Evening Star Newspaper, December 22, 1937, Page 4

A—4 xx= G _STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1937. AM FRANK B KELLOGG TOBE BREDHEE Body of Statesman Will Be Interred in Washington Cathedral. By the Associated Press. 8T. PAUL, Dec. 22.—Minnesota and the Nation mourmed today the death of Frank B. Kellogg, son of pioneer parents who raised himself to the heights of world statesmanship. ‘The former Secretary of State, diplomat and World Court judge died 1ast night on the eve of his 81st birth- day anniversary. He was stricken with cerebral thrombosis early last month. His physician, Dr. J. A. Lepak, #aid ‘bronchial pneumonia which de- veloped last Saturday was the imme- diate cause of death. With him at the end were Mrs. Kel- logg, Dr. Lepak, household servants and relatives. Besides Mrs. Kellogg, survivors include Mrs. Burnham Harris and Mrs. Robert D. Clark, nieces, both of St. Paul; a sister, Mrs. Jean K. Austin and her daughter, Mrs. Seabury Stanton, both of New Bedford, Mass., and another niece, Mrs. John Bradshaw of Madison. N. J. Mr. apd Mrs. Kellogg had no children. During his long career in public life, Kellogg served as United States Sena- tor from Minnesota, Ambassador to the Court of St. James, Secretary of State and judge of the World Court. He was named to the latter two posts by former President Calvin Coolidge. | Lauded in England. | News of Mr. Kellogg's death was | received with deep regret in England, where the British press had termed him “the silent diplomat” and “the friendly ambassador” during his serv- ice in London. In France, a spokes- man for the French Foreign Office | called him “one of the worlds greatest | champions of peace.” | Mrs. Kellogg announced Iumrll} services would be held Thursday in | the Church of St. John the Evangelist. The body then will be sent to Wash- ington for burial in the Washington Cathedral. Plans for the Washington services have not been made, she said. Dr. Lepak said the premature an-| nouncement of Kellogg's death 18 minutes before it actually occurred, was prompted by a “condition not at all unusual in such cases.” “He had been in a coma since about | noon Monday with breathing very ir-| regular.” the physician said. “Some- times it seemed to have stopped com- pletely and stimulants were admin- istered. This seeming occurrence of | death came frequently and at 7:10! P.m.. some member of the family circle reported to the press the patient had died.” Author of Kellogg-Briand Pact. The Kellogg-Briand pact, in which 89 nations joined to renounce war as | Statesman Dies FRANK B. KELLOGG. For 30 years this irm conducted what Was probably the mosi lucrative prac- tice in the Northwest. Mr. Kellogg became general counsel for the Federal Steel Co. and the United States Steel Corp. in that ter- ritory and was retained by the Pullman Co., the Chicago Great Western, Northern Pacific, Duluth & Iron Range and Duluth, Mesaba & North- ern Railway Cos, the Minnesota Iron Co., the Oliver Iron Mining Co. and numerous other industries. The connections were held against him when he was picked later to represent the Government against some of the big industrial combinations of the country, but his relations were always those of a lawyer to his clients. Certainly if any of the friends of | the men who controlled the big com- panies which Mr. Kellogg's firm repre- sented, expected special favors or treatment when the St. Paul attorney was picked as Government counsel in the anti-trust cases of the Theodore Roosevelt regime, they were fore- doomed to disappointment. Mr. Kel- logg put into his effort on behalf of the Government the same intensity of researchi that he gave to the causes of his other clients. In his aétion against the Standard Oil Co. he brought suit for dissolution on ground of monopolistic control under the Sherman Aati-trust Act. He showed the courts that the cor- poration controlled from 85 to 95 per cent of the oil busipess of the country througl. its direct ownership of 49 subsidiaries and 65 other companies. Long before the dissolution decree of the lower courts finally was upheld by the Supreme Court °f the United States, the Minnesotan was nationally known as “Kellogg, the trust buster.” Investigated U. P. In that role he was retained by the | Interstate Commerce Commission in 11907 to investigate the methods whereby Edward H. Harriman's Union | Pacific had gained control of the { Southern Pacific, the Chicago & Al- | ton ard other lines Meanwhile Mr. Kellogg had been ORMER 8ecretary of State Henry ) L Stimson expressed grave con- cern last night over the success of a congressional petition forc- ing consideration in January of the Ludlow resolution to require a popular referendum before a foreign war could be declared. The proposal if adopted “would not only revolutionize and destroy our existing plan for national defense,” he said in a letter to the editor of the New York Times, but would “make any system of national de- fense much less effective if not al- most impossible.” He said the resolution, proposing & constitutional amendment requiring & majority vote of the people before war could be declared except in event of an actual invasion, “entirely ignores the power and speed of mod- ern air and naval attack as well as the fragility of our modern urban construction and economic organiza- tion.” The text of Mr. follows: Last Pebruary there was introduced into the House of Representatives by Mr. Ludlow of Indiana a joint rmlu-‘ tion proposing an amendment to the: Constitution of the United States in| the following terms: “Section 1. Except in the event of | an invasion of the United States or | its territorial possessions and attack upon 1ts citizens residing therein, the | authority of Congress to declare war| shall not become effective until con- | firmed by & majority of all®votes cast | thereon in a Nation-wide referendum. Congress when it deems a national | crisis to exist may by concurrent reso- lution refer the question of war or peace to the citizens of the United | States, the question to be voted on be- ing ‘Shall the United States declare war on 2 Congress may other- wise by law provide for the enforce- ment of this section.” That resolution has now been or- dered out of committee by a petition signed by 218 members of the House. This action brings it up for immediate consideration in January. Revolutionary Measure. The enactment of such an amend- Stimson's letter | ment would revolutionize our historic and constitutional treatment of the most important function of our foreign relations. The power to declare war is placed by the Constitution in the | hands of the representatives of tne | people in Congress assembled. His- | torically, that power has been exer- | cised upon the recommendation of the | President of the United States, who by | the same Constitution is vested with | the normal control of our foreign re- | lations, through his appointment of | measure made by its sponsor, | ballots for constables or dog-catchers | question in the same manner. | decision. It is much simpler to catch Ludlow’s Resolution. fundamental principle of responsibilisy in government. The adoption of this amendment would take away from 4¢his system of responsible representative government the final and' effective decision as to war and make it dependent upon the direct action of a population of over 130,000,000 people exercised through a Nation-wide referendum. No Na- tion-wide referendum upon any ques- tion has ever been held by our Gov- ernment nor has any such system of direct action on such a subject as war been exercised anywhere else by a population of similar size or va- riety. It is a brand-new experiment in the most vital and delicate function that a government can be called upon to perform. Would Hamper Defense. In toe second place, if adopted and legally adhered to. it would not only revolutionize and destroy our existing plan for national defense but it would, under the condltions of modern warfare, make any system of nations! defense much less effective if not almost impossible. This can be easily shown, Under such circumstances this pro- posal deserves most serious consider- ation. 1t cannot be treated lightly. With the support in the House of Representatives now demonstrated to be behind it, the mere bringing of it forward cannot but seiously affect our national position in the world today. It may be regarded among our neighbor nations as indicating weakness of national policy and be- havior at a time when stability and steadfastness are pre-eminently re- | quired. The chief argument on behalf of this r. Lud- | low, was that inasmuch as the Amer- ican people already ‘“can cast their or on the location of pesthouses or waterworks,” and inasmuch as the declaration of war is a much more important function than any of these, therefore, they should handle this| The short answer to this is that the com- parative importance of the two func- tions is not the sole criteron of appro- priate method. Risk in Overruling. There are other elements which enter into the question, notably the complexity or difficuity of the proposed dogs or to choose constables than it is to carry on the long, difficult series of negotiations and decisions by which a | nation steers its course so as to avoid | war and preserve peace, and in the light of which it makes the final fate- | generally an instrument of national policy, "“’gomg ahead in political circles. Ele- the highlight of Mr. Kellogg's CAIeer. | ygiion of his partner, Mr. Davis, to & line of achievement which took him | {he Udited States Senate, opened this from a pioneer Minnesota farm through pathway for him and he continued the mutations of law and politics 0| in jt after Mr. Davis' death. He was Buccessive reputations as a corporation | Republican national committeeman Jawyer, “trust buster.” United Statesqfor Minnesota in 1904, holding the Senator, Ambassador to Great Britain, | position eight years. He was delegate Becretary of State and, finally, judge | to the Republican national conven- of the Permanent Court of Interna- | tion of 1904, 1908 and 1912. tional Justice at The Hague | In '1916, the year of the notable When Mr. Kellogg tendered his| Hughes-Wilson presidential campaign, resignation from the international | he was nominated for the Federal tribunal on September 9, 1935 he | Senate, was elected and served the wrote “finis” to public activities which | six-year term starting March 4, 1917. embraced a stretch of 57 years. | He gave up all his legal retainers Mr. Kellogg and Aristide Briand, | before taking his seat, causing one *France's apostle of peace,” whose | Minnesota paper to remark that the names were joined in the anti-war | State was “getting & $100,000 lawyer pact, each gave the other credit for | for $10,000.” originating the idea. It grew from a | Fought La Follette. 1927 Easter message of good will ! ’ tssued by Briand through the Associ-| Early in the World War pesod he ated Press to the American people in which he proposed that America and | France forever renounce Wwar upon each other. That message. pigeon-holed months in the State Department was | for | | presented to the Senate resolutions of the public safety commission of Minnesota and of the Washington Loyalty League, demanding the ex- pulsion of Senator Robert M. La Fol- | lette, the elder, of Wisconsin, because our Ambassadors, Ministers and for- | ful decision as to whether the time has eign servants. The war-making power | come when immediale forceful action has thus been controlled by a carefully | is the only way to preserve the nation | devised system of representative gov- ‘ against & much greater danger later ernment concentrating responsibility | on jupon those leaders. doth executive and | legislative. who from their official | questions of our individual lives when | duties are presupposed to have fa-| we come to the important question of miliarity with the relations and prod- | whether we shall submit to s major lems existing between this country and | surgical operation, we do not hold a its peighbors. It is based upon the | popular referendum among our friends = ——— ! and count noses on the subject: we | secretaryship. This was the 1929 | leave the question to the most re- award, but it was not bestowed until | sponsible and expert surgeon we can 1930, and it found him at The Hague, | find and, trusting in his abundant ex- where he had just taken his seat on | perience and in the exercise of his the bench of the World Court. proved fidelity and character, we place Aloars oul Go. | in his hands the decision whether it s Mr. Kellogg had the reputation in | N°Cessary that our body shall be su Washington of being one of the friend- | "11ed to mortal risk Responsible liest men who ever sat in the Senate |[éPresentative government ls based | or the cabinet. Personal contact and | UPOR the same fundamental method talking things over across a conference | °f cholce. or luncheon table was his favorite | International war is merely the final | method of keeping in touch with de- | 8¢t ©Of long-drawn-out national pol- velopments. He always was on the | IV. the product of many prior de- g0. from man to man, or from one | CiSIONs and the weighing of many committee to another. divergent considerations. With these Even in the comparatively simple | | warlike action. Golf was his great relaxation. Fagged | basic considerations the general pub- lic in any nation is necessarily un- acquainted and nowhere more so than in our own country, buried in its time-honored confidence in its own seclusion. The people who by our by four or five days of intensive work over some knotty problem in the State Department, he would take a day off and spend it on the links, returning f a s hich d hauled out of obscurity the lnnnwmg“’n 4 pe;il‘:l "mc "p“ lfl‘:e'&‘;'l‘ 1;1;”!' f Tl‘ség‘:f é?zfl :}::n".lv::: ::r;a?rrxf:::{i- decrying American participation in e idge w s [CRE [ CevInE e n eago’s world-famous social worker,| ¢ WAl Mr. Kellogg roundly de to his office like a new man. Many honors besides the Nobel prize were bestowed upon him. He was Government delegate to the Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists held | Constitution must keep themselves | familiar with these questions are the | President, the Secretary of State and | the members of the respective com- 5 - | nounced his colleague from the neigh- ¢called it to his attention. boring State, but the case hung fire Pact Signed August 27, 1928. 1918, when it was It was translated at first into a Pranco-American agreement for per- petual friendship, then blossomed inm’ 8 world-wide idea, was publicized and pushed in various capitals until finally there was a rush to join in the declara- tion. With Mr. Kellogg wielding the first pen and M. Briand the second, the pact was signed formally by 15 nations at Paris on August 27, 1928. Later more than two score other gov- ernments gave formal notification of their acceptance of the terms. The treaty brought world-wide ac- elaim to the joint authors and award | of the 1929 Nobel peace prize to Kel- Jogg. But it didn't hait war, nor did 1t check aggression. China, the United Btates, Great Britain and other powers cited it in vain when Japan carved Manchukuo out of Northeast China in 1931, and Ethiopia, without effect, called attention % the fact that both she and Italy were gnatories when the latter invaded the African mon- archy in 1935. Critics of the treaty slways said that it was futile because it “lacked teeth.” Born December 22, 1856. Mr. Kellogg was born in Potsdam, N. Y, December 22, 1856, the son of Asa Farnsworth and Abigail Billings Kellogg. When he was 9 the family migrated to Minnesota and, with only tural schooling as a foundation, he started to study law at the age of 19 in the office of a Rochester attorney, ‘who paid him for combination clerical and janitor work by guiding his studies. The early struggles to gain recogni- tion in his profession were reinforced by his local political offices, and it was the district attorneyship which he won from his law partner in 1881 and held for five years that gave Mr. Kellogg his first big opportunity. One of the heritages of the office was a case against a railroad company which had hung fire for several years. Cushman K. Davis, already a leading legal light In the State, was summoned from St. Paul to help the young district at- torney. The case was an action on behalf of the towns of Plainview, Elgin and Viola to recover an issue of $100,000 in bonds put out to finance the Wino- na & St. Peter Railway, a road planned to link the rich Southern Min- Desota farming country with the steamboat traffic on the Mississippi River. The bonds had been sold by the railroad company, but it was con- tended that the whole issue was illegal. Mr. Davis and Mr. Kellogg won the case in the district court and success- fully resisted appeals to boih the State and Federal Supreme Courts. Law Firm in St. Paul The association with Mr. Davis in this case laid the foundation for the law firm of Davis, Kellogg & Sever- ance, formed at St. Paul in 1887. k | until December, dismigsed. In the controversy over the Treaty of Versailles, Mr. Kellogg was one of the “mild reservationists” who fa- vored American membership in the League of Nations under less drastic reservations than those demanded by the Republican leaders but under conditions that were not acceptable tosthe Wilsonian Democrats. Mr. Kellogg also advocated partic- ipation by the United States in the | World Court, where he was destined later to round out his long career. Retired from the Senate by the Farmer-Labor party victory that sent Magnus Johnson to the Senate, Mr. Kellogg went to Santiago, Chile, as & delegate to the fifth Pan-American Conference, then returned to 8t. Paul and reorganized his law firm. But in December, 1923, President Coolidge called him from practice again to become Ambassador to Great Britain. Secretary of State Four Years. There followed four busy years as Secretary of State. Many post-war readjustments were still in the making and Latin American problems were pressing and sometimes acute. Strained relations with Mexico had resulted from new laws there affecting American-owned concessions in land, mining and oil. In June, 1925, Mr. Kellogg warned the Mexican adminis- tration that it could expect the sup- port of the United States Government “only so long as it protects American lives and property” and fulfilled its international obligations. Appoint- ment of Dwight W. Morrow as Am- bassador in 1927 finally resulted in improved relations. Recurrent revolutions in Nicaragus also engaged attention. Marines with- drawn from there in 1925 were sent back in 1926 and it was not until the next year that Henry L. Stimson, destined to succeed Kellogg as Secre- tary of State, negotiated an agreement by which all factional leaders ‘except Sandino laid down’their arms and a national peace force was organized under American supervision. Solved Tacna-Arica Fight. The Tacna-Arica dispute, which had kept Peru and Chile diplomatic relations severed since 1911, was solvea after considerable dificulty. A pleb- iscite, conducted in 1925 by a com- mission under Gen. John J. Pershing, falled to settle-ownership of the ter- ritory, so in 1926 Mr. Kellogg offered the services of the United States as intermediary. It took him two years to bring about a resumption of diplo- matic relations. Then through the ambassadors, Mr. Kell offered a series of suggestions which; resulted in & pact dated- May 17, 1929, under which Chile retained Arica its nitrate fields and Peru took cns and $6,000,000. i - The Nobel peace prize crowned his at St. Louis in 1904 and president of the American Bar Association, 1912-13, He was an honorary bencher of the | Middle Temple, London, and received | the honorary degree of LL.D. from Mc- Gill University, Montreal (1913), the | They are our chosen experts and rep- mittees of Congress. They are the experts to whom we have entrusted the guidance of our ship through the many vicissitudes which have led up to the ultimate decision as to war. resentatives to whom we have long since entrusted the determining fac- tors of our fate. In making their ultimate decision we cannot overrule | them without the gravest risk. Present System Works Well. University of Pennsylvania (1926), New York University (1927), Trinity College (1929) and Harvard Univer- sity (1929). Oxford University, England, gave him the degree of D. C. L. and France the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor in 1929. Furthermore, when we consider the lessons of the past, we find that in HenryL.Stimson O pposesW ar Referendum Text of Article by Secretary of State Under Hoover on our country this system of responsi- ble representative government in the decision of peace and war has worked very well. Manifestly the two most important considerations in judging the success of & Nation's war-mak- ing policy are, first, that the Gov- ernment should be extremely con- servative in deciding that it must fight and, secondly, that, wher war becomes inevitable, the war should lb;.:uled successfully by a united Na- Fair judgment must admit that both of these conditions have been abundantly satisfied by the working of our present system. Our Presi- dents have been conspicuously re- luctant to récommend war until sup- ported and, indeed, urged by their people. McKinley waited for months; ‘Woodrow Wilson for three years, each in the face of constant provocation and popular pressure. When they finally laid the matter before Con- gress and Congress acted, they were followed into war by a practically unanimous popular support. In 1898 the war was fought entirely by volunteers, and many more thou- sands of men struggled to serve than could be accepted hy the Government. In 1917 the, country cheerfully sup- ported a Selective Service Act, under which 4,000,000 men were enlisted and 2,000,000 sent overseas with the practically unanimous patriotic back- ing of the entire country. Judged by these criteria, the United States showed a greater unity and patriotism than other countries much closer to the conflict and much more directly | endangered. Effects of the Change. In short, our present system in these two most vital respects has been successful and effective. Our Nation, although unmilitary by nature and unwilling to make the usual prepara- tions for trouble which other nations feel obliged to make, although it has been unwilling to support large armies or heavy expenses in equipment in time of peace, and although tradi- tionally it las kept itself aloof from foreign policies and happenings, yet when our leaders have recommended that war was necessary it has entered war with such unanimity and patriot- ism as to be uniformly successful. What is almost equally important in this troubled world, it has thus made such a historic record or both motlgration and success as to cause it to be both respected and feared by nations which might otherwise have threatened gur peace or interfered with our national policies. Let us now see what effect the pro- posed change would have upon this successful constitutional system upon which we now depend. The proposal seeks to place certain hard and fast limitations upon the Power of our representatives to take Under it there must “an invasion of the United States or of its territorial possessions” and also “an attack upon its citisens resid- ing therein.” Its supporters seek to draw & line at the geographical boundaries of our territory and to pre- scribe that our defense shall not begin until an enemy reaches that line, and furthermore shall have actually at- tacked our citizens within it. The proposal is apparently based on the assumption that a nation cannot be effectively attacked except by an old- fashioned invasion apd that if we wait until that happens we can ltfll’ satisfactorily defend ourselves. Fantastic Assumption. Today this is so untrue as to be fantastic. It entirely ignores the power and speed of modern urban con- struction and economic organization. It would at once terminate the sound system upon which our American na- tional defense has been planned for many years. That plan bas recognized the historic desire of our people to de- vote themseives to peaceful pursuits without being required to keep a large standing Army for protection. It has, therefore, endeavored to keep us free from dangerous neighbors. Since its very foundation our Government, hav- ing during the Revolution experienced realistically the bitterness of invasion, by every means in its power has en- deavored to keep invasion as far away from our shores as possible. To do this we have made our first | line of defense a diplomatic one. It has been drawn by the warnings of our President to other nations that if they got too close to us they would be unwelcome; we should regard it as an| unfriendly act. This warning was| necessarily backed by the implication | of force—that if the warning was dis- This year 'ever(/boa’y /s qiving the Ffamous Fanny Farmen CANDIES THE QUALITY GIFT 1331 F Street N.W. 1008 F Street N.W. mately find our military forces arrayed against it. The result of this diplo- macy has been most potent in protect- ing us against war. Monree Dectrine Illustrative. Por over a century the warning of President Monroe in the Monroe Doc- t¥ine has preserved this entire hemis- phere from the encroachment of dan- gerous neighbors. It has been the effective guardian of peace in the Western world. It has never had even & resolution of Congress behind it. Its sanction was the realization by other nations that the President of this country was our leader in foreign sffairs and that his military recom- mendations were uniformly followed by his people. A simliar warning was used by President Johnson to drive s French imperialistic adventure out of Mexico in 1866. Similar warnings have preserved the eastern entrance to the Panama Canai against encroachments into the neigh- borhood of the Caribbean Ses. Presi- dent Cleveland used such & warning in 1895 against Great Britain in her dis- pute with Venesuela. President Theo- dore Roosevelt subsequently used one when the German fleet visited Vene- suela to enforce German policy. In unnumbered cases throughout 150 years of our national life, growing stronger as we increased in power, that outer line of diplomatic defense to our national safety has stood to protect us against incipient encroach- ments which might later become threatening. Mr. Ludlow’s proposal would at one blow demolish the efficacy of that front line. It would be taken as a notice to all the world that this people | would not fight until long after such outer defenses had been broken through and an actual physical in- vasion of our own territory had been begun. It would indicate that any statements to the contrary by our | Presidents could be safely disregarded | by venturesome powers. | Navy Would Be Useless. | Our second historic line of defense | has been the American Navy. Unlike | the Army, which in peacetime is regu- | Jarly reduced to a skeleton organiza- | tlon, our policy has been to keep the Navy ready for immediate action. Co- operating with it now is our air force, Also supposed to be in constant readi- ness. The chief purpose of this readi- ness is the same as that behind our diplomatic line, namely to®keep all enemies at a safe distance from our shores. 1ts chief function is to save us from the kind of an attack which Mr. Ludlow's amendment would per- | mit, namely & sudden surprise offensive by air and sea against the Ppopulous cities of our coasts. And for the benefit of any reader who may not have kept in close touch with the facts and dangers of modern war offensives, let me say that under modern conditions a hostile expedi- tion which had defeated or evaded our Navy and approached within 200 | miles -of our coast. mot only could | within 24 hours strike a devastating blow upon one of our great cities and | its neighboring industrial centers, but could within a week thereafter land & hostile force of at least 100,000 men upon our shores. To meet such an invasion our present Regular Army, | collecting all its mobile elements from ! the various quarters of the continent, could not be counted upon to assemble more than 60 or 70 per cent of this| number or to do it until after the | hostile force was ashore and ready. | The Natonal Guard could not be as- | sembled, let alone organized into tacti- | cal units, disciplined and equipped, | for many weeks Iater. i | To support this outer protective line of our naval defense we have dug | and fortified the Panama Canal so| that our combined fleet can act in | either ocean, and we have also con- | structed the powerful naval base at Hawaii. Within the semi-circle formed | by the supporting points of Panama, | Hawail and Alaska, at a distance of | more than 2,000 miles from the main- land of the continent, our fleet is now ready to operate as a defense against & Western attack ships and guns and planes in readiness, if this amendment passes, the signal to fire could not legally be given even | should a hostile expedition enter the | circle with aircraft carriers and air- planes ready for action against our cities! But with all our | absurd {llustration which could never actually take place; that even if such & hostile approach should occur no President would permit the letter of & constitutional amendment to deter him from taking defensive action. Such argument ignores the basic vice and poison of the Ludiow proposal. ‘The destructive effect of such & pro- Pposal would be felt long before the mo- ment of action. Its pressure would ham-string the long course of prepa- ration upon which our present de- fensive policy is based and upon which our outer line hss been resting. It would encourage those who would cut the necessary appropriations for our Navy' and our airforce. It simi- larly would reduce the necessary equipment and garrison of our outer fortresses. It would destroy the initi- ative and spirit of our personnel. Would Destroy Our Unity. It would set in motion s long pro- cess of deterioration and decay, which would uitimately mak¢ our present plan entirely impossible. The funda- mental policy behind the amendment is basically inconsistent with the fundamental policy of our present de- fense. The one could not be adopted without destroying the other. I have thus far spoken only of the material and mechanical aspects of the proposal. Its greatest evils would be its psychical effects upon our people themselves. When s nation faces the mortal test of war, those psychical elements constitute the most important factors in its chances of success. The influ- ence of our country and the respect with which it has been held by some of its most important neighbors in the world have been based upon the pa- triotism of its people: upon their unity and Joyalty and the efficacy with which they have in the past proved ready to follow their leader when herent in our individual citizens, have been fostered in time of war by our present system of leadership embodied in our system of representative gov- ernment. As 1 have already said. we gave & fine example of it in our mobilization necessity arose. Those qualities, in-| PRESIDENT LAUDS - FRANKB. KELLOGG Hull Also Praises Work of Former Secretary of State in Message. By the Associated Prese. President Roosevelt praised the late Frank B. Kellogg today ks “an in- defatigable worker in behalf of world peace. The Chief Executive issued this statement on the death of the former Secretary of State: “An outstanding and sincere figure in our national life and in world affairs has gone in the pessing of Frank B. Kellogg. An indefatigable worker in behalf of world peace, he never lost faith in the superiority of the arbitrament of reason to physical force in the government of man.” Secretary of State Hull said that former Secretary Kellogg devoted him- self to the ideal of universal peace “with deep wisdom and unfaltering energy.” Mr. Kellogg's death, the present Secretary declared in a formal state- ment, was deeply regretted by all of- ficials of the department. | In a message of condolence to Mrs | Kellogg at St. Paul, Secretary Hull | said Mr. Kellogg's record as Senator, 1Amblmdor and Secretary of State | “was one of high distinction and his ]‘ many public services will long be gratefully remembered.” | Gas Attack Defied. | Modern air raids can be defied, ac- | cording to results of a recent test in | England. Wing Comdr. E. J. Hodsoll, | chief of the home office air raid pre- | cautions department, told in an ad- dress in London that the recent ex- and campaign during the Great War. Consider what the effect upon such superb unity of spirit would be if the methods of Mr. Ludlow's proposal were substituted for our time-honored methods of the past. Instead of being trained to look forward in such a matter to the guidance of our respon- sible leaders. obliterating all thought of party and faction when once our President and Congress had spoken. | we would at that very moment be thrown into the politics of a Nation- wide referendum. Effective Disruptive Force. On the one side there would be destroyed the terrific and sobering sense of responsibility which now rests upon the President when he makes his recommendation for war, of which Mr. Wilson so eloquently spoke in his war address to Congress in April, 1917 In its place the President would be forced to consider the arts and and the methods necessary to a high pressure mass appeal. On the other side the people would be diverted from periment in bombing a typical street, referred to in the House of Commons | as “the Piccadilly trial,” proved that | people may be protected. | | The average vocabulary of the early | Southern California Indians was } 3,500 words. —— e | to establish a reign of law and respect | for treaties under which the peaceful settlement of controversies should | eventually supplant the rule of force I believe that uitimately such a reign of law will be established and, further- more, I believe that it will begin with the co-operative action of those na- tions which, like ourselves, have al- | ready become habituated to the prac- | tice of self-government at home and self-control abroad. At present we are faced with a | period of world unsettlement which. | machinations of the political leader aithough we are confident that it is | transitory, is nevertheless profound and disturbing. A spirit of violence and disregard for treaty obligations is | abroad and, although the governments | their consideration of the national to which it is confined are few in recommendation and would be dis- | number, they are powerful. Our first tracted by the lower appeals and|duty must be to preserve the safety cross-currents put forward by every of our own borders. Upon our experi- kind of selfish leader or faction for | ence at home with these traditional every conceivable political purpose. | principles depends our confidence in At best when the referendum was the same principles for security over the President would have behind | throughout the international field purpose involved in the President’s | him the support of a people tem- | Confidence and strength within our porarily delayed and distracted by | own borders will also render the most irrelevant local appeals. At worst we | effective encouragement to those other might enter the war with a popular | nations whose aims are similar to support which had been openly divided | our own. and weakened in the face of our| Each liberty-loving and self-govern- enemy. No more effective engine for | jng nation which in the turmoil of the disruption of national unity on|the present stands serene in its own the threshold of a natienal crisis could | strength and loyal to its principles ingeniously have been devised. | becomes today a veritable ‘stronz- the most charitable supposition it | point” of defense in a troubled world. could only have been brought forward | Between it and its steadfast neigh- in an atmosphere of complete de- | pors can then be begun again the tachment from the realities of the common structure of international modern outside world and from ‘ex- |jaw snd security for the future. It perience with the necessities of B |is not the time for the exhibition of successful national defense. Not for a moment is this warning to preserve our national security to be taken as a counsel of despair by any earnest workers for peace. For many years in public and private life I have supported the effort by co- It is idle to say that I am citing an Now Half cepted) of high-gra Richard P “$35 Suits and To $50 Charge Accounts u: ou may ‘secou: i the i YO consider sspen operative action among the nations | untried panaceas or any other evi- dence of instability of purpose. Quiet | confidence in our own principles and | institutions, coupled with ability to | repel attacks on our own peace, are | the stepping stones at present toward the ultimate goal for which we all pray. Deep Reductions at The “Modern” Mode $97.15 *About 17 Coats Were 531.50 Fashion Park Suits, Topcoats Yearly Clearance ASHION PARK AND RICHARD PRINCE sz[//-%}coalj_ v, Cvmlj For the first time this season our complete stock (formal clothes ex- de Suits, Topcoats and O’Coats, offered at SEVERELY, REDUCED PRICES. 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