Evening Star Newspaper, June 3, 1940, Page 9

THE EVENING U. S. Policy On Defense Held Sound Old Slogan, ‘Better Be Safe Than Sorry,” Cited By DAVID LAWRENCE. This is a period in the life of de- mocracy when an old, old slogan might well be revived—that it is better to be safe than sorry. It is the basis today of American policy on na- tional defense. It is the main reason why bil- lions are being voted and pre- cautionary§ measures are be- ing taken, even though the hope, indeed the de- termination, i s not se | weapons absolutely im perative. David Lawrence. Judging by the speeches and comments being made, America is being addressed by two schools of thought. One asks that the Nétion be calm, that it immunize itself against hysteria and insists that European nations do not intend to attack our interests. The other is that nations no longer declare war, but act overnight, that no other country’s promises can be accepted as enduring where their own self- interest conflicts vitally with Amer- ican interests and that a nation well prepared for any attack is a nation secured against danger. These two points of view run through the various attitudes which are crystallized either in the posi- | tions favorable or unfavorable to the President’s national defense recommendations to Congress. It will seem surprising that in the face of the grave events abroad any public man could brush aside the possible consequences of a defeat of the Allies by the Nazis or that any public man could seriously advocate a retardation of our efforts to build adequate defenses Viewpoints Coincide. This is not to say that any Amer- {cans are being influenced by Nazi propaganda. Quite the contrary is | true. The N American poli zi attitude toward woven in the viewpoint of many Americans who are innocent of anv contacts with the Nazi government or its agents. For several years an assiduous attempt has been made, for in- £tance, to convince the American people that all wars are made hy munitions makers and for profiteer- ing purposes. It has been asserted, mereover, and several so-called “liberal” authors of books have in- sisted that the United States was dragged into the last war to pro- tect trade or for commercial rea- sons. Even President Wilson has been condemned by them as having a selfish motive in leading America | into war. This point of view was ignored too long and hence grew‘ into the consciousness of many young Americans. Not long ago a Senate committee investigated the munitions industry’s relationship to the last war and the German gov- ernment made excellent use of those mistaken findings. The American Senators were in- hocent of any part in the studiously | developed propaganda just as some American Senators today who are! crying loudest about “British propa- ganda” are unaware that what they are saying is exactly what the Nazls? have planted here and there in those academic circles, isolationist quarters or political precincts, where almost any argument opposing me‘ President’s policy would be seized | upon as valid. The Nazi propagandists know their America. They are too shrewd to come out into the open. They make third and fourth hand con- tacts with members of groups who in turn endeavor to influence Amer- ican officialdom. The result some- times can be found in a careful examination of the speeches of certain members of Congress and other individuals of prominence. Typical Line of Attack. Such a comparison will reveal a uniformity of argument that is amazingly telltale. Propaganda dif- fers always from spontaneous ut- terance in the identical thoughts or phrases used. The artificiality is not hard to detect. A typical Nazi instruction to its agents here might run as follow: 1. Blame the last war on England. Make it seem a war of profit and | trade, and above all, scoff at the| idea that it was a war to save democracy. 2. Smear the British as much as possible. Emphasize the war-debt question and make it appear that the Allies didn't pay anything. Be- smirch the visits of all foreign lec- turers and cast doubt on the reasons for the visit of the King and Queen last vear. Make it appear that England wants to drag America into the war. 3. Cast doubt on the integrity of newspapers and newspapermen who favor the Ally cause. 4. If the administration starts thinking of national defense, call the President a warmonger. Find out who his advisers are. Start at- tacks along religious and racial grounds. Get various organizations to write letters to members of Con- gress who are from the Middle West or from States where large num- bers of foreign born live. Do every- thing possible to promote discord in labor ranks. Put C. I. O. versus A. F. of L. wherever possible, Stir up bitterness through the Com- munist party and its agents. Above all make it clear that Germany isn't interested in America or South America. Keep the people of the United States fighting among them- selves and play to the keep-out-of- war sentiments of the people by painting the horrors of war. Tactics Used in Latin America. Such instructions have been effec- tive or at least the line of argument taken by many in America has been so strikingly similar that it hardly seems possible this form of propa- ganda is natural. The average American knows that Hitler owns no stock in the American munitions industry and that he alone ordered Belgium and Holland invaded. Press messages from abroad do not eventually conceal the facts. Thus the defeat of the Allies in Flanders is a fact. No ritish propagandist invented it. ewise the possible invasion of land is no British 1dea any more v began several years | ago and has become cleverly inter- | |8 job of protecting us in the At-|who want to take chances on Nazi {lantic as well as the Pacific. STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, MONDAY, JUNE 3, 1940. The Capital Parade Appointment of Moffat as Minister to Canada Seen Emphasizing Gravity of Crisis By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER. | The appointment of Jay Pierrepont Moffat as Minister to Canada strikingly marks the President’s sense of the seriousness of the present | crisis. The relations between the United States and Canada being almost indestructible, Ottawa has not until recently been considered a difficult post. The President has used the Canadian Legation as a sort of back vard, into which he tossed the leftovers who fitted nowhere else. The last two Ministers, as every one ought to remember, were Uncle Daniel Roper and young Master James Cromwell. One was a political hack whom it was necessary to pry i out of the Commerce Department. The other was a political “fat cat” | who had to be suitably but harm- | lessly rewarded. Only lately there was talk that Joseph E. Davies would inherit Cromwell's place, thus es- tablishing & tradition of truly im- posing grandeur. But now the situation has changed radically. Two years ago, in a speech delivered on Canadian soll, the President specifically guaranteed the independence of our northern |nel(ghbor against all foreign attack. - The speech was one of the few, in | that early period when the President was considerably ahead of public | opinion on foreign questions, which received almost universal approbation. Then, of course, no one anticipated that tie President’s guarantee | would ever come to have real meaning. Now, however, Canada is a bellig- | erent in a great war, which directly threatens the very structure of the | world as we know it, and perhaps Canadian independence among other things. As it now stands, in fact, the situation presents a whole new order of problems which it will require the highest competence to meet. | The Dutiful Diplomat Under the circumstances, the choice of Pierre natural and reassuring. For these last years, M State Department’s Western European division, working harder and more | untiringly than any other career officer in the foreign service. Day by | day, the cables pouring in from Europe have come to his big desk, picturing | for him the grim detail of the history of our times. Day by day, he has | | had to form judgments of the future which have, unfortunately, proved remarkably accurate. He is a man of sound sense, inexhaustible energy, | | broad information and large experience. He has, in fact, all the good | ‘ qualities necessary to a diplomat. | Outwardly, perhaps, he may seem to lack Imagination, for it is diffi- | cult to attribute a strong imagination to a man whose career has been so | | impeccably correct. Born into a prosperous old New York family, edu- | | cated at Groton and Harvard, he went into the diplomatic service 21 years | ago. Since then the service has been his life. He married in it—his | | charming wife is the daughter of Ambassador to Japan Joseph C. Grew. | He has shaped his habits by it. i | He talks the careful language of a di pont Moffat was both offat has presided over the | plomat, likes good bridge, as a | diplomat should, and spends the bulk of his time as a diplomat ought to spend it. His days are regulated as though by clockwork. From the | moment of his early risindto walk to his club and read the newspapers thoroughly, to the moment of his sensibly early going to bed. And most of each of his days, frequently including Sundays, is given to unrelenting labor in his office. A lazy friend once said of him, “Pierrepont Moflat's} sense of duty is so overdeveloped that it really amounts to a spiritual | deformity.” !Behind His Front : | Moffat’s facade is curiously deceptive. He is not externally impres- sive—in England, during the famous and sadly fruitless “peace” mission, | he was taken by newspapermen for Sumner Welles' valet. But he is sn[ impressive public servant all the| same. | Ak Behind the outward correcti- | tude, he hides a peculiarly inquiring, | receptive mind. He is entirely | without the complacency which one | might expect to find in him. Al- though he is a firm believer in all the minor conventions, he does not accept the cliches and conventional Jjudgments whose automatic, meaningless repetition lulls so many diplo- mats to sleep. In truth. Moffat is the sort of man who should replace the Cromwells and the Davieses in every American diplomatic post. Diplomacy, like every other profession, requires training. Men like Moffat are trained, and when such problems may arise as will probably have to be dealt with in Canada, men like Moffat may be expected to deal with them most | efficiently. | e Presioent Pexep | ™ Rewrman s (Released by the North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) | : !ish fleet by the Nazis as a result of | Army, Navy and Air Force, war may | a dictated peace. Berlin itself | never come for the simple reason | | threatens it. | that no nation usyally attacks a If the Britsh fleet goes to the stronger nation. The burden of Nazis, the American fleet will have proof today is on those Americans No | promises as did the Norwegians, the British propagandist needs to tell | Dutch, the Belgians, the Austrians any American of the dangers aris-|and the Czechs. The average Ameri- ing therefrom. The test of patriotic |can would rather play it safe than {Amencanism today is hardly‘be sorry, would rather pay heavy whether the United States should or | taxes and spend some billions even should not enter the war. It is wastefully for defense than to allow whether the United States should | American women and children to prepare for an attack that may |be bombed some day when it is too never come. With an adequate ! late to build defenses. * * * Are you using Our “Department Store”? Bank, through its many departments, sa banking requirements. Bank as your financial department store, The services below are an indication of ‘Washingtonians with their banking. Savings Accounts Standard Checking Accounts Metered Checking Accounts Safe Deposit Boxes Christmas Club Accounts Vacation Club Accounts Automobile Financing Personal Loans Collateral Loans Appliance Silver Storage Cashier’s Checks Morris Plan Bank, and we want you to whenever they can be helpful to you. > 14th and G Streets, N. W, Member Federal Deposit Tnsurance Corporasion the possible capture of the Brit- X CHECKING ¥ SAVINGS ¥ AUTOMOBILE FINANCING ¥ LOANS J 1 | ment’s views, Gov. Stassen will in- | rise to the occasion? Just as the modern department store, through its numerous departments, serves your personal and household requirements, so will the Morris Plan We want you always to think of the Morris Plan serving you in your individual banking transactions. ways in which we are daily assisting hundreds of FHA Improvement Loans Teacher Plan Loans nancing Automobile Collateral Loans Insurance Collateral Loans Travelers Cheques Certificates of Deposit All of these facilities are available to you at the MORRIS PLAN BANK The Bank for the Individual . . Now Serving 45,000 Accounts of Individuals HE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star's effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. Washington Observations Nation Eagerly Awaits Republicans’ Stand On National Defense Issue in Campaign By FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. Upon young Gov. Stassen of Min- nesota there will descend three| weeks from today one of the gravest responsibilities and most golden op- portunities ever to befall an American states- man. As Re- publican Na- tional Conven- tion keynoter, it will be his sol- emn task to pitch the tone in which a great political party will wage its campaign for control of the Federal Govern- ment. Reflect- ing the manage- Frederic William Wile, dicate the G. O. P. approach to| the paramount issue confronting | the country—national defense. For | the first time the people await a| keynote with eager expectancy. It will reveal the extent to which the Republicans are ready to scrap par- tisanship, at a critical juncture, in favor of national unity. Will they Or will they, running true to form, proceed on the time-honored principle that in| politics, as in love and war, all is fair and exploit the emergency for | all it’s worth? Those are questions the average American, regardless | of political affiliations, must today be asking himself with anxiety | bordering upon alarm. * ok x Unpromising Indications. | Unfortunately, there are indica- tions that the opposition is not ready to abdicate its right to smite | the Democratic administration hip and thigh. Until President Roose= velt envisioned a “world-wide war, | which may involve all continents,” blitzkrieged to the English Chan-| nel, the Republicans planned to conduct a campaign to “turn the| rascals out” along traditional lines. The elephant was preparing to trumpet vociferously about extrava- gance, waste, the unbalanced budget, | high taxes, chronic unemployment, relief chaos, shackling of private business enterprise, coddling of radicalism &nd sundry other alleged New Deal high crimes and mis- demeanors. But now that Hitler's threat to the security of the Amer- | icas, with incidental revelation of the United States’ unreadiness to fight a major defensive war, absorbs a tardily aroused Nation's atten- tion, some observers discern a brand- new issue. The Republicans would be less than human if they did not lick their chops over its election- eering value. The point is that while it may be good politics to ex- ploit unpreparedness, is it good pa- triotism to do so this summer and fall? Is it worth the risk to na- tional unity? ‘Wouldn't it be bet-| ter Americanism to stress 100 per cent support of maximum prepared- ness? * % %k X Comfort Only to Others. | Surely Chairman Hamilton, Pub- licity Director Waltman and all a pirants for the Republican pres | dential nomination are conscious of | what the washing of dirty Ameri- can linen would mean to the Ger- mans at a time like this. Disclos- | ures of our naval, military and air | * * * tisfy your helpfully the many use them A SAFE DEPOSIT BOXES % \ deficiencies, of course, can hardlv be news in Berlin. Efficient Wash- ington foreign military and naval attaches must be fairly familiar with the facts and figures about ships, planes and guns which Pres- ident Roosevelt broadcast on May 26 and have been aware of our in- adequate preparedness long before the truth began to dawn upon us ourselves. But what is to be gained, except to others’ comfort and ad- vantage, by harping on our insuf- ficiency with that emphasis and detail required in a campaign to smear the political opposition? Why rub in our known unreadiness for the benefit of those who perhaps may become America’s enemy? That way lies only national discord at a ‘moment when the situation clamors, as seldom before and without a mo- ment to lose, for the height of har- mony and united effort. * ok ok % “A Gigantic Task.” It may be asking too much of political human nature that even the party of Abraham Lincoln and Theodore Roosevelt should handi- cap itself by renouncing such a campaign. Nevertheless, it is the crucial choice confronting the hosts about to mobilize at Philadelphia. By nobody has the cardinal issue been put more squarely than by the man who now ranks as outstanding Republican dark ho —Wendell L. Willkie. He says: “We face a gigantic task. It requires minute knowledge of each industry. It re- quires almost infinite planning. It requires intelligent co-ordination. Above all it requires that all ele- ments in our society—Government, Industry. finance, agriculture, labor and even the consumer and tax- paver—work together harmonious- Iy Willkie does not name pol- iticians among those from whom supreme co-operation is required, but he clearly believes national unity unattainable in an atmos- phere of narrow partisanship, * X ok ok McNutt's Self-Denial. Paul McNutt has always ranked As prime vice presidential timber, especially on a Roosevelt third-term ticket. The former Hoosier Gover- nor has augmented his second- place possibilities by avowing that “the Nation's welfare requires that the President continue as Chief Executive, Indiana, up to 1932, furnished the Democrats with two of the only three Vice Presidents they elected after their long post- Civil War period in the wilderness— Thomas A. Hendricks on the first Grover Cleveland ticket and Thomas R. Marshall on both Wilson tickets. Each party has frequently gone to the Wabash for Vice Presidential nominees. McNutt would strength- en a Roosevelt third-term can- didacy in pivotal Indiana. He is believed fully acceptable to Mr. Roosevelt, though Jim Farley dis- likes him, and New Dealers like Secretary Ickes mistrust his liberal- ism. At any rate, McNutt not only sets a timely “unity” example within Democratic ranks, Republicans that the hour is not ripe for old-fashioned bickerings either in politics or the higher realm of national welfare. 2,000»Eipécté—dToKflend Junior Chamber Meefing Two thousand business and pro- fessional men between the ages of 21 and 35 years are expected to attend the convention of the United States Junior Chamber of Com- merce here June 19 to 22. The delegates will represent more than 900 Junior Chamber of Commerce groups in the 48 States, Alaska and Hawaii. A. Z. Foster Wood of this cit chairman of the Convention Cos mittee, said about half the time of the convention will be devoted to business and the remainder to topics concerning national defense, interstate trade barriers, unem- ployment and business management. These items will be presented, Mr. Wood said, with a view to seeing in what ways the chamber mem- bers can “assist in these problems.” Perry Pipkin of Memphis, Tenn., the Junior Chamber’s national president, declared the group 1s coming to Washington to see what the chamber members can “give” rather than what they can ‘“get” during this time of cri ¥ By H. G. WELLS. LONDON.—TI happen to have had opportunities of observing the re- actions of a number of human minds, including my own, in the face of an advancing certainty. These observations have a very di- rect bearing upon the problem of how to get humanity out of its present phase of distress and de- struction. There is a very evident way out, but whether we shall be able to pull our minds together and take it is an altogether more de- batable question. ‘War in the air has been foretold for more than a century. I need scarcely quote Tennyson's “Airy Navies Grappling in the Central Blue.” What I have more particu- larly in mind is a book I published in 1908, “The War in the Afr,” and and read. It told of a German sur- | prise air raid upon the world (in | Zeppelins), of the supersession of | the airship by the airplane, of the extension of the air war to the whole world and the collapse of | civilization under it. | * x ok % The peculiarities of air war, evi- dent from its very dawn—Bleriot | flew the Channel in 1909—were this: | That it was war in three dimen- sions and not two; that it abolished | war fronts and spread the conflict | over the entire countries of the | two combatants, so obliterating the | distinction of combatant and non- combatant; that since its opening blows could be prepared for in pro- found secrecy and delivered with | unprecedented swiftness no coun- | try could henceforth feel safe from | consequently it must dominate the | world from now on, either in the apprehension felt by a nominal neu- tral or in full and declared belliger- ence, until it is made impossible. Necessary Adjustments. Advances in the science of tac- tics, of explosives and of destructive inventions generally have merely enforced and sharpened the edges of | this forecast. It becomes more and more plainly evident to every clear intelligence that at any price the possibility of air war must be banished from the earth. Either man will put an end to air war, or | air war will put an end to mankind; that is the plain choice before us, | and it is by no means improbable that man will fail to produce the | necessary mental vigor for his con- | tinuance. This is where the fact that our minds are madé up of imperfectly reconciled strands of thought and motivation becomes cardinal. Had we the undivided energy of our con- victions we should be planning al- ready Justments to take at least the con- trol of the air out of the scheme of national and imperial politics and entrust it to a fully empowered world digectorate. Federal govern- ments are not unlimited supergov- ernments. They are special unify- | ing authorities to which the con- stituent states have relinquished | certain carefully specified powers and it is plain that war in the air, | latent or active. can never cease | now until the whole world is fed- | erated in this sense, so far as this particular power is concerned. This much of werld federation 1s plainly a necessity we ought to be but suggests to discussing now with the neutral | scale | powers, and not only with the neu- tral powers but with our antag- Such a discussion need do nothing [m qualify the vigor and acerbity of | the actual warfare. Whichever | combatant gains the advantage of | the fighting or whether that comes | to a stalemate, the whole world | should be aware of and prepared for this issue to which no state in the world can be indifferent. War for Mastery of Air. | This present war is not a war for oil or iron or gold. It is now | primarily a war for the mastery of the air, and the world at large can- not suffer that to remain in the hands of any single power or group of powers. The less downright | “victory” there is, indeed, the greater the prospect of a reason- | able settlement. Either by con- quest or intelligent arrangement this much of federation at least must be established on earth and the sooner intelligent people set about discussing that everywhere, war or no war, the more hopeful is the outlook. That is the rational long-range view of the world situation. But here again we encounter the same unresolved conflict of the main groups of strands in our minds, be- | tween the strands that can fore- cast and prepare for things that are still not real for most of us until they happen, and those more im- mediate systems of habits and as- Banish Air War, Says Wells Either Man Will Put an End to It, or It Will End Mankind, Noted Writer Declares the spirit in which it was written | attack without warning; and that | the necessary political ad- | sociations, of things experienced | and the everyday life, which blind us to remoter realities. The actual fighting is now absorbing an in- creasing volume of attention and | any line of thought that goes be- yond strategy and tactics is de- nounced by many people and de-| nounced with an eagerness for which we have found an explana- tion, as a diversion of energy from the real business in hand. It is nothing of the sort. War without clearly stated war aims is a sort of epilepsy. “First win the war,” people say. But we won the war in 1918 and then hardly any one had the remotest | idea what to do about it. This state ‘or affairs seems likely to return again in an exaggerated form if we tolerate this sabotage of the end by the means. Armistice Terms Urged. So now, while the outcome of the war is still uncertain, it is neces- sary not merely to discuss but to define the terms of an armistice and to have it ready, cut and dried, for the inevitable phase of exhaus- { tion and reasonableness. It needs | to be something that will anticipate and may defer indefinitely the | clumsy and elaborate procedure of | & peace conference. | We have taken as our type func- tion the control of the air. It is lquit.e possible to state precisely at | the present time what powers would be possessed by that control. It | would obviously monopolize air ]nrmsmem, air routes, air controls, aerodromes, the manufacture of planes and airships, and it must re- ceive its authorization from the ex- isting independent states of the world. How far and with what va- riety of methods it would receive its authorization, directly or indi- | rectly, from the peoples of these states raises a multitude of consid- erations too complicated and de- tailed to discuss now. They do not affect the immediate imperative to set about preparing for the armistice, to familiarize people’s imaginations for it and to rouse them from their evasive fatalism as rapidly as pos- sible now. Air warfare has been made the backbone of this discussion, or rather it makes itself the backbone, but it is by no means the only universal interest with which the |terms of a definite and hopeful armistice should deal. We hear a lot of vague promises from our leading statesmen about some juster treatment of the exploitation of markets and the distribution of raw produce, in the better days ahead. That is like the “world fit for heroes” our soldiers and sailors were promised in 1918. None of this need remain vague. look of the peace ahead is defined now, the better heart we shall have to bring it about, and the less will be the power of suspicion, distrust | and despair to prolong the war. Stupid Aimlessness Cited. Are we to go through the bloody business of this resuscitated war | again with the same stupid aimless- | ness? Shall we emerge once more Wwith a jumble of flushed belligerents {all. making unimplemented under~ takings to disarm, without the faint- est intention of doing so? Shall we have to face an economic storm of inflation, social disorganization, | another general strike—on a world this time—simply because we | will not face these coming events I do not think mankind can afford | thi | the e only way of escaping it that I can imagine is to go right ahead | with the drafting of what will be | practically a world treaty of peace | | now, a treaty that can be brought | into immediate operation with the | signing of the armistice. The thing is quite possible, and particularly | 50 as long as the United States re- mains out of the actual war and in contact with all the belligerents. | | The only objection to it on the part of most publicists will be that it is | unprecedented and so quite im- | proper | | (Copyright, 1940, by H. G. Wells, Trans- | lation Rights Reserved.) {Seven From D. C. Get Carnegie Tech Degrees Seven Washingtonians were grad- uated at Carnegie Institute of Tech- | nology in Pittsburgh, Pa., today. | They are Hugh C. 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Or perhaps the Presi- | dent would plump for Justice Doug= | las of the Supreme Court. Jim Far= | ley couldn’t hope to be the first man jon the ticket but he had a good |chance to be nominated for Vice President, and if that happened | would the fact of his Roman Cathol- licism hurt the party’s chances in | the election? Thus the political patter of a dead |and gone era. | _Only one question remains. Roosevelt take it? The belief grows in Washington that he will. Speculation on Running Mate. | _ Speculation turns to the vice presi- dency. If Roosevelt runs, Jackson and Farley, being from New York, pass automatically out of the pic- | ture. Contrary to what has some- times been written, this is due to no | constitutional inhibition against the election of a President and a Vice | President from the same State. The Constitution merely forbids the elec- tors of a State to vote for more than |one inhabitant of that State. The ractical effect, of course, is to rule 'out a second New Yorker if Mr, Roosevelt 1s nominated; otherwise, either Mr. Roosevelt or his running mate would be deprived in advance | of the electoral college votes of New | York | With Jackson and Farley out, who | are left? | 'There’'s Wheeler. He has said— | for whatever disavowals of this kind |are worth—that he wouldn't accept second place on the ticket. More pertinent is the fact that the iso- lationist views of the Montana Sen ator are wholly cut of tune with the foreign policy of the President. And If Roosevelt runs again, he will run because of the impact of the war on the United States. There's McNutt. He's a possi= bility, and he would like the nomi- nation. His weakness is that he has never been fully accepted by the inner circle of the New Deal; his strength in his good administra- tive record. his vigor as a cam- paigner and the fact that of all | the Democratic speeches that have been made in the pre-convention campaign his have been by long odds the best expression of the Roosevelt point of view. A frus- trated opportunist, say his enemies; & man of too great abilities to be permanently blanketed, say his | friends. He may come back. | Douglas Talk Grows. Then there is Douglas of the Su- preme Court. Talk about him for the vice presidential nomination has grown as the manifest grip of the President on the national con- vention has tightened. The New Deal leaders of the draft-Roosevelt movement would like Douglas on the ticket. To those on the party's right and in the middle he would be a bitter pill to swallow. He could be nominated only at the all-out insistence of Roosevelt. But even this might happen. Middle - of - the - roader Senator James F. Byrnes of South Caro- lina—able, shrewd, popular, skilled in congressional leadership—is a distinct possibility, and so also, with much the same qualifications and the additional advantage of a close personal tie with John Garner, is the House majority leader, Sam Rayburn of Texas. New Dealers friendly to the Rayburn idea—and they are numerous—have com= mented for a long time on the neat alliterative effect to be achieved by naming the Texan. It might well be Roosevelt and Rayburn. It might even be—for the ob- vious purpose of dramatizing a united party front in a time of crisis—Roosevelt and Garner. Noth- ing, today, is incredible. Intrinsically, the vice presiden= tial nomination of 1940 on the Dem= ocratic ticket—on either ticket—is of enormous importance. From a strictly political point of view, if Roosevelt runs it makes little dif- ference who runs with him. 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