Evening Star Newspaper, April 3, 1937, Page 9

THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C., SATURDAY, APRIL 3, 1937. News Behind the News We, the People CI’HE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among An American U. S. Duty to You Should Act Seen in Michigan Constitution Guarantee to States Is Held Operative. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. HE Constitution of the United States prescribes that “the United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of government.” What is meant by a republican form of government is that there shall be an executive, . legislative and © Judicial branch and that each shall be permit- ted to function withcut hin- drance either from any other branch or any other group or interest. ‘The State of Michigan today is without a re- publican form of government be- cause the courts of that State—the judicial branch— are powerless to enforce their orders and decrees The laws of the United States—re- vised statutes 5399—provide for Fed- eral action in such an emergency. This correspondent quoted the text of the law of 1871 in a dispatch just | & week ago. The statute makes it | obligatory upon the President of the United States to compel obedience to the orders of a court whenever, from any cause, the State authorities fail to furnish such enforcement It has been in some quarters as- sumed that Federal intervention can rome only upon application of a State Legislature or the Governor or both, but while the Constitution does pro- vide for the use of Federal force when the Governor and Legislature apply for it, there is a separate obliga- tion of the Federal Government to intervene which is absolute, irrespec- | tive of how the Legislature and the | Governor feel about it David Lawrence. Huey Long’s Rule Cited. The reason for the proviso is quite gimple. For instance, not long ago, in Louisiana, Huey Long controlled | both the office of Governor and the State Legislature The only po- tential restraint upon both was the courts, and just before his death. the situation was rapidly crystalizing to- ward a point where Federal int vention was being suggested as a | means of guaranteeing a republican form of government for the State of Louisiana Since a State Legislature, working | in close co-operation with a Governor, might seize governmental power and create a virtual dictatorship by con- trolling election machinery, the Fed- eral power of guaranteeing a republi- can form of government very natur- ally has to come in as a protection i to the citizens. It was under this | broad provision of the Constitution that the law of 1871 was framed, and while it has been used sparingly, it s designed for situations in which local State government falls down. In Michigan today, mob rule has been substituted for court rule. Even a contract solemnly entered into as binding between the John Lewis unions and the General Motors Co. has been violated again and again by sit-down strikes. Thirty strikes have occurred since the contract was signed on Feb- | ruary 11. Union leaders are said to be unable to control their own men. Discipline is gone because a handful of workers realize there is no punish- ment or penalty when they interrupt production. The union has no means of compelling obedience and the State authorities are inactive. Johnson Points to 1871 Statute. ‘The Senate of the United States jhas begun to debate the Michigan situation. Senator Hiram Johnson of California, one of the most courageous men in public life, has pointed to the statute of 1871 as requiring the Presi- dent of the United States to back up the State courts in their enforcement of law Other Senators feel this would be an extreme step to take and that Gov. Murphy’s policy of watch- ful waiting should be commended. tBut as the situation progresses and more and more a minority of workers feel their power, it is feared that the situation may, if untouched by the firm hand of the law now, develop tragic consequences in which unneces- sary bloodshed will occur. Unfortunately, there is a disposition in the Washington Government itself to condone -down" strikes. Sena- ,tor Wagner’s speech undoubtedly re- <flects accurately the viewpoint of iPresident Roosevelt and Secretary .Perkins. Mr. Wagner thinks that two ‘wrongs make a right and that, because igome employers have been heartless, ithe provocation to use physical force ‘may be forgiven. Legal Powers Unused. Unhappily, Senator Wagner, in his | discussion of the labor act which bears his name, did not go into detail and tell the Senate both sides of the gtory. It is true employers have re- fused to obey the Wagner law, but any citizen has a right to enjoin in & court the enforcement of a law be- Jieved by counsel to be unconstitu- sional. But the “sit-down” strikers have not gone into court. Nor have they invoked those provisions of the ‘Wagner law that are not under legal attack. For instance, the National Labor Board has powers of investi- gation and inquiry under the Wagner act which can be brought into action if the workers apply for it. No em- ployer can stop that step. Yet C. 1 O. union leaders refuse to have this Fed- eral machinery used for fear a deci- sion against them and in favor of the A. F. of L. type of labor unit might have to be made. So it is labor itself which has sabotaged the important features of the Wagner law. The Federal Gov- ernment, which has ample power to prevent “sit-down” strikes or to insist that law and order be maintained in Michigan, has engaged in a “sit-down” against the functioning of a republi- ©can form of government in Michigan. (Copyright, 1937.) WOMEN IN POLITICS TOPEKA, Kans., April 3 (#) —The hand that rocks the crade is extend- ing its sway in Kansas—more women are going in for politics. Following a precedent set last year by New Albany—where a 100 per cent “petticoat” administration won office =—five smaller cities have all-women tickets for April 5 municipal elections. In Nashville, Kans., every candidate | on both tickets is a woman. Burl-| ingame, Ford and Cherokee have all- ,women tickets opposing men. N: Albany’s feminine incumbents are urh\ opposed for re-election. | | | | | | | | March Industrial Production, at 119, Equals That for Boom Year of 1929. 5 BY PAUL MALLON. HEY said 1929 would never return, but here i¢ is. Industrial produc- tion has hit 119 for March, a figure which happens tc be the exact average of the boom year, seven years ago. The figure is not official yet, and will not be for 30 days, but it is based on an informed private estimate which has proved uncannily accurate in the past, and it can be guaranteed as the closest possible unofficial guess. This does not mean everything is back to the level of the hoodoo year, but merely that the volume of factory goods is being turned out at that peak rate. Employment is 4! points below 1929, wages off 10!z points, de- partment store sales off 15, prices off 9; freight loadings off 23 and building off 52. Only freight loadings and bullding are, therefore, still far deficient. Use of trucks has, of course, destroyed much of the significance of a freight loading comparison with the more or less good-bad old days, while no one expects building to be resumed on & mad 1929 over-ex- pansion scale any time soon. Note—In March, 1929, produc- tion was also exactly 119. It reached a high of 125 in June and ended the year at 103, the col- lapse starting in July. The situation is reduced to num- bers in the following chart. The figures are those officlally used by the Government, except the last month, March, which is estimated. The figures are adjusted for sea- sonal variations, so that each represents a percentage of a selected normal existing for the period designated. The selected normal is the average for 1923-25, inclusive, for all of the indices except prices, which are based on 1926 as 100. (The increase in population since 1923-25 or 1929 is not taken into account in the figures.) Industrial Building 33 Contracts. Wholesale © = & © Production £3 106 92 5 56 58 62 63 12 70 70 66 80 +s Department 2 Store ~ Sales. 109 89 67 47 99 €3 e 82 4. 14 ki 90.6 February .. 116 99.6 95.7 80 March - 119 100.5 98.5 83 Strangest part of the March factory output is it was accomplished amid a wave of sit-down, stand-up and lean-sideways labor gymnastics. Strikes have upset the largest industry continuously since the first of the year, yet they have not stopped the general rising tide. Auto figures indicate, in fact, that more cars have been turned out in the first quarter this year than last year, when there were no strikes. Ford and Chrysler produced heavily when General Motors was out; Ford and General Motors hummed when Chrysler was out. At any rate, that was the situation up to the end of March. Meanwhile, most of the other industries have been climbing slowly and gradually, Progress was reported throughout March in electrical power, steel, coal. As every one knows, steel, the basic industry, is running at more than 90 per cent capacity, and is practically at the peak of 1929. Steel’s old boom peak was 102 per cent capacity, but capacity has increased more than 12 per cent since then. The threat of a strike helped coal, but elec- tric power distribution indicated a wide general expansion by factory consumers. average. average. average. average. average. average. average. 114 98.8 * ok K x The five-point pay roll jump in February is said by the Government to represent a general increase in total pay rolls and is not due to wage in- creases in the two large industries. The Bureau of Labor statistics says pay roll expansion was noted in 77 in- dustries out of 90 surveyed in Feb- ruary. Re-employment was likewise gen- erally distributed through the fac- tory world. If this is true, it means a wider distribution of purchasing power to sustain the recovery. The people generally will have more money to absorb the increased production of the factories. The price level does not appear to have advanced yet to a point where it might cause a dimin- ishing demand for products. The figures mean the factories are turning out a 1929 volume of goods for prices roughtly 10 per cent lower employing 5 per cent fewer men for manufacturing this same volume of goods and paying them 10 per cent less in the weekly pay check. All this indicates economic strength behind the figures as far as they go. Of course they do not take in salaried persons, white collar workers, who comprise the great bulk of consumers of the country, or the farmer income, but the farmer, at least, has prospects of a much higher income this year. MY- WHAT AN APPETITE/ * ok ok % Political-minded people will fail to find in the figures the crisis which ¢ the President has talked about. The figures deal with the past, the President with the future. His economists foresee the prospect of a demand for goods soon exceeding production, thereby causing the bidding up of prices to boom inflation heights. The figures to date merely show prices continuing to advance at a very rapid gait. The first week in February, prices were 85.4 per cent of 1926: second week, 85.6; third, 86; fourth, 86.1; first week in March, 86.1; then 87.2, 876, 87.8, a steady and continuous rise, which really started last Fall. By Schools’ .P;;'lver of Nepotism Is benied Official in List McQueeney, Superintendent of Custo- dians, Declares He Only Receives Job Applications. Dispensing patronage to the faith- ful is by no means unknown to the American system of government, but it is hard to be charged with “pack- ing” the District government with relatives when you haven't the power to appoint them if you wanted to. That's how it appears, at any rate, to William McQueeney, superin- tendent of public school custodians, who was cited in the report to the House Subcommittee on Appropria- tions as having 15 of his family in the | employ of the District. “Yes,” chuckled McQueeney, who entered the custodial service some 46 years ago and has been superin- tendent since 1931, “you might think I was running a small spoils system here.” It would appear from his title, he went on, that he was appointive power for janitors and could dis- tribute positions at will. “Actually,” he said, “a custodial appointment is a long process cul- minating in the Board of Education. Applications are made through mé. I send them to the first assistant superintendent in charge of the business office, who sees the candi- dates and makes recommendations to the superintendent. Dr. Ballou then presents them for investigation by the Personnel Committee of the Board of Education, which then makes recommendations to the board.” Many Took Exams. Speaking of his 15 relatives, many by marriage, McQueeney said that anyhow nearly half of them were in the service before he was made cus- todian superintendent even if that position had carried the appointive power—and what’s more, many of those got their jobs through competi- tive examination or through appoint- ment from a rated list. “If I were a really good nepotist I would certainly have taken care of my immediate family, don’t you think?” he continued, inting out that none of his large family was in any way connected with the gov- egnment. “I guess it’s just a case of family interest in a certain field that made them want to get into the school sys- tem,” he seid. “My brother Hugh, #t whose request I entered the syAtgn at & $500 a year janitor because of an acute need for custodians in 1891, died My younger brother had been a cus- todian 31 years when he died.” Four Are Sons of Brothers. Four of the eight nephews in the school service charged to McQueeney are sons of the two brothers. The other four are sons of two of his three sisters. He acquired three more con- nections with the District government by his own marriage, two of his wife's sisters being teachers and -a brother later becoming a custodian at a local high school. A niece married and her husband, ‘connected with another branch of the District government, was also listed as a relative of the custodian chief. “If there’s any blame” said Mc- Queeney, “I am perfectly willing to take it. But frankly I don’t under- stand it. There’s no law affecting us that I know of which limits the num- ber of related people in the District government if they possess the quali- fications necessary for the job and are appointed by the regular appointing power.” STEAMSHIP LTNES BILL SIGNED BY ROOSEVELT Private Management Extension Beyond Marine Act Deadline Becomes Law. By the Associated Press. President Roosevelt signed yesterday & bill authorizing the Martime Com- mission to extend the private manage- ment of five Government-owned steamship lines beyond the deadline originally set by the 1936 merchant marine act. Operation of the lnes by private management was ordered discontinued in favor of a charter system by June 29, 1937, under the merchant marine act. The new bill permitted the commission to continue the existing arrangement as long as “advantage- ous,” terminating it “ass:soon as prac- ticable” after December 31. The companies involved are the American Pioneer Lines, the America- France Line, American Roads Line-Yankee Line, Line and Amerioan Republics Lines. in the service after 47 years in it.| finmpton 110 to Oriole | I themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. Labor Debate Not Over New Phase of Commotion Due to Start With Decision on BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE next phase of the commo- tion in which America is in- volved will begin when the Supreme Court hands down its decision on the national labor rela- tions act, frequently called the “Wag- ner act.” Much of Washington ex- pects the decision next Monday, though, of course, it ‘may not come § until later. The decision, 3 whenever it: comes, will dell& directly with the 3 constitutionality rectly it will, in © public discussion, have a relation to “sit-down” strikes, to Mr. Roosevelt’s pro- posal to change the Supreme Court, to the proposals to amend the Con- stitution. The bearing of the decision on these matters may not really be as vital as discussion will make it seem. But for several days following the Wagner act decision there will be the kind of discussion that followed the decision of last week on the mini- mum wage act of Washington State. The central purpose of the Wagner act is to legalize the principle of collective bargaining by labor, and to safeguard labor in the practice of it. To that end the act requires that employers shall bargain collectively with their workers. It forbids em- ployers to interfere with the organiza- tion of unions, or to discriminate against members of them. Under the act, when a majority of the workers in a plant have joined one union, or have otherwise selected representa- tives, then the employer must bargain with those representatives exclusively. Mark Sullivan. union in each plant. Board Can Hold Elections. For administering the act a “Na- tional Labor Relations Board” is set up. This board is an official Gov- ernment body. Among other func- tions, the board can hold elections in l‘hcwnes to determine which of two | or more unions is to represent the | workers. When workers or unions have ocoasion to complain against an employer, they make their complaint to this board. Thereupon the board holds hearings, takes testimony, and hands down a decision. Ordinarily the decision is an order to the em- ployer that he shall re-employ dis- | charged men, or bargain collectively | with & specific union, or do whatever | else the board thinks should be done. | If an employer fails to do what the | National Labor Relations Board or- | ders, then the board can go before & | United States Court and ask the court | | to require the employer to carry out the cases now before the Supreme Court have come up. There are five of them. The cases have different sets of facts. For describing what the Wagner act is, help may be had by outlining, very sketchily, one of the flve cases the court is about to decide. The case of the Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp. may be taken as typical. The facts as given here are taken from the brief of Attorney General Cummings representing the National Labor Re- | lations Board before the Supreme Court. Union Complained to Board. Certain workers at one of the Jones & Laughlin plants, acting through their local union, complained to the Labor Board that Jones & Laughlin “had discharged or demoted employes because they had joined the union, in order to discourage membership therein.” Jones & Laughlin re- plied that the discharge and demo- tions had been made “because of in- RAILROADS DRAFTING EMPLOYE AID PLAN | Labor Negotiators Join in At- tempt to Provide New System. 5 the Associated Press. Informed officials said yesterday railroad officials and labor negotiators are trying to draft a broad new sys- team of unemployment compensation for the Nation’s 1,000,000 rail workers. The program is being formulated in | conjunctian with a voluntary rail pension system, officials said. It would 1ift the railroads out of the unemploy- ment benefit system embodied in the social security act. Committees representing rail man- agement and labor recently announced agreement on a new pension plan to be _operated under the Railroad Re- tirement Board. The Treasury raised objections, however, contending tax- ing provisions were not adequate. The program is being restudied by Treasury, Retirement Board, railroad and rail union representatives. CONFEDERATE VET DIES Gen. Alfred Ayer, 90, Last in County to Pass On. OCALA, Fla., April 3 (#).—Gen. Al- fred Ayer, 90, Marion County’s only remaining Confederate veteran, died here today after a brief illness. He was Marion County tax asseasor for one 20-year period and previously had served as a Representative in the Florida Legislature. Born at Barnwell, 8. C., Ayer left the South Carolina Military Academy when be was 18 years old t0 join the Confederate Army. He was a former commander of the Florida Brigade of the United Con- federate Veterans. RUPTURED NOW GET BLESSED RELIEF with amas- ings modern invention, boon to mankind. No harsh steel bands, back-pads. fiimsy elastic belts, leg-straps. Neat, comfortatile, sanitary, durable. Unlike anything else you ever saw. Pronounced by users ‘The greatest achievement of all times.” Don't say “I's no use.” Get convincing TRIAL. Make every conceivable test, then decide. The surprise of & lifetims awalts you. Just ask the desk clerk for Mr, | Watson at the Houston Hotel, thln,um. Monday and Tuesday, April 8 and 6, from 1 3 a.m. and 1 to to 8 p.m. £ .ou cannot call write for 20A. FAULTLESS APPLIAN( Iiteraf CO., Haver- There can be only one bargaining | the board's order. It is in this Wflyv} Wagner Act. efficiency and violation of the com- pany’s rules.” / Apparently the question of fact thus brought up was never tried out. The company did not present testimony. Apparently the company preferred to base its contest on the constitution- ality of the Wagner act. ‘The National Labor Relations Board held that 10 of the 12 workers had been “discharged because of their union activity.” The board ordered the company to “reinstate with back pay the 10 men” and to cease “from discouraging membership in the union.” Then the board asked the United States Court to require the company to do what the board had ordered it to do. From the lower court the case came up to the Su- preme Court. The Supreme Court decisions, when they come, will have their greatest importance in what the court says about the distinction between “in- terstate commerce” and, on the other hand, commerce within a single State, “intrastate commerce.” The Consti- tution says that Congress can legis- late only about the former, “inter- state commerce.” The court in the past has interpreted this in a way which President Roosevelt regards as too strict. The New Deal would like to have Congress permitted to legislate on practically all commerce, business and industry, as the N. R. A. statute tried to do. ‘Wide Range in Five Cases. As respects interstate commerce, the five cases before the court present a wide range. The Jones & Laugh- lin case is that of a steel manufac- turer within a State which sells its products outside. The case of the Washington, Virginia & Maryland Coach Co. is that of a bus company which crosses State lines. The case |of the Associated Press is that of an organization which operates both locally within a State and also across State lines. The cases of the Frue- hauf Trailer Co. and the Friedman- | Harry Marks Clothing Co. are those |of manufacturers within a State. ! From this variety of conditions the | court might hand down different de- }cmons on the different cases. | Aside from presenting the court | with occasion to state its position— | either its old position or & new one— about what constitutes interstate com- merce, the decisions on the Wagner act will not have great influence. The | current commotion about labor ques- | tions has passed into a new phase. The Wagner act, though passed as | recently as July 5, 1935, is more or less historical with respect to labor questions. The act had practically no | part in the recent labor incidents in | Michigan. Almost all thoughtful per- sons on both sides of the question believe that in the light of the recent “sit-down” strikes, new legislation | will be necessary to define both the rights and the responsibilities of both | | labor and employer. (Copyright. 1837.) H "OLpg 11s HE Failure of Gen. Blanton Winship and Dr. Ernest Gruening in Puerto Rico Charged. BY JAY FRANKLIN, HE Puerto Rican police machine-gunned a political parade in the city of Ponce, killing 7 and wounding 50 Nationalist demonstrators for immediate and unconditional independence. The Governor of Puerto Rico—Gen. Blanton Winship—and the director of the Di- vision of Territories and Insular Possessions in the Department of the In- terior—Dr. Ernest H. Gruening—ought to resign at once as a result of this scandal. If they fail to do so voluntarily the President should call for their resignations. Between these two officials the New Deal in Puerto Rico seems to be failing, and our island territory is being converted into “the Ireland of the Caribbean”—the weak spot in our “good-neighbor” policy” in Latin America and a discredit to our national program for peace- ful readjustment and reform. These words are written with a heavy heart. I share same of the responsibility for setting up the Puerto Rico Reconstructién Admipistration under whith the New Deal undertook to cure the evils of absentee capitalism in the great sugar centrales which dominate the political and economic life of that lovely islands Gen. Winship is a personal friend of long standing. Dr. Gruening I know as s practicing liberal, an expert on Mexico and & crusading editor against the “power trust”” Fine men, both, but with the best intentions in the world they have not succeeded in their assignment and should be removed from the Puerto Rican picture without delay. Last year Col. Riggs, the popular and sympathetic chief of the Puerto Rico police, was assassinated by two young Natlonalists. The crime was committed precisely because Riggs Was popular, because he understood, liked and was liked by the Puerto Rican people. The Natlonalist agita- tion thrives on mutual suspicion and hatred and they strove, by the murder of Riggs, to end the era of good feeling which our reconstruction plan and New Deal sympathy at Washington had engendered. Now the Nationalist plot is succeeding. For the police lynched the two young assassins in their cell at the police station—an official crime which not only diverted sympathy from the victim of the assassination but which destroyed the only evidence that could have established political responsibility for their desperate action. Since then, “treat ’em rough!” kas been the Winship-Gruening policy. They have thus played into the hands of the Nationalist extremists and have discredited many of the Puerto Rican leaders of intelligence and good will who had favored co-operation with the American authorities. The climar came when the Governor re- voked the permit for the parade already authorized by the mayor of Ponce and the police and paraders came into inezcusadbly bloody collision. Here we have an island possession which, under a protective sugar tariff and modern sanitation, has produced a greater population than can be supported in independence. Capital investment in Puerto Rican sugar is mainly American and is directed through such institutions as the National City Bank and the Bank of Nova Scotia. The sugar estates have been built up in violation of the organic law which limits cor- porate ownership to a maximum of 500 acres of land, and the profits of the industry are retained in the United States. In addition, tariff- protected prices for manufactured goods, coastwise shipping regula- tions, etc., further drain the island’s wealth. The people are poor, prolific, hard-working, intelligent—with a high order of Spanish culture, a civilized tradition and an intense pride in their racial individuality. They do not want to be assimilated to us or our ways. Hence the P. R. R. A. and hence the honest effort to give the island a New Deal, against the will of the sugar companies and the mouldy vestige of “the white man’s burden” in certain sections of our public opinion. To allow ourselves to be diverted into political repression on the “Black-and-Tan” order of police atrocity, because an American official was murdered by eTtremists, is to scuttle the New Deal and restore the spirit of that “gun boat policy” which we have formally abandoned in the Caribbean. So Winship and Gruening should be replaced, temporarily, by a com- missioner with broad powers at San Juan—some one of the Frank Murphy type (perhaps Representative Maverick of Texas could suggest some one for the job)—and by a man of proved diplomatic ability in charge of the Bureau of Territories and Insular Possessions at Washington. Some one like Mr. Norman Armour, our present Minister to Canada, would be ideally qualified, although there are men in the Latin-American division of the State Department who could also do the job. Later on, of course, the Gov- ernor should be a native Puerto Rican—some one like Dr. Chardon, former chancellor of the University of Puerto Rico. (Copyright, 1837.) For Sunday night’s supper beans and brown bread. Know Isador Lubin Declares Facts Can Keep U. S. From Straying. BY DELIA PYNCHO! ITH more and more strikers either walking out or sit- ting down, it is evident that we must get down to “bare bones” or facts. Isador Lubin, commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Department of Labor, says that his “fundamental philosopny is that people who have facts don't §0_astray.” C o m missioner Lubin, youngish, short, nervous, competent, has not strayed very far from facts throughout his career as teacher, adviser, statisti- cian, economic expert. Born in ‘Worcester, Mass., he had his early education there and at Clark Uni- versity. He taught economics at the University of Missouri. In 1918 he came to Washington as a statistician under Hoover in the Food Administration to find out how many laborers would be available to harvest the Government's extensive war-time wheat fields. For six months he was a special expert on the War Industries Board. Subse- quently he returned to the teaching profession at the University of Michi- gan. In 1922 he was one of the origi- nal staff members of the Brookings Institute. They loaned Lubin as ad- viser to the Senate Committee on Education and Labor. He sponsored | unemployment insurance at this time. | Since 1933 he has headed the Labor | Statistics Bureau, and has effectively | lived down & “brain truster” grouding, through quiet and efficient adminis. trative ability. Tsador Lubin. | Commissioner Lubin's facts and fig- | ures are very much in the public eye these days of strikes and rumors of | strikes. From New York to San Fran- | cisco the telephone rings constantly | seeking labor data. There is obvi- | ously & co-operative spirit abroad in the country. Employers have volun- tarily submitted data on conditions in 90 industries. Both Mr. Lewis and Mr. Green have the “capitalism psy- | chology,” Lubin says, and went to | work together to defeat Communism and Fascism. Muddling through on a guess work economic program gets business nowhere, Mr. Lubin thinks. If we had known the facts in 1927 the depression might have not borne down on us so heavily. | PBriefly this data that the commis- sioner dispenses “gratis” includes im- portant figures on employment and | pay rolls with illuminating gains and | losses reported in each. In December, 1936, factory employment rose 6.9 per cent and pay rolls 15.5 among about | 89 manufacturing industries and 16 | non-manufacturing, a scope large enough to be representative. Since 1933 industry*fia® taken on 6,500,000 workers. . old-fashioned baked The secret is “balance” .. . just enough of everything . .. not too much of anything. It is the same thing that makes the workman’s lunch a source of strength and energy during the longest afternoon. It is also the secret of brewing good beer . . . the kind that is charac- terized by Senate Beer ... that gets beer-lovers together, no matter how divergent may be their opinions about politics, baseball or foods. 4 WASHINGTON .Ce