensation among our pecple. If Lord Aberdeen has not been misunderstood, the very freedom with which he has avowed his purpos-s evinces either that strong confidence of euccess which usually attends well atranged measures, ora strange mistake as to our disposition or ability to counteract him. Be that as i may, he hae readered it necessary that we should know distinctly, and without doubt, how tar our just apprehensions upon this point are well founded. Even if the designs of Great Britain be limited to the emancipation of the siavea of Texas, they can- not be regarded by us with indifference. ‘Although we have no right te control or to direct her policy towards that country, ehe cannot justly complain ot any measure on our part which thet policy may ren- der necessary either to our security or our interest. [tis seareely to be doubted that in both these re- spects the contemplated measure would be injurious to us. Although Lord Brougham may not be cor- rect in supposing that the liberation of the slaves of Texas would necessarily lead to the libaration of those of the United States, yet the states in which slavery existawou'ld have good retaon to apprehend the worst consequences from the establishmen: of a foreigo noa-s'ay-helding State upon their immediate borders. In other respects, aff-cting our commer- cial, navigating, and manufacturing interests, we shall have much reason to regret that meagure. If Texas, of her own tree will, shall see cause to abolish slavery within her borders, the United States however they might regard it as likely to »ff-ct their intereste, will have no right tocomplaia. But we have a right to object to any measure of a fo reign government which may place her uoder re- straint yon that subject, und lead her, contrary to her own views and wishes, to the adoption of a po- liey which cannot but be bighly injurious to ua. Peon it is of great imporiance that this guvern- ment should be fully and accurately informed in re- gard to tue intentions and measures of the British Government with reference to African slavery or thisside the Atlantic. Ourown policy will necessa- rily be affected by hers The object of this Govern- meant ie to discover whether jit is or ia not the de- sigan of England to procure the abolition of negro slavery in Texas; whether it is or 13 not contempla- ted in her policy to destroy or affect that institution as it exietsin some of the States of our Union; what e haa pureved and is pursuing for the ment of thone objects, or either ot thern. point out to you the channels injormation may be best ec- qnired. It .a probable that much may be learned by free communication with the Texan charge d’ef- fsiresin London As that country and the United States have a common interest in the questions in- volved, there is every reason why their Govern. ments should understand each other. Muco ivior mation may doubtless be obtained trom private indi. viduals ed from the pablished proceedings of abo- lition societies. All these sources of information, however, are only of a secoudary and auxiliery character. The circumstances of the case jasuly and require a direct application to Lord Aberdeen himeelf. The friendly relations subsisting betweea the two countries give us a right to expect that there will be no concealment ona point so nearly affecting our interests. And it ia qually due to the British Government that it should have aa opportu- nity to remove our well-grounded suspicions, by a distinct disavowal of designs which are incompati- ble with the harmony of the two countries, and in- consistent with the friendly teeliogs which they proters towards each other. 7 You will therefore take en early occasion to bring this subject to the attention of Lord Aberdeen, availing youraelf not only of the views here sug- gested, but of all others which may occur to your own mind ae proper to be presented and calculated to attain the object in yiew. ¥ I would impress upon you the absolute necessity that you carefully observe the proceedings of the Britisy Goversment touching thia important and delicate subject, and that you spare ao pains to tu- form yourself fully and accurately ia regard to its objects aod designs. It is highly desirable that your commurications to this department should be as full and frequent as Bertin om gz nothing which it may become this Governmen oneider, with reference to its own measures and policy. Lam, 6ir, very menseelely, Yoar oh’t aervant, P, UPSHUR. Eaward Everett, Eeq , &c Mr. Uvehurto Mr. Everett. (Confidential } Derantment or State. ‘Warntnaion, Se; tember 28, 1843. Sir: My public atch of this date culls your attention to the aubject of the attempts which, we have reason to think, the British Goveroment now making to precure the abolition of slavery in Texas and the United States. It did not appear to me proper to imbody in thet deaparch all the views of that subject which have been taken by this Go- vernment. In order, however, that you may under. stand what degree of importance 1 attached to it, I tresent to you, in this private and semi-official form, some of the mest important points on which ve considered it. A impossible to suppose that England is aciua- ted in the matter by a mere feeling of philasihrogy. We ors forced to believe thatshe 1 Dg Upow mo- tives more in the ueval course of policy among great nations, yet equally worthy of her aaa wise and poweiful country. Her ha A undoubredly are to revive the industry of her East and West Iodia co- Ionies; to find new markets for her surplus manu- factares, and to destroy far as poesible, the ri- valry and competition of the manufectures ot the United States. That the abolition of African slavery throughout the Western world would lead to theee results, is altogether probable. At all eventa, the plan is sufficiently promising to have engaged the #nxious atteation of Britich etatesmen; aad lor that reason, if for no other, it is worthy of careful exnmination by ue i i It ia well known that the physical constitution of the African is much better adapted to tropical cli- mates than that of the European. Indeed, in those regions of America which are best suited to the production of sugar, cotton and rice, the labor of white men cannot be used to any considerable ex- tent. The soils and climates of the East and Weat India colonies of Great Britain are well adapted to the production of all these articles, and to these may be added the finer kinds of tobacco, If Eng- land could produce these things, instead of beiug compelledto purchase them,it would be an incalcu- lable reliet to her people. But this she cannot do, except at a much greater cost than that at which they are now aflorded by the labor of slaves.— Henee, so far asthe industry of her colonies ia concerned, she has a direct interest to abolish slavery in those countries in which the labor of that clam, now supersedes the labor of her colonie: The importance of new markets for her surplus manufactures is obvious enough. Nations who are free to make their own contracts, and able to support their own policy, are not apt to give ad- vantages in trade, except. for fair equivalents.— ‘Texas is not in that condition ; she must make the best terms she cum, and be contented even with the worst, if they be the price of her existence as a nation, ‘There ig.no reason to believe, therefore, that the demands of England upon that country wil be a treaty of commerce, granting more fu- vorable terms to her than to other nations. This ig in the usual course of her policy ; and her- pos ton, as a friendly mediator and protector, will give her a fair pretence for such a claim. Texas will have no alternative but to allow it. . i But the third object which she has in view is still more interesting to us Even at this duy the United States are Pe most formidable rival. in commercial entergrise and in manutacturing skill and industry ; avd, if we may judge from our rap- id advancement huherto, the time is not distant Whea we shall surpase her in all these particulars. Whatever is calculated to embarrass our move- ments er impede our progress is a positive advan- tage to her. Let us suppose, then, that her present attempt upon Texas, and, through ber, upon the United States, will succeed. We shall thus be the better able to estimate the influence which that state of things will exert upon the United Star The question is not sectional. Although the first and most disastrous effects of such a state of things would be felt in the elaveholding Statee,they would extend to and embrace important interests in eve- ry other part of the country. We must contem- plate it, therefore, as a national question, and en- deavory.to ascertain its bearing upon the United States, as such, and upon the several portions of the United States.” It is worthy, also, of consideration asa measure of humanity, with reference to the slaves themselves. No man, who knows any thing of his own na- ture, can suppose it to be possible that two races of men, @stinguished by externel and ineffaceable marks obvious to every eye, who have held to- wards each other, from time immemorial, the re- lation of master and slave, could ever live together as equals, in the sarne country, and under the same Governnient. If, therefore, slavery be abolished, the one or the other of the races must leave the country or be exterminated. This choice would be for the slave, because they are the weaker par- ty. Where should they fy? ‘To the neighboring ree States, for there would be no other place ot yefuge. Would those States receive them? Let it be remembered that they now number two and a half millions; and the free negrees, whe niust share their fate, number near four hundred thou- sand more ; and let it also be remembered, that nearly all of them are and would be paupers. No wise State would willingly tuke upon itself the bur- den of such a population ; and, even if ull of them were-healthy laborers, the evil would scarcely be lees. The white laborer would not endure such a competition ; he would not agree to work side by side with a degraded caste ; he would not submit to have his industry rendered less profitable by the competition of new comers of a strange and dis- honored race. This is sufficiently shown by the well known occurrences in some of our principal towns, within a few years past. The chane then, are, that the African would be a persecute: pauper, even as a free citizen of atree State. But even ifhe should be permitted to share fairly in the labor of the country, that labor would soon come to be considered as his appropriate aphere, and as unworthy of the white man. Itia not the rece of our States, nor of England, thusto dgrade labor. To all this may be added, the certainty that the African race, existing in large numbers as freemen, in countries Whose Governments and laws recognise no difference of color, would not long be satisfied to be excluded from any polilical right, or civil privilege, or social advantage, ullowed to the white man. The discords an ingry contests which would grow out of this state of things, and the effect which they would have upon the tran- quility and prosperity of the country, may be easi- imagined. A wise Government would avoid them, by at once shutting the door against the emancipated slave. Tbe only alternative would be the extermination of his race. So far, then, as the slaves themselves are con- cerned, their condition would be infinitely worse than it now is, while their influence, as treemen, upon our manners and social condition would not fail to be in the highest degree unfavorable. But in another view the subject is equally inter- esting. _ What efiect wonld be produced upon the roductive industry of the South by withdrawin, rom it all the labour afforded by two millions au ahalt of its people? This is tearly one-half the entire population of the slaveholding States. It is not possible to suppose that their places wouldsoon be supplied by white labor. If there were no other difficalty iu the way, the climate alone would op- pose an insuperable obstacle. But, even under the most favorable circumstances, so large a num- ber of laborers is not easily obtained, Let it be borne in mind that these slaves perform nearly the whole agricultural labor of the South. If that la- bor should be withdrawn, their fields must lie un- cultivated, their houses and other improvements must go to decay, and their lands be worth nothing. ‘The utter ruin of the whole country, and of ita eredit and creditora, must be the consequence. No influx of new lers_ could prevent it. The most rapid course of immigration which has ever yet been witnessed would be too slow to arrest the overwhelming destraction. But the evil would not be confined to the slave- holding States, A very large proportion—probably not less than three-fourths—of the exports of the United States are, either directly or indirectly, the products of slave-labor. We must cease to import when we cease to export, To say nothing of the comforts and accommodations which would thus be lost, or of the disastrous influences which would thus be exerted upon our progress as a refined and enlightened aaeila, the revenue of the country would fail, and the necessary expenditures of Go- vernment for the civil administration, i intercourse, and for the means of defen eould not be met without a resort to direct taxes. This would be a hopeless experiment. It is very ult to lay any direct tax in exact conforinity with the provisions of the Constitution; and it would be atillfmore difficult, if not absolutely im- possible, to make such tax acceptable to the people under the change which would be produced in the ratio of representation by the liberation of the slaves. Besides, the destruction of so much of the agriculture of the country would involve, to the same extent, that of its commerce and navigation; and the consequent impoverishment of the would render them alike unable and unwilli pay any tax whatever. If such a state of things should prevail, even for a single ‘year, the conse- quences would be very disastrous. There is still another interest which must share largely in this ruin. The vast capital now employ- ed in the manufacture of cotton goods must sink in value in preportion as the labor which produces the raw material shal! be withdrawn. ‘The incidental consequences weuld be tittle less disastrour. The railroads, the canals, avd similar ocher unprove- menta, which have growa out ot the general pros. perity of the country, depend on all the combined results of ali the pursuits of industry, Even a se- rions emb .tressment of that industry for any length of time, would materially injure them; but it would be difficult to sustain them at all under euch ashock as we have now contemplated. All that has grown out of and depends upon them would fall along with them. We need not follow the subject through all its ramifications; they extend to all the impoftant pursuits of industry throughout the country. It 1% impossible to calculate the amount of ruin and sufferiog which would follow the sudden emancipation of the slaves of the United States. It would not be much less, were that mea- sure carried, in any form, by any other agency than that of the States who own the slaves, and who cau know how rapidly it is practicable or de- sirable to supply their places with other laborers. Here is, indeed, a promising field for the policy of England. What better encouragement would the industry of her colonies require, than the sim- se of ee in the articles of sugar and cotton, would be caused by diminished production ! need she fear, when the agriculture, the commerce, the manufactures, and the navigation 5 ac! of the United States, shall be thus withdrawn from competition with her. As these would be the eflects of the actual abo- lition of slavery in the United States, Jet us inquire what would be its effect if confined to Texas, It is quite obvious that slavery could not easily be maiotaired in a country surrounded by other coun tries whoee Gevernments did not recognise that in eti'wion. The difficulty in the present case would be increased by the fact that those countries would be inhabited by people of the same race with the slave owners, speaking the same languuge, hy the same manuel ind in many respects th institutions. Our elave-holding States are sepa from the Canadas by many intervening noo slave- holding States of our Union. Although these noa- tlaveholding States are fas much opposed to the in- stitu'ion as England herself, yet the Corsitution of the United States liys them under obligations in re- gard to it, which, if duly reapected, would secure the rights of the slaveholder The absconting slave, therefore, has many chances agaiust him, beforehe can reach Canada. . however, lies immediately on the border of Louisisna and Arkansas = Theslavs would have nothing more to do than simply to cross the Sabine or ihe Red River, and he would fiod himeelt a free man. He would be very eure to profitby the oppor- tunity. All the vigilance which the master could use, enforced even by a harsher d scip'ine than he would be willing to exert, would avail nothing. Within a few ye: large proportion of the slaves within reach 0 border would eeek refuge in ‘Texas; and the remainder would be rendered leer, by discontent and dangerous ineubordi The slaveholder ought not to submit, and would not eabmit to this, It is not probable that, under such a state of pn'- lic opinion as would thea prevail, any efie ctuat ui- raugement would be made betweea the Gowrn- meats of the two countries to remedy the evil. The st-veholder would be compelled te rely on hmeelf for redress. He would endeavor to rec'aim hisewn slave byb sownlorce Scenesot violrnce and evl- lision between the people of the two couutries w be of almost daily occurrence, resentments would be kiodied, and a war de facto would prevail. If our Government should take part in the contest, we would scarcely hope that England would withhold hereett trom it; and thus a war with that country, and probably involving othera, would ensue. Ii the contest should be begun between Texas and the ad joining clave holding States, aod our Government shoud refuse to toke part in it, the other slave hold- ing States would be impelled, both by their interests und their sympathies, to come to the aid of the ag- grieved States. Tne naturel aod necesvary effect would be, incurable slienation and resen:ment be- tween the two great divisions of our esuntry, with all their traine of deplorable consequence: do not see how it would be p xsible to avoid this result, by ure short of the utter crashing of Whatever mizh: be our condition or our poticy, if Texas, by ber own tree act, whould liberate her slaves, we have every reason to object to the sgency ot Eaxland in that measure Thave already remarked that England wou'd not be content with that measure alone Her com- merce is her great eupport, vnd therefore i: is the principal object of ber policy to form advantage ous commercial treaties. There can be little dout that she woud demand, and obtain, the admies'on of her maputactures inio Texen markets upon teri 0 fae vorable as to forbid all competition. Thus there markets would be lost to the American manu!» c- turer. But this would not be the worat evil. The tabrics of England would be sent to that conntrv, with the express view ot baviog them smuggled iuto the Uniied States, The process would be the easi- st in the world, and such as it weuld be absolutely impossible for this Government to prevent. In a short ume, our Soathwestern Siatee, and indeed the whole valley of the Missiesippi, would be filled with English goods, smuggled ncross the border, and oc- cupying the place of an ¢ qual number, now furnist.- ed Prine American manutacturer = Thus,the home market, alao, would to agreat extent be lost to Ame- riean rkill acd industry Ia the mean time, impor- tations would cexer, atleast to the amcuat of ell the excess of the emusgled artic'es over the ueual rup- ply furniehed by the American manufacturer. ‘The Tevenue would suffer to the fu | amount of the duties upon all the emuggled articles, and our navigating interest would suffer in proportion, That the designs ot England are such as 1 hav» suppoved, there 1, | fear, very little reason to doubt Her stuteamen have uaiforinly claimed for her right to interpoge in the politics of the A:nericas, 80 a8 to preserve what she is p.eased to eall * the balance of power” among their several States,— She claims to have a commercial secendancy in the Gulf of Mexico and protesses to feel her honor as well_as her iaterest committed to muaiotain it. This we leara trom her Parlia- mentury debates, and the declarations of her public leading men, from 1830 dwn to thie time. Why, then, shi uld we doubt her present pu prser, since, independent of all other proote, the measure now proposed ie, besi of all, calculated to susta.n these high and long cherish d pretensious? ahculd well deserve the tate her policy is prepariv forus, if we should disregard the admonitions whica we have received from past «vents, and which we are daiy receiving from datly occurrences, and qui- etly looking on, aod unresisting, witness the con- suaimation of her designs. f It is not to be euppesed, that if domeatic slavery should be abolished in the United Statesand Texas, it could long be maintained in Cuba. England has stroug, motives to destroy the competition of sleve labor ia that island 4s ia any other part of the world; and she is not tree from tn: imputation of havicg alrendy attempted it Spain, in her distracted cou- diuon,would scarcely be able to hold out ageinstthe preseure of Eugiand and the ¢x mole of the United Bistes la thatetate of things, the value of the laud asa colony woud be very litle to Spain. England is her creditor. and she hus never shown herself backward in enforcing all her claims in thar charac. ter With these advantages, the tran-fer of Cuba to her would not be ut all surprising, nor in any man- ner eut et the usual coure of English potiey. She would thus bo d the key ot the Galt of Mexico, ard would effectualiy contro! its tred-, even if she should fai! to engross it. ae But it w not to be eupposed that the abolition of slavery in the United States wou'd be suunnited to. That institution existe in twelve of our States, end in the Territory of Fior da. It has existed io some ot them from an early date after they were estub lish d as colonies; aud in all ot them since their State Governments were formed It is now so in terwoven with the institu ions of those States—with theirlegielation, their habits, their feelings, and the ir social character—that the abvlition of it would be, io effect, a revolution. In tact, it could not be ac- compli-hrd by any means short of revolution, and the total overthrow of all the preseat political sys tems of the slave hoidiag States It ie idle to de- bate it as iwetion ot philanthropy or of policy.— Whether tor good or for evil, the institution ie fix: d upon us; we cannot shake it off, wor permit it to be disturbed by a foreiga Power, wi hout inirodu- cing a train of worse evils, the end of which no hu- mau sugacity can foreave. We must be infatuated indeed, if we can quietly submit to any policy of a forviga nation devigaed or calculated to bring it nto danger. ‘ 2 . There are the solemn issues involved in the pres- ent policy of Exglaud. So far as we may be allow- ed to anticipate efleets from the cheracter of their cauzes, I can perceive no reason to think that the picture I have presented ia too h ghly colored I: is enovgh tor however, that a leuding aud tunda- mental institution, imerwoven with the interests of nearly ove haif ot the Sta.es of our Usion, is threat eaed by the policy of a forega Power [cis uot sroalt matter to breek up or invade a relation so an- cient, 80 firmly es'nblished, and £0 extend: d and various in ity influewcesup on all relations cf rociety, A wise eratesman would not rathly hezard such ay experiment. We may well distrust our own juig mente, when we undertake to cacculate the results of a measure so unusu«l, so various and extended io all ite bearing-; and it we are either wise or pru- dent, we celle Jong before we throw ouree lvew upon ils untried Consequences. A. P. UPSHUR. Epwarp Everett, Esq , &c. Mr. Upshur to Mr Van Zandt. DrrariMenT oF STATE, Washington, Oxtober 16, 1843, Sir: The subject of the annexation of +exas to the United States, by treaty, has enuaged the eeri- ous attention of this Gov. roment, a8 well as ot a large portion of our people. Recent occurrences in Europe,which doubtless attrac ¢d your notice, have imparted to the subjrct a fresh interes od presen'- ed it in new und important aspects. I cannot, ae you wil readily gee, offer any poritive assurance hat the mvasure would be acceptable to al! bracch- ts of this Government, but] have oo diffi uly of aseuring you of the desire which is telt to presew in the sirongest manner, to the Cousideraion oF Congress. A treaty of annexation is coundered the most proper form; and, uoless the views of the Adwunui-tration shall undergo a very great aud vo- expected chunge, I chall be propared to make a prop Outis-n to that efl-ct, whenever you shali be p epa- red with proper powers to meetit. It you ag ee 10 this view, I respecttully suegert that no tine ought to be lost, agit is highly desirable that the treety should be | reeested to the Senate at us early a pe- riod a: ible. 1 avail mys If of this occasion, Sir, to off r you renewed useurances of my great CO #ideration A. P. UP HUR. Hon. Isaac Van Zannt Sc. Mr. Van Zandt to Mr. Upshur. Leaation or Texas, Wasuinaron, October 19, 1843. The undersigned, charge d'affaires of the Kepub- lic of Texas, has the honor to acknowledge the re- ceipt of the note of Mr. Upshur, Secretury of State of the United States, of the 16th inst, in which the undersigned is informed that the subject ot the an- nexation of Texas to the United States, by treaty, has engaged the serious attention of the govern- ment of the latter; and that, unless the views of the administration shall undergo a very great and an- expected change, Mr. Upshur will be prepared to muke a proposition to that eflect, whenever the un- dersigned shall be prepared with proper powers to meetit. The undersigned has the honor to acquaint Mr. Upshur, in reply, that a copy of the communi- cation above referred to has been despatched by a special messenger to the government of Texas, for its consideration and determination, and that so soon as an answer shall be rec ived, the undersign- ed will immediately communicate the same to Mr Upshur. = The undersigned with pleasure avails himself of this occasion to offer Mr. Upshur renewed assure ances of his distinguished consideration, ISAAC VAN ZANDT. Hlon. A. P. Upsnvr. Mr. Everett to Mr, Upshur. (No. 62.) Lonpon, November 3, 1843. Sit:—t have already acknowledged the receip your communications on the subject of the «bolt tion of slavery in Texns You suggest to me the expediency of communicating {reely with the Texan charge d'aflairs, as one mode of gaining informa- tion as to the measures which may be in progress towards the end alluded to. The relations of en- tire friendship which have ever subsisted between this gentleman and myself, and which had their origin in the letters of introduction which he brought me from President Houston, fully warrant ed me in applying to him direetly “on the subject, He had just lett fondon for Park, where he a also aceredited. T lost ne time in addressing him a pri- vate letter, requesting information aa to the state of the negociations, to which 1 have, as yet, ree ceived, ine nit. fshall aot faii, without delay, ou whateve: i municate tome” T information he may come 1 had un interview with Lord Aberdeen the first day of his return to town,having requested it while he was yet in the county. I had several matters to bring to notice, as you will have seen frons the preceding despatches lorwarded by this steamer Having disposed of them, I then, in obedience to your instructions, alluded to the agency which the British Government were mappoatd to be exercisii to procure the abolition of slavery in Texas. Lor Aberdeen said he was glad I had mentioned this subject, for it was one on which he intended him- self to make some observations. His attention had been called to some suggestions in the American popers in favor of the annexation of Texas to the \nion, by way of counteracting the designs impu- ted to England; and he would say, if this measure were undertaken on any such grounds, it would be wholly without provocation. England acknow- ledged the independence of Texus, and had treated and would continue to treat her as an independent Power. That England had long been pledged te encourage the abolition of the sluve trade and of slavery, ns far ns her influence extended, and im every proper way, but had no wish to interfere ia the internal concerns of foreign Governments. She guve her advice where ehe thought it would be ae- ceptable, in favor of the abeliuon of slavery, but nothing more. In reference to Te ‘Xas, the sugges- tion that England had iade or inteaded to make the abolition of slavery the condition of an treaty arrangement with her was whally without founda- tion. It had never bren alluded te in that connex- ion, General Hamilton us commissioner from Texas, had proposed that Englaud should make of guaranty aloan to Texas, to be used to aid her im obtaining from Mexico the recognition of her inde= pendence, nnd in other Ways to promote the devel opement of her resources ; and he himself (Lord Aberdeen) had at first thought somewhat tavorably of the proposition, considering Texas as a fine, promising country, which it would be good policy to help through her temporary embarrassments.- But, on mentioning the project to his colleagues, they deemed it wholly inexpedient, nor did he bim- self continue to give it countenance; nor was the loan, ai osed by General Hanulton, and at firet favorab wed by himself, in the slightest de= gree connected with the abolition of slavery as @ condition or consequence. In the course of the lust summer, he had been waited upon, as he eup- posed I was a at the time, by a deputation of Ainerican abolitionists, who were desirous of en- gaging the British Government in some such mea- sure, (viz., of a loan, connected with the abolition ot slavery,) but that he had given them no counte- nance whatever; he had informed them that, by every proper means of influenee, he would encouw Tage the abolition of slavery, and that he had re- commended the Mexican Government to interest itself in the matter; but he told them, at the out- set, that he should consider himself bound in good faith to repeat every thing that might pass between them to the Texan charge d’affuires. T told Lord Aberdeen that the conversation be- tween himself and Lord Brougham in the House of Lords, on the 18th day of August, had been read with a great deal of sensibility in the United States; and, recapitulating the substance of that conversation, as quoted in your despatch, I observed that it was connie of being interpreted as a de- claration on his part that Her Majesty’s Govern- ment were engaged in negotiations with Mexico for the aboliti of slavery in Texas, not so much for the sake of effecting that object in Texas as in the United States Lord Aberdeen eaid that Lord Brougham, in avowing his entire satisfaction with his (Lord Aberdeen’s) explanation, could only have referred to the matter which was the direct object of inquiry, viz: the negotiations with Mexico fo the recognition of the independence of Texas, the earnest hope that the abplition of slavery might be effected by such an arrangement ; that too much importance must not be attached to the statements of this kind in debate, which are not always reported with entire accuracy; that it was mort true that he was on that, as on all other oc- casions, desirous to be understood as wishing the abolition of slavery wherever it exists; that this was a sentiment in reference to which England mind ; and whenever occasion culled Kk on the subject, he must express it; but that I might be perfectly satisfied that Eng- land had nothing in view in reference to Texas, which onght in the slightest degree to cause uneasi- ness in the United States. Such is the substance of Lord Aberdeen’s re- marks on the neat Aware of the great impor- tance which would be attached to them, I took them down in writing, assoon as I returned home, and sent the memorandum to Lord Aberdeen, re= questing him, if it were imaccurate, to correct it. Thishe did in some not material points; and the foregoing report of the conversation may there- fore be regarded as entirely authentic. _ Iu returning my memorandum of the conversa- tion, with his corrections, Lord Aberdeen recapi- tulated, in order to the perfect understanding of the case, that there has been no communicution oa the part of England, with Texas, in reterence te the abolion of slavery,and that no preposition what- ever had been made to her by England on that subject; the loan proposed by General Hamilton, on behalf of the Government of Texas, had no con- nexion with abolition; the proposal of a loan te 2 promote that object last summer was the sugge: of a deputation of private individuais, and was once rejected by him. Although England has made no proposition ‘Texus, and has no intention of making aboliti the subject of any treaty stipulation with her, they had certainly recommended to Mexico to promote the abolition of slavery by the acknowledgment of the ce atl of Texas. Bat lord Aberdeen added, that he could not say that this recommen: dation had beew listened to with any degree of favor, and nothing further was said on the subject. Tn all this there was no reference whatever to the United States. The late hour at which my memorandum above allu to was returned to me, leaves me barely tthe to prepare this despatch before the closing of the mal. Should any thing further.of interest reach me oa this subject, T shall not neglect to cour cute it without delay. Jam, sir, most respecitully poe obedient serv’t, EDWakD EveKett. A. P. Upsuvr, Esq , Secretary of State. Mr Everett to Mr. Upshur—[Extract } No. 64) zonpon, No. 16, 1243. Sista my despatch, No. 62, f acquainted you that I had addressed a private letter to Mr. = bel Smith, the Texan Charge d’Aflaires, now at Paris, requesting of him such information as he might be able and willing to give me as to the measures supposed to be in progress on che part of this government, to promo’e the abolition of slavery in Texas. I received a private letter from Mr. Smith in reply, on the 6th inst, My letter to Mr. Suuth and his answer were written under the ime pression that overtures on this subject might posei- bly huve been made directly to the Texan Gov. m- ment, Such, however, you will have learned by my dispatch, No, 62, is not the case—Lord Aber- deen having distinetly stated to me that he had not submitted, and did not intend to submit, any pro- position to Texas on the subject, Mr. Smith informs me that he was present at the interview which took place last June between Lord Aberdeen and several persons, British sub- j ud others, a committee of the General Anti- ery Convention, who waited on him for the purpose of engaging the co-operation of the British Government to effect the abolition of slavery in Texas On this occasion Lord Aberdeen asoured the committee that her Majesty’s Government would employ all legitimate means in their power to attain so great and desirable an object. One of the members of the committee afterwards inform- ed Mr. Smith, at his lodgings, that, in their inter- view with Lord Aberdeen, his Lordship made ob servations which warranted them in saying that the British Government would gv peieeltd if neces. sary, the iaterest of a loan which should be raised, and applied to te abolition of slavery in Texas, bat not ofa Texan loan tor a other purpose what. r ever, It appears, however, from the statements contained in my despatch, No. 62, that the meme ber of the committee *ho gave this information to Mr. Siith was ta an error—Lord Aberdeen having nsaured me thatthe suggestion relative to a loam for this jose had not received the slightest coun- tenance from him. My written memorandum of the couversation, in which this atsurance was made, having been submitted to Lord Aberdeen, there con be no room for misapprehension on my part. Lord Aberdeen has since repeated the same statement to me Mr. Smith, in consequence of the circumstances above stated, asked an interview with Lord Aber- deen, and subsequently addressed a written com- munication tohim on the subject. Mr. Smith very properly doubts whether he ought to furnish me @ copy of this correspondence before it hasbeen made public by the Texan Government. Appreciating, however, the motives which prompted my inquiry, and considering the subject as one of interest to the United States as well as to Texas, though possibly ina less degree, Mr. Smith informs me that he shall tranamit to the Texan Consul at London, co- pies of his note to Lord Aberdeen on the abolition of slavery in Texas, and of Lord Aberdeen’s reply, with a request to that gentleman to submit the aime, if [desire it,to my perusal. Mr. Rate, the Texan Consul, accordingly called on me for thie parpose. ‘The reply of Lord Aberdeen to Mr. Sinith states that Mr. Smith does the British Go~ (Concluded on the rizth page.)