Grand Rapids Herald-Review Newspaper, August 25, 1900, Page 7

DECLARE FOR BRYAN BOUTWELL TURNS HIS BACK ON THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, Prat hk: A Twa-Days’ Session Is Held by the Anti-Imperialists in Indianapo- lis—Bourke Cockran Sends a Let- ter of Regrets, which Is Read Amid Great Enthu: tions Were Adopted the Second Day Declaring Opposition to Mc- sm—Resolua- Kinley and Favoring Bryan for President. Indianapolis, Aug. 15.—The first day's gession of the national convention of the National Anti-Imperialistic league was Somewhat disappointing so far as the at- tendance of delegates was. concerned. About 800 accredited delegates were pres- ent, but more are promised for to-mor- row. The public meeting in the evening was much better attended and the read- ing of Bourke Cockran’s letter was the signal for tremendous applause. Boutwell a Bryanite. But the greatest demonstration of the convention so far come in the afternoon when the venerable George S. Boutwell, ex-governor of Massachusetts, and secre- tary of the treasury in the cabinet of President Grant, concluded his address as permanent chairman with the declara- tion that he had turned his back on the Republican party and should support Bryan for president.. Delegates rose in their seats and tendered the ex-governor an ovation that lasted several minutes. George. J. Mercer of Philadelphia called the convention to order and presented Ed- win Burritt Smith of Chicago as tem- porary chairman. Prof. A. H. Tolman of the University of Chicago read the Dec- laration of Independence. Rev. Herbert S. Bigelow of Cincinnati invoked the divine’ blessing on the deliberations of the after which Mr. Smith delivered his address which was in favor of Bryan. Short Addresses. After a short recess for luncheon, the convention met again at half past two. Chairman Smith called for short ad- dresses from delegates. Those who re- sponded were Dr. A. W. Croffut of Wash- ington, John A. Beatty of Columbus, Judge Moses Hallet of Denver, Edgar A. Bancroft of Chicago and Gammaliel Bradford of Boston. Dr. Croffut said he had long been a Republican, but should this year give upport to Bryan. Dr. Beatty said: “I have been a Repub- lican for fifty years, and I provose to continue a Republican until I die. I pray that God will forgive me for voting for McKinley in 1896. I did not think he would turn his back upon the eternal principles of the republic. If Cleveland, or Reed or Bi n had been president there would have been no war in the Philippines, ne butckery of inoffensive Christian people; no deaths of brave American soldiers there, but our flag would now have been hailed with ac- clamation by a new republic.” Judg Hallett of Colorado said that his state was sure to go for Bryan, whatever the action of the convention. Mr. Bancroft said he was still faithful to the Republicanism of 1860, but could not adhere to the Republican party of 1900. Demonstration for Boutwell. The committee on permanent organiza- tion reported in favor of George S. Bout- well for permanent chairman. Goy. Bout- well was accorded a great demonstration when he took the gavel. He said: “This is an historic occasion. If the peril of this country is what we think it is, if the question before us and before your contrymen is the question of con- tinuance of the republic, then no graver mission has been committed to an as- sembly of men than to this convention. “We are opposed to imprialism. We are in favor of a republican form of gov- ernment. We respect the teachings of our ancestry, the glory of the history they have left to us, and standing be- tween "the past and the future it is our duty to transmit to posterity the prin- ciples of the fatherssand the institutions that they founded. That is your duty to the states of this Union. Republic to Empire. “This body may not represent an or- ganized constituency, but it is a repre- sentation for itself and the people of this country and the generations that are advancing to take our places, and it is a representation that has a right to speak, @ representation that will be heard at Washington to-day, heard over the world; speaking, as we do, for the preservation of republican institutions, representing the American republic, the light of which, if it shall go out, will never be rekindled on the surface of the earth. I charge that the policy upon which this adminis- tration has entered will mean the aban~ donment of the principles upon which our government was founded; that it will change the republic into an empire. The first of the means before us for the pres- ervation of the Union, if our allegation fs true, is the Overthrow of the Administration, “We are told there is peace in the Philippines and that our 60,000 soldiers there are merely performing police duty. The president has said the Philippines are ours, and there will be no abatement of our rights and no scuttle policy. This seems to indicate that we have entered upon a colonial policy. “There has been put forth recently a statement of the conditions that will be required of the people of Cuba if they become independent. They are to have no power to declare war without the con- sent of the United States; the United States is to have veto power over the legislation of Cuba; the United States is to have a certain well defined supervision over the Cuban treasury; the United States is to retain for a period of years, if not indefinitely, the fortifications which command the port of Havana. How do these provisions accord with the promises made to the people of Cuba? “The Troubles in China Ihave been aggravated and the ministers and citizens of the various governments hhave been put in peril through the policy of their governments. It is not true that in past years there has been discussion among the various states of Europe as to the partition of China? All this talk has caused a revolution in China, putting the missionaries and ambassadors of the various powers in peril of their lives. Instead of being a fortunate occurrence, the fact that we were in the Philippines has been the principal cause of the rev- olution in China. Is the government of the United States ‘to place its troops un- er the command of a prince of Germany; or, on the other hand, is the United Btates to assume command of the troops of the other nations and be responsible for the results? If a revolution was to occur in Logdon and our ambassador was to be in danger of his life, would we send a force up the Thames to bombard London? No; we would appeal to the varicus diplomatic channels before under- taking force. Was it not a declaration of war when we trained our guns upon the citadels of the Chinese empire? Who authorizea it? Under the Constitution congress alone can declare war. Can the chief magistrate make war in the ab- sence of a congressicnal declaration of war? I suppose if I say anything in ex- tenuation of the Chinese policy some one that I had Spoken Against My Own Country, but I want to say the American people will speak for liberty and justice, even though their words may inflame the fires of liberty the world over. “Who does not see that the day of England's downfall is approaching? And we are asked to follow her example and tread in the imperial footsteps of Great Britain, knowing that those steps are leading the British empire to destruction. Now is the time for the people to ar- rest this progress to ruin, and the labor- ing men of this country are the men to whom I appeal. If we accept imperial- ism, it means that some people shall do the thinking and the rest do the working, then the course of liberty cannot be saved.” Gov. Boutwell asked the negro voters to work against imperialism for the sake of the 10,000,000 colored population in the Philippines, and claimed the fact that some negroes were deprived of their rights in the South was no excuse for the oppression of the Filipinos, Leaves the Republican Party. “How is the overthrow of the admin- istration to be accomplished?” concluded Mr. Boutwell. “In my youth I had no disguises. I turned aside and left the Democratic party when it surrendered to slavery. In my age I leave the Re- publican party now that it has surren- dered itself to despotic and tyrannical motives. Ihelped create the Republican party, a party at that time of justice and principle and honesty. I now believe it is a party of injustice and despotism and I will help destroy it. And how? There is but one available means, and you know what that is. I am for Bryan. I am for Bryan in spite of what he may believe concerning the currency or finances of the country. This question to which we invite the country’s attention is a question of life or death to the re- public. In sueh a crisis shall we stop to consider whether silver should be worth more or less than it is? If a mistake is made in the next administration, should Bryan be elected, the people can remedy it in four and eight years, the country would not be destroyed. If the currency is impaired we can redeem it. It was impaired during the Civil war, and we redeemed it after the war closed.” At the conclusion of Mr. Boutwell’s ad- dress the committee on resolutions was announced. The committee will report the platform to-morrow. A public meeting, was held to-night at Tomlinson hall at which addresses were delivered by Morefield Storey of Boston, Sigmund Zeisler of Chicago, Rev. Herbert |S. Bigelow of Cincinnati and Patrick O’Ferrell of Washington. —— BOURKE COCKRAN ABSENT, Business Engagements Kept Him Away From the Convention. Following is the letter sent by W. Bourke Cockran to Edwin Burritt Smith in response to an invitation to attend and address the congress. “New York, Aug. 14, 1900.—My Dear Sir: I regret very much that owing to business enagagements here I will be un- able to attend the liberal convention at Indianapolis on the 15th. The attitude of anti-imperialists to imperialism can- not be open to doubt, and therefore I as- sume the object of the convention is not to express opposition but to devise a method of making that opposition effec- tive. The issue of imperialism has been squarely raised between the two parties; it must be plgin that the only way in which a citizen can exercise any direct influence upon the result is by voting for the Republican candidate who supports it or the Democratic candidate who op- poses it. “Nothing can be accomplished by nomi- nating a third candidate that cannot be accomplished equally by abstention from the polls, except that the citizen who re- mains at home on election day passes un- noticed, while he who votes a third ticket attracts attention. The difference between a silent and a vociferous refusal to ex- ercise the suffrage is not, worth discus- sion, since abstention from civic duty is never commendable. When the republic is in danger thé only place for the patriot is in the ranks of its active defenders. Absence from the field of contest or shooting in the air can never be justified. “It cannot be denied that while anti-im- perialists unanimously approve Mr. Bry- 'an’s position on imperialism, many of them hesitate to vote for his election to the presidency because they regard his views upon other questions with distrust and apprehension. We cannot hope to deal intelligently with the issues of this campaign until we liberate ourselves from the domination of the questions, dis- cussions and passions of the last cam- paign. Within four years political con- ditions have changed decisively, and, as conditions change, issues change with them. The question which the people must decide now is radically different from that submitted to them in 1896. Then the election of Mr. Bryan would have placed the Democratic party in com- plete control of the legislative as well as of the executive branch of the goy- ernment, with full power to enact all its beliefs into law, while now his elec- tion will result not in placing the control of the government in the hands of the Democratic party, but in dividing its con- trol between the two parties. Whatever may be the result of this election, the senate will remain Republican for two years certainly, and probably for four. “Even if the people raised Mr. Bryan to the presidency in November, the Demo- cratic party cannot possibly achieve any power of legislation during the existence of the next congress, and without legis- lative sanction no change in the standard of value, no reorganization of the su- preme court, no modification whatever of our financial, industrial or political sys- tems could be accomplished. “There is one issue which the popular verdict will settle irrevocably, and that is the issue of imperialism. If the Re- publican party be successful, its control of the judicial, as well as of the execu- tive and legislative departments of the government, will be absolute, and its dis- position to exercise all its power for the enforcement of an imperialistic policy cannot bé doubted, At the end of four in Washington or elsewhere would say | years imperialism will be so firmly im- jpedded in our political life that it can never be expelled. “Mr. Bryan's election of itself would put a quietus on the imperialistic adven- ture. No policy specifically condemned by the people has ever been adopted into our system, and imperialism would prove no exception to the rulg. Mr. Hoar’s sug- gestion that the senate would refuse to follow a Democratic president in a policy of humanity approved by the people does faint justice to his own patriotic capacity when—liberated from the exigencies of a campaign for re-election—his intellect and his conscience would be restored to har- monious and effective co-operation. Im- perialism, rebuked at the polls and shown to be unprofitable, would not have a sin- gle supporter in the country. Within a month of election Senator Hoar could re- duce his noble conceptions of freedom and duty to definite proposals of pacifica- tion, which both parties would accept. The country having pronounced for jus- tice, politicians of every shape and de- scription will be eager to do justice, and when the desire for justice is sincere the way to justice is soon discovered. “Since the election of Mr. Bryan is cer- tain to deliver the country from the im- minent peril of imperialism, can the lib- erty convention hesitate to support him because of impalpable danger arising from .his opinions on subjects with which, as president, he cannot possibly deal? I confess it is hard to understand the attitude of those gentlemen who would have supported him if the conven- tion had been silent or evasive on the free coinage of silver, but who hesitate to support him on a platform which ex- cludes that question from the serious dis- cussions of the contest by relegating it to a subordinate position. The Demo- cratic platform declares that imperial- ism is the paramount issue of the cam- paign, and Mr. Bryan's speech at In- dianapolis accepts this conception of the issue, emphasizing it and vindicates it. But a declaration that imperialism is a paramount issue is equivalent to a dec- laration that it is the sole issue, for no presidential election ever decided more than one question. In my judgment, the platform actually adopted by the Dem- ocratic convention should be much more satisfactory to sound money men than any of the substitutes suggested by older and more conservative managers. Since nobody pretends that Mr. Bryan’s opin- ions on the questions raised by the Chi- cago platform of 1896 have been changed his refusal to disguise them in any way is highly creditable to his honesty, and honesty is the first essential of patriotic presidential service. Mr. Bryan's con- version to a belief in sound money would, in my opinion be a cause for national re- joicing, but any abandonment or abase- ment of the frankness and _ sincerity which have always distinguished him would be little short of a national ca- lamity. We need not accept Mr. Bryan as an infallible or even as a sound au- thority on economics, to acknowledge that his integrity, his truthfulness and absolute sincerity have been among the most salutary influences of this genera- tion on our political life. It is certain that this country is indebted to him for the gold standard law, which, though it has the defects of its party origin, is the best contribution of our national stability since the resumption of specie payments. If the Democratic platform of 1896 had been evasive, as unquestion- ably it would have been if the so-called conservatives had controlled the conven- tion, can anybody doubt that the Re- publicans would have met evasion with evasion and that the financial issue would be still unsettled, hanging like a sinister shadow over our industrial sys- tem? Mr. Bryan's frank, sincere and un- equivocal advocacy of the free coinage of silyer forced the Republican party re- luctantly to declare in favor of the gold standard. The result was not that which Mr. Bryan sought; none the less it was produced by him. Because he was sin- cerely wrong he forced the Republican politicians to become insincerely right. To this sincerity of Mr. Bryan the coun- try is indebted for the opportunity to pass squarely and decisively on the issue of imperialism. If the republic is to be overthrown the assault must now be made in the open light of day. It is no longer possible to strangle it under cover of misleading or hypocritical phrases. “In this open fight for liberty, surely every anti-imperialist should be ready to bear his part. Hesitation to avail our- selves of the leadership under which alone opposition to imperialism can be made effective, through distrust of the leader’s views on economic questions not now in issue, would be as senseless as hesitation to employ a surgeon on whose skill depended the sole prospect of life, through dislike of his religious belfefs. “It can hardly be necessary to say that we who four years ago sacrificed our political prospects and personal as- sociations rather than lend even passive support of silence to declarations which we believed to be subversive of order, will pursue the same course again if these questions should ever occur. The best evidence of our capacity to deal with the issues of 1902 or 1904, whatever they may be, is to deal intelligently now with the issues of 1900. On that issue Mr. Bryan stands for justice, liberty and the constitution, and since all these would be imperiled by his defeat it is to be hoped that the liberty convention will not be swerved from supporting him by prejudices: springing from past antagon- isms or by groundless apprehensions of the future. —W. Bourke Cockran.” SE eee i) CLOSING DAY. Anti-Imperialists Adjourn After In- dorsing Bryan. Indianapolis, Aug. 16.—The anti-im- perialist convention adjourned to-night after adopting resolutions urging the de- feat of President MciKnley and the elec- tion of Bryan.’ Only about twenty votes were cast against the resolutions: A substitute eliminating the name of Bryan was defeated, only about fifteen delegates voting for it. The resolutions were dis- cussed all day. Many delegates declared that the convention was Merely a Democratic Annex. The following resolution was adopted to the platform as reported: “That in declaring that the principles of the Declaration of Independence apply to all men, this congress means to include” the negro race in America as well as the Philippines. We deprecate all efforts, whether in the South or in the North, to deprive the negro of his rights as a citi- zen under the Declaration of Independ- ence and the Constitution ‘of the United ‘The congress concluded to-night with an address at Tomlinson hall by Charles A. Towne of Minnesota. The Resolutions, Following are the resolutions adopted us reported by the committee: “This liberty congress of anti-imperial- ists recognizes a great national crisis, which menaces the republic upon whose future depends in such large measure the hope of freedom throughout the world. For the first time in our country’s his- tory the president has undertaken to sub- jugate a foreign people and to rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of the American flag over slavery and polygamy in Sulu islands. He has arrogated to himself the power to impose upon the inhabitants ,of the Philippines government without their consent and taxation without represen- tation. He is waging war upon them for asserting the very principles for the maintenance of which our forefathers pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor. He claims for him- self and congress authority to govern the territory of the United States without constitutional restraint. “We believe in the Declaration of Inde- pendence. Its truths, not less self-evi- dent to-day than when first announced by our fathers, are of universal application and cannot be abandoned while govern- ment by the people endures. “We believe in the Constitution of the United States. It gives the president and congress certain limited powers and se- cures to every man within the limit of our jurisdiction certain essential rights. We deny that either the president or con- gress can govern any person anywhere outside the Constitution. Opposed to McKinley. “We are absolutely opposed to the pol- fey of President McKinley, which pro- poses to govern millions of men without their consent, which in Porto Rico es- tablish s taxation without respresentation and government by the arbitrary will of a legislature unfettered by constitutional restraint and in the Philippines prose- cutes a war of conquest and demands un- conditional surrender from a people who are of right free and independent. The struggle of men for freedom has ever *AJOqy] TEUOTINIPSUOD JoOJ B1SHNI3zs & useq There is no liberty if the citizen has no right which the legislature may not in- vade, if he may be taxed by a legislature in which he is not represented, or if he is not protected by fundamental law against the arbitrary action of executive power. The policy of the president offers the in- habitants of Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippines no hope of independence, no prospect of American citizenship; no con- stitutional protection; no representation in the congress which taxes him. This is the government of men by arbitrary power without their consent; this is im- perialism. “There is no room under the free flag of America for subjects. The president and congress, who derive all their powers from the constitution, can govern no man without regard to its limitations. “We believe that the greatest safe- guard of likerty is a free press, and we demand that he censorship in the Phil- ippine islands, which keeps from the American people the knowlecge of what is done in their name, be abolished. “We are entitled to know the truth, and we insist that the powers which the president holds in trust for us shall not be used to suppress it. “Imperialism.” “Because we thus believe, we oppose the re-election of Mr. McKinley. ‘The su- preme purpose of the people in this mo- mentous campaign should be to stamp with their final disapproval this attempt to grasp imperial power. A self-govern- ing people can have no more imperative duy than to drive from public life a chief magistrate who, whether in weakness or of wicked purpose, has used his tem- porary authority to subvert the character of their government and to destroy their national ideals. “We therefore, in the belief that it is essential at this crisis for the American people to again declare their faith in the universal application of the Declaration of Independence and to reassert their will that their servants shall not have or exercise any powers whatever, other than those conferred by the Constitution, earnestly make the following recommen- dations to our countrymen: First—That without regard to their views on minor questions of-domestic pol- iey, they withhold their votes from Mr. McKinley. in order to stamp with their disapproval what he has done. “Second—That they vote for those can- didates for congress in their respective districts who will oppose the policy of imperialism. For Bryan. “Third—While we welcome any other method of opposing the re-election of Mr. McKinley, we advise direct support of Mr. Bryan as the most effective means of crushing imperialism. “We are convinced of Mr. Bryan's sin- cerity and of his earnest purpose to se- cure to the Filipinos their independence. His position and the declaration contain- ed in the platform of his party on the vital issues of the campaign meet our unqualified approval. “We recommend that the executive committees of the American Anti-Im- perialist league and its allied leagues continue and extend their organizations, preserving the independence of the move- ment, and that they take the most ac- tive possible part in the pending politi- cal campaign. “Until now the policy which has turn- ed the Filipinos from warm friends to bitter enemies, which has slaughtered thousands of them and laid waste their country, has been the policy of every man who votes to re-elect him, and who thus becomes, with him, responsible, for every drop of blood thereafter shed.” “0, K.” Passed on by the Court. After certain business differences, the Davis Paint Manufacturing company and the Metzger Linseed Oil company came to an agreement. Their lawyers drafted in concert a judicial decree sat- isfactory all around, marked it “O. K.,” and appended their signatures. Subsequently one .of the companies wanted to back out. It set up the con- tention that the letters, “O. K.,” in such a use, are a mere slang, and not pinding. An appellate court in ‘Illinois pronounces this contention no gooa, The juége quotes from the Century Dictionary the attempts to account for “QO. K.,” by tracing it back to Andrew Jackson and (still further back) to old Keokuk, whose name is borne by an Iowa city t> this day. They quote the dictienary definition: “All right; cor- rect; now commonly used’as an in- dorsement, as on a _ bill.” They re- mark: “The definition undoubtedly gives that which is the universal con- ception and understanding. That is, no doubt, the sense in which the court understcod it, and the meaning the counsel Intended to express.’’—Hart- ford Courant. : Fly Paper Philosophy. “After all your talk about sensational Journalism,” exclaimed the fly on the edge of the sugar bowl, ‘I’m surprised at you.” “What about?” gasped the captured fly, vainly endeavoring to extricat him- self from the sticky trap. “Well, I notice that the paper you're stuck on is decidedly yellow.”—Phila- delphia Press. PATENTS. List of Patents Issued Last Week to Northwestern Inventors. Edward H. Allison, Fort Yates, N. D., game or toy; Benjamin F. Keeney, ‘Watertown, 8. D., boiler washout de- vice; Herbert W. Kingsbury, Winona, Minn,, safety grating; Simeon C. Law- lor, Duluth, Minn., window cleaner; Jacob Markus, Harrison, S. D., veter- inary obstetrical instrument; Haldora Olson, Duluth, Minn., obtsetrical appli- ance; Henry G. 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