Evening Star Newspaper, October 31, 1936, Page 9

Headline Folk and What They Do Baby Derby Promoter Enjoyed Deflating Human Nature. BY LEMUEL F. PARTON. OSSIBLY the news is late in reaching this corner, but it does look as if the late Charles Vance Millar had been engaged in some preposterous ribbing in setting up that Toronto baby race; as if, in his 74th year, he had read Mark Twain's “The Man Who Corrupted Hadleyburg,” had " smiled a sly, cor- rosive smile and sat him down to sabotage the al- ready somewhat grotesque comedie i humain, : The race ends tonight, with $500,000 from Mr. Millar's will as the prize. The League of Nations is standing by, | having the last word on legal birth registra- tions. Councillors of the realm are in solemn conclave or in stalwart combat. ‘There is clamor and contention among the entrants. Gilbert and Sullivan might have used this material but for one thing. It is tragic and distasteful and a poisonous satire on human life and dignity. Swift or Rabelais or Mark Twain, pondering a hit-and-run Joke like this, would have sensed its moronic and clinical aspects and per- haps confined the contest to Harvard professors of genetics or somebody like that. Charles Vance Millar, a deaf, wiz- ened old man, bald, lean and hawk- faced, was a satirist and ironist, one of the most successful lawyers in ‘Toronto, a rich businessman active in many corporations. He liked to pink stuffed shirts and, particularly, to make some imposing adversary ridicu- lous. He had a vehement hatred of publicity, flamboyant advertising, bunk and pretense. He was always dodging cameras and there are only one or two of his photographs in existence. He read Voltaire and was likely to lash an opponent with some Candide line. He loved to play his “dollar bill game.” He would drop a bill on the street in front of his house and then recline on his porch, pretending to be asleep, but with one half-opened eye on the street. He kept track of the number of important-looking citizens, who would pretend not to see the bill, stroll by, stroll back, innocently put one foot on the bill, drop a glove or & match and swiftly and furtively pouch the bill. He found this pro- portion astonishingly large. That cer- tainly sounds like “the man who cor- rupted Hadleyburg,” although there 15 no evidence that he ever read Mark Twain. He_ hated reformers and uplifters. It was, of course, an easily recog- nizable joke when he willed his brew- ery and race traek interests tc 100 prominent clergymen—and only a few refused the bequest. His obsession was studying and deflating human nature. In the court room he had a disquieting way of uncovering the dollar angle hidden in impassioned rhetoric. , He was born and reared on a farm hear Aylmer, Ont, financed himself through the University of Toronto and won many prizes for scholarship. His business success began through real estate and development opera- tions in Western Canada. He died 10 years ago today at the age of 73, (Copyrisht, 1936,) C. V. Millar, Lawrence (Continued From First Page.) torate looked and reacted in four other presidential campaigns. To make such a study or investiga- tion one does not go out in the high- | ways and by-ways and take hit-or- | miss opinion. That is sometimes help- ful, but it is more often confusing. The | Job is really one that any reporter | can do if he has had a background of | political and economic affairs and | knows how to get at sources of infor- mation in each State that are reliable. In other words, it is a task of investi~ gation plus judgment so as to deter~ mine who is deliberately or innocently deceiving you and who is really trying to give you an honest and disinter- ested judgment. In most of the States I have sources ©f information that are of the latter kind and these sources have proved | reliable and accurate in the past. As a consequence of my trip, I feel | Tather definite about certain things. | One of them may sound paradoxical, but I shall state it nevertheless—I can understand how the Literary Digest poll may be right and yet how Jim Farley may be right. Zeal May Upset Poll. 1 bave seen enough of certain situa- tions in the 40 States to understand | why the Literary Digest, which I call sn unccerced and uncontrolled vote taken by mail between the first week in September and the 15th of October, may be upset on election day by in- tensive organization work on the part of 37 different State political machines controlled by Jim Farley. 1 have seen also how $4,800,000,000 of public money can help to entrench the 37 different State political ma- chines plus many city machines and give them a vote-getting power not possessed hitherto by any group of Republican political machines in the heyday of the “Old Deal” I have also observed how contributions of money forced from the pay checks of Federal and State office holders have built up the largest single campaign fund' in the history of the United States, the largest in any campaign not excepting the far-famed campaign financing by Mark Hanna or the *slush funds” of the Harding days. I have noted also how some of these ¢ity political machines with their local bosses have padded registration lists and how they have intimidated the relief and the Negro vote. As for the labor vote, this was obtained directly by President: Roosevelt himself by pushing through Congress three laws that violate the Constitution of the United States—the N. R. A., the Guf- fey act and the Wagner labor act. ‘Workers Coerced. Labor organizations unlike other years have this time collected dues Trom their members and have formed @ huge campaign fund as well as put into the fleld a corps of intensive eolicitors and canvassers so that the American workingman does not go to this election uncoerced no matter how » P THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1936. News Behind the News Rumor of Labor Amendment to Constitution Viewed as Campaign Propaganda. BY PAUL MALLON, RESIDENT ROOSEVELT is supposed to be preparing to advocate a constitutional amendment on labor hours and wages if he is re-elected. Many a ‘well-informed New Dealer will tell you so in private. The story has the strength of at least semi-official inspiration. ‘What line the amendment would take is not being suggested. Essentie ally it would give the Government authority to regulate commerce and not Just interstate commerce. The theory of the official inspirationalists is that the President has refrained from championing such an amendment because he did not want to have his re-election campaign fought out on the lone issue. Also he thought there were other ways of accomplishing his purpose and he wanted to try these first. Despite the reasonableness of the story and the lofty authority for it, few business advisory authorities in Washington are falling for it. Frankly, they doubt that it will come to IR ‘There Goes not seem to be & chance in the world for Mr. Roose= velt to put over the constitutional amendment, even if he undertakes it. No one doubts that he would have advocated it long ago if there had been a reasonable opportunity for success. But he needs two- = thirds of Congress and three- fourths of the States. His next Congress will be less amenable to his will than the last one, no matter what kind of victory he wins. Furthermore, many States which will support him for re-election will not support a constitutional amendment. Most of the 12 Southern and border States are in that category. As Mr. Roosevelt is a very practical statesman, the prospects are he will continue to bide his time, awaiting an opportunity for appointment of mew Supreme Court justices and hoping to find some legal loophole in forthcoming Supreme Court decisions, particularly the pending one on the Wagner Labor Board. He needs only a majority of the Senate and the House to eflect his purpose that way.. Frequently, inspired official stories of a nature similar to this latest one have been circulated during political campaigns and have failed to outlive the election. This one will do Mr. Roosevelt no harm in the manu- facturing centers, where he is counting on a heavy labor vote. * kX X International aspects of the private romance of the King of England were completely summed up by one American statesman, who saw in it nothing more serious than a problem of ““chicken a la king.” Nevertheless, Edward's stock with the authorities here has fallen from 100 to just about zero. They are not interested particularly in the truth or untruth of all the surmises now being printed. They are only dismayed that the King has put himself in a position for such comment. His job is to hold the scepter of authority in England. The only thing he has to do is to set a good example for his people. Nothing else is required of him. His simple duty is to maintain himself as the symbol of iaw and respect. Consequently, he has made a complete failure of his job before it has been officially given to him. * k% % ‘The President still has & personal hankering to go to the Pan-American Conference, but probably, in the end, he will not go. Friends have tried to talk him out of it, pointing out that the trip to Buenos Aires would require & month. If the European situation was recently so uncertain as to prevent him from going West on a bigger campaign tour, it will probably be too uncertain to let him get out of the country for a month, they told him. New Deal diplomats intend, nevertheless, to ballyhoo the con- ference as forcefully as they can without him. A strong inter- national build-up for it is just starting. The conference will be of importance to Latin-American nations, but probably not to the rest of the world. - * x % % The power of the press is apparently greater in campaign years than in ordinary times. The White House has indicated that. Its explanation of Mr. Rooseveit's cancellation of two press conferences was that the news- men around the White House did not want to hold them. Mr. Roose- velt was not trying to avoid ques- tioning about his N. R. A. purposes, it was said. The blame for the President finally holding a press conference, the presidential press secretary an- nounced, rests squarely upon the stooped shoulders of a certain non- partisan columnist who indicated the President did not want to be asked N. R. A. questions. Thus the press giveth and taketh away—excuses., Houever, it is only for three days more. After that, the press will return to its nmormal potency and officials will be themselves again, * X * X Radio listeners thought they heard a United States Senator introduce the Republican presidential candidate the other night as: “Alf H. Landon.” Col. Knox, the vice presidential candidate, was introduced once on his tour as: “Alf Knox.” These slips, Lehman nominator at the New York instead. however, cannot tie the one of the State convention who named Hoover (Copyright, 1936.) he voted in the Digest poll. Regret- ably, too, employers have sought to | influence their employes, the worst offenders being the Federal Govern- ment itself and the various State governments which have in effect threatened their employes with loss of | jobs unless they contributed money as well as campaign work.in getting out votes for the Roosevelt ticket. Never before has there been such widespread use of coercive tactics and this time the New Deal party has sur- passed all other Republican efforts by the Nation-wide character of the effort to control the outcome of a presidential election. In the first 13 States that I visited— those west of the Mississippi River— I found that more than $3,000,000,000 | of Federal checks had been distrib- | uted. If this was not done deliber- ately for a political purpose then the New Deal by its published pamphlets | and the speeches of its prominent spokesmen should not now be boldly asking votes on the basis of the money spent—the so-called “gratitude” ar- gument which has been worked over- time from coast to coast in this cam- paign. Four-Part Electoral Table To determine the outcome of this election, it is not necessary to look beyond the States where Federal spending per capita has been heaviest. It is hardly necessary to enter into the big Middle Western and Eastern States so many of which are doubtful and close. It is necessary only to examine the true sources of New Deal strength in the West and South and border States, where the bulk of the Federal money has been spent in the last three years. I shall divide the electoral table into four parts: Solid South—Alabama, 11; Arkan- sas, 9; Florida, 7; Georgia, 12; Louisi- ana, 10; Mississippi, 9; Texas, 23, and South Carolina, 8—Total, 89 electoral votes for Mr. Roosevelt. Border States—Missouri, 15; Okla- homa, 11; Kentucky, 11; Tennessee, 11; Maryland, 8; Virginia, 11, and North Carolina, 13—Total, 80 elec- toral votes for Mr. Roosevelt. Thus we start with a total of 169 votes for Mr. Roosevelt, which I am absolutely sure will be cast for him. West of Mississippi Outlook. WQnowcomewnnwpolsm which I have called “west of the Mississippl group”. I shall discuss later the ones in each column that may be classed as uncertain -and alongside which I have put & question mark, but here is the way the group looks to me: Washington Wisconsin .. When we add the three groups we get the following table: Landon. Roosevelt. 89 80 Solid South .. Border States | West of Mississippt River k] 248 We now come to the “east of the | Mississippi group,” which, with a | question mark alongside the uncertain States, looks as follows: Landon. Roosevelt. 29(2) Illinois .. | West Virginia Pennsylvania Delaware _ New Jersey New York Connetticut Rhode Island New Hampshire .. Maine e o..... Totals 22 When we cumulate the four major groups we get this table: Landon. Roosevelt. 0 89 0 “ | Solid South .. Border States West of Mississippi River East of Mississippi River 9 22 Totals weeeecmcacee- 261 270 Bare Margin for Roosevelt. Inasmuch as 266 is all that is neces- sary for & choice, the above table be- comes the irreducible minimum for Mr. Roosevelt, assuming that he does not lose Indiana’s 14 or Minnesota’s 11, both of which States have a ques- tion mark on them. Now note the number of question marks I have put alongside of Mr. Landon’s table and you will observe that there are three States west of the Mississippi with a total of 22 votes uncertain and there are four States east of the Mississippi with a total of 105 votes which are uncertain for Landon, To get at the probabilities, we must examine the weaknesses in Mr. Roosevelt’s table, since there are only two States in that class for him, compared to seven States on Landon’s uncertain list. How good really are Mr, Roosevelt's chances in Minnesota and Indiana— his two uncertainties? Within the last few days, I have sent out 2,000 letters and telegrams to 40 States and I have canvassed newspaper men in whose judgment I have confidence. In Indiana the re- sult is 35 to 35, while in Minnesota the replies are 13 to 10 in favor of Mr. Rooseveit. Incidentally the bet- ting in Indiana on the State’s result is at even money. ?.h of these States are doubtful and’ the sota who are closest to - FSRRTI— 1 5 men in Indiana and Minne- | fifty. 'HE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Su ch opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. Security Sales Resistence Workers Resent Compulsion and Now New Deal Must Sell Voters on Plan. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE commotion over the New Deal social security act arises from the fact that workers have just learned about it, two months before it takes effect, on Janu- ary 1. It is clear that many workers resent details of it. They resent espe- \ cially the com- pulsory feature of it, and the man- ner in which the tax on the work- ers is to be col- lected. If this re-° sentment did’ not exist, the * New Deal speak- ers, including; President Roose- velt, would have no occasion to get as frritated as they are. Ob- viously, it is the effect on votes that causes the excitement at this time. The manner of collecting from workers is this: Every employer is required by the Government to deduct 1 cent (later rising to 3 cents) out of every dollar of the pay of every worker earning less than $3,000 a year. This deduction is taken from the pay before the pay is given to the worker. The amount thus collected is delivered by the employer to the | Government, | The whole process is compulsory. | The amount deducted is a tax. There | is no other word to describe it— though some New Dealers sometimes speak of it as a “contribution.” Use of soft words to camoufiage hard facts is a New Deal characteristic—cunning with words is perhaps the subtlest weapon in their arsenal. There is an example in Mr. Roosevelt's denunci- ation this week of employers and Re- publicans who are calling attention to the social security tax. The President Explains. Mr. Roosevelt at Wilkes-Barre under- took to explain the system. He said: | “Beginning January 1, for every dollar which the worker is asked to put into an old age account for him- | self, employers are required under the Pederal act to contribute $3 to | protect the worker from both unem- ployment and old age . . . Three for onel There's the rub.” | I have some doubt whether the President is clear about his figures. But in any event his use of words is likely to give an incorrect impression. | He says “the worker is asked.” He | says the “employers are required.” If the worker is “asked,” then so is every tax payer of every kind “asked.” The obligation of the social security act is | the same on both worker and em- ployer, and the word for both is “re- quired.” An even more correct word would be “compelied.” It is evident that some workers, now learning the details of the old age security system, are surprised to find that they must pay half the cost of it—and that the other half, paid by the employer, must also come indi- rectly out of the worker's wages, or else out of the consumer. Probably most workers had heard vaguely or read in the newspapers that a social security system had been set up by the New Deal. A great majority of them assumed the system was volun- they could take it or leave ke it or leave it” is not in Cd Mark Sullivan, happen to be very much puzzled. Partisanship has nothing to do with it because editors who are support- ing Roosevelt have in some instances | expressed the belief to me that their States would go in the Landon column and certain men who are supporting Landon have expressed the belief to me that their States would be in the Roosevelt column. Information Conflicting. But in any event the information from Minnesota and Indiana is con- flicting. My own impression, based | on a careful study first hand of the conditions in the two States men- tioned is that Indiana with its huge New Deal patronage and public funds machine and the State Democratic machine together with the work done on the colored vote and the relief vote would make the State appear to be a Roosevelt electoral vote by a relatively narrow margin. As for Minnesota, the Lemke- Coughlin vole makes me uncertain. The New Deal played a smart piece of strategy when it suppressed the reg- ularly nominated Democ:atic ticket, and thus endeavored to get the whole- hearted Farmer-Labor support, but nobody knows how far the Lemke- Coughlin ticket will make inroads into the Farmer-Labor vote. My own feel- ing is that Minnesota will go for Mr. Roosevelt but by a very small margin. I do not expect the electoral table to be 270 for Mr. Roosevelt and 261 for Landon, though I would not be in the least surprised if it really turned out that way, Landon supporters have Just as much right therefore to their impression as to what may happen in Indiana and Minnesota as I have, fof the race in these two States is close and may be the deciding factor in the whole election with the possibility of a recount of ballpts in each instance if the majority is won by a narrow margin. Landon’s Weaknesses Scrutinized. Now let us look at the weaknesses in the Landon table of States and we must examine both divisions—the east of the Mississippi group and the west of the Mississippi group. We find that Iowa with 11, Nebraska with 7 and North Dakota with 4, or a total of 22 votes, hang in the balance. 1 was uncertain when I visited those States and I am uncertain today. North Dakota depends on how much Lemke vote turns up at the polls as a defection from Roosevelt. Since Lemke lives in North Dakota, I expect him to take away enough votes to give Landon the Staté. As for Nebraska, it is a toss-up, and s0 is Jowa, and while I have some well informed friends in both States whose judgment I value and who insist that Mr. Roosevelt will carry both but by & narrow margin, I have left that for purposes of calculation of my ratio- of-doubt theory it wasn't necessary to put those States in the Roosevelt column in order to figure out an irre- ducible minimum for Roosevelt. As a matter of fact, 37 out of the 40 Jowa editors who replied to my telegrams predictions of the editors in Nebraska (and North Dakots were about fifty- Let us now take the esst ‘of the 14 ¢ | is seriously defective. They think the the New Deal lexicon. “You gotta” is the New Deal's mandatory slogan. One can understand the position of workers who resent this. One can my own business.” In such an attitude there is a spirit as old as America itself. But that old American spirit is not the spirit of the New Deal. In no area of its wide spreading controls does the New Deal leave to the in- dividual much latitude to “take it or leave it.” There was none in “potato control” nor in “cotton control,” nor in “tobacco control,” there was little or none in N. R. A. True, in the pension systems of many private corporations the worker is re- quired to contribute. But between that and the present Government's social security plan, there is all the difference between voluntary and compulsory, ‘When the worker goes to work for a corporation having a pension plan, he expects this requirement as part of his contract. He understands it, and in nearly all cases is satisfied with it The present social security plan, how- ever, 15 quite different. After the worker and the employer have come together on the basis of a given wage, an outsider, a thirty party, the Government, comes in and arbi- trarily requires that the employer take out some of the worker's wage and hand it over to the Government for insurance. No Exceptions Permitied. There is, in the present plan, an- other example of compulsion. Many private employers have for many years had pension systems, some of them more satisfactory than the present Government one. When the present bill was before Congress a Senator—I think it was Mr. Clark of Missouri— proposed that where private corpora- tions had satisfactory pension plans, the Government plan should not oper- ate. The New Dealers took the atti- tude that there must be no such excep- tion. The Government must do it all. Everything must be uniform. Every- body must be regimented. Everything must move toward the New Deal ideal, | the “totalitarian state.” Recently I have been told that some corporations, while adopting the Government plan, as they are compelled to, will neverthe- less continue their old plans. or modi- | fications of them, as supplements to the Government plan. Almost everybody agrees that old-| age insurance is desirable and prac- ticable Nearly everybody agrees that insurance agairst unemployment is de- sirable, though some doubt whether it is practicable. But many authorities, well equipped to be judges in this field, | think that the social security plan put | on the statute books by the New Deal | fiscal and actuarial part of the plan— | the billions of workers’ money to be | piled up in the United States Treasury \—is unsound, dangerous and illusory. | Gov. Landon says it is a “cruel hoax.” | | Many experts think there are better | ways. Gov, Landon has a way which | | he thinks is better. He agrees with the | | pr inciple of social security, But in his | | Milwaukee speech of September 26, which he devoted to this subject, he | riddled the New Deal's plan. This was, by the way, one of the clearest and moet thoughtful speeches made by any | one in this campaign. (Copyright, 1936.) Mississippi River group and examine the weaknesses from the Landon side. | Four States are in the uncertain list—TIllinois with 29, Ohio with 26, Delaware with 3 and New York with | 47—a total of 105 electoral votes. The | result of my canvass of editors in | Tlinois in the last few days showed | 40 predictions for Landon as against 20 for Roosevelt. In Ohio there were 40 predictions | for Landon gnd 32 for Roosevelt. | In New York there were 33 Landon | | predictions to 30 for Roosevelt. As for Delaware, the information was about even up. Thus, did I come to put Mlinois, Ohio, New York and Delaware in the | Landon column, though I realized this might not be the outcome, but again i1t was not necessary to put those States in the Roosevelt column |to prove the irreducible minimum method of calculating the result. From a “ratio of doubt” standpoint, the foregoing comes down to this: | Landon must carry all the States in | the west of the Mississippi group that | I have regarded as uncertain—Ne- | braska, Towa and North Dakota—which | amount to 22, or if he loses the three | he must gain Minnesota and Indiana from Mr. Roosevelt's doubtful col- umn, which also amount tc 22. If he merely effects this exchange it would not change the result, but if he could win Minnesota and Indiana as well as keep Nebraska, Iowa and North Dakota he would be elected by 283 to 248. Anybody who believes I am wrong on these five States and that they all belong to Landon would naturally feel that the Landon chances of winning are much better than I have stated them. Must Hold Line in East. But supposing Landon does keep Nebraska, Iowa, North Dakota and picks up Minnesota and Indiana as well, his line east of the Mississippi must hold firm in Illinois, Ohio and New York, . Thus the loss of New York alone | might cut Landon's 283 down to 236 and would give Mr. Roosevelt 295. Or the loss of Illinois alone might cut Landon’s 283 down to 254 and give Mr. Roosevelt 277. Or the loss of Ohio alone might cut Landon’s 283 down to 257 and give Mr. Roosevelt 274, ‘When there are so many States that the challenger has to win in order to, achieve victory, the odds are against him. Thus Landon would practically haveto carry every one of these three uncertain States east of the Missis- sippi River to win—New York, Illinois and Ohio—even though he did carry all of the uncertain ones in his own and in Mr. Roosevelt'’s column west of the Mississippl. The ratio of doubt, therefore, favors the re-election of Mr, Roosevelt. Sometimes in foot ball or base ball a team comes up from behind and actually breaks down the ratio of doubt against it. Jim Farley tells me that he is con- Landon cannot do—namely, carry all the uncertain States I have listed, and this would, of course, justify an elec- m-x»mmmum:flm.m ! / We, the People Democratic President Can’t Boom “War Scare” Because Nobody Will Fight. BY JAY FRANKLIN, URING the closing days of the political campaign, some of the G. O. P. publicity men taunted the President to pull another “rabbit” out of his hat in the shape of a European “war scare,” ‘while even so friendly a Democratic journalist as Arthur Krock listed “fcceign affairs” among the items which favored the re-election of the New Deal leader. There was, in fact, one period in the campaign when Roosevelt him- self hinted that international complications might keep him from elec- tioneering far from Washington, but this quickly explained itself by the conclusion of the Anglo-French-American arrangement for stabilizing exchanges during the French devaluation crisis, However, the “big European war scare” trick was not used for the very simple reason that the State Department sees no particular danger of @ blg war in Europe for quite a time to come. The present war talk erists mainly in the minds of propagandists who have foreign fish to fry. * k% % Who is going to fight such a war and why? Reading from left to right, grass roots diplomatic ob- servers report the following state of affairs: Russia, far from stabilized in- ternally, economic and industrial equipment still inadequate for a major war on two fronts, is wor- ried because the Kremlin believes that any false move would lead to a simultaneous German and Japanese attack, leaving Russia without allies. The latest move to ship Soviet munitions to Spain is a bluff to reassure Russian public opinion and to hold the loyalty of Communist parties outside the Soviet Union. ‘Germany, far from ready for a major war, due to Franco-Polish-Soviet encirclement and lack of raw materials, seeks to stabilize its western fron- tiers on the old Locarno basis, to reassure the British and to make no pass at la Belle France. In the East, despite Hitler's strong talk, the ab- sence of a common frontier makes German-Russian war plans a biuff to cover operations elsewhere. Hitler is aiming at the economic and diplo- matic federation of Southeastern Europe—especially Austria, Czechos slovakia, Hungary and Rumania. The present Italian-German under- standing will end when Hitler touches Austria or allies himself with Jugoslavia. - Italy, unable to wage a big war without raw materials or control ©of the sea routes outside of the Mediterranean, won Ethiopia only because the big powers were unwilling to risk a European bust-up on a colonial issue and so refused to apply real economic blockade. No more than in 1914 can Italy move against the il of the British Navy, except in central Mediterranean and even there not for long. Italy’s interest in Spain is more religious than imperialistic and Mussolini will not risk @ European war for sake of a Spanish sideshow, France, distracted by serious internal erisis, will not fight for any- thing less than direct invasion of her own territory. The Blum left wing government sacrificed Spanish left wing loyalists to Fascist-equipped rebe els rather than risk a serious diplomatic crisis about Spanish situation. Abandonment by Belgium of military alliance with France shows Blum's decision sound. England, determined to stay out of European conflicts unless and until hostile bombers cross the Channel, is arming feverishiy to make this remote possibility highly dangerous to aggressors from the mainland. Hence the hasty purchase of American planes from Canada and the moderate course of British diplomacy. Spain, so weakened by civil war as to be valueless as military ally for a generation, may serve as diplomatic flypaper for German and Italian sympathy with Fascist rebels, but will be a side issue in any serious crisis. * ¥ x x Conclusions: The occasions for A great war in Europe are far more numerous than in 1914. The will to war is lacking. People still look at the graveyards and the cripples rather than at the trophies and medals, and are afraid of gas, planes, bacteria, etc. So Germany will be allowed to win a lot more of Central Europe before it becomes worth England’s while to renew an effective military alliance with France and Russia, while Austria and the Balkans will serve as an apple of discord between Hitler and Mussolini. Minor wars are always possible (as in Manchuria and Abyssinia) and an early conference of the great powers to revise the peace treaties is considered inevitable, but a general | within European war is not considered likely Footnote.—That loud chuckling Carol of Rumania, who was not in' for many years. noise you hear comes from King vited to the last royal wedding in London because the British royal family objected to his friendship for Magda Lupescu. (Copyright. 1036.) velt to Landon’s 134. It is from that point of view the Farley predictions are made and, judging by the fact that | all these States have political ma- | chines of his creation and of Mr. Roosevelt's co-operation in the distri- | bution of public funds, I wouldn’s be | at all surprised if Farley knew more | about how many votes he can get out | than anybody in America. The use| of money in elections can break down | any poll, whether the Literary Digest or anybody else send it out. straw-vote ballot is uncoerced, un- bossed vote. There is no intimidation or improper influence in it. Between October 15, when the Digest collected its final ballots, and election day, the New Deal political machines can do much to upset any poll. It may be, of course, that the Amer- jcan people are alive to these possi- bilities. This may account already for the huge vote that is seen to be rising out of the towns and country districts, away from the influences of political machines. It may account for a sur- prise in another direction—the protest of the uncontrolled vote against the effort to control a presidential elec- tion by the use of public funds. Many things can happen to change votes in the last few days of an election, and even on the very last day before an election. Protest Vote to Shock New Deal. But this forecast is written as of today and with a feeling that it will demonstrate these fundamental facts: 1. The protest of the American peo- ple against the New Deal will be a shock and & surprise to the Roosevelt regime, because it will be the narrow- est margin of popular votes that an election has been won by in any pres- idential contest since 1916. 2. The size of the protest vote will be an indication that in 1938 the Re- publican party may confidently expect to win both the Senate and the House, which would pave the way for a Re- publican landslide in the presidential election of 1940. 3. Conservative Democratic Senators will take the election returns to be an index of a receding Roosevelt tide gnd they will acquire a feeling of justified independence in opposing his policies in the coming Congress. ‘The outlook, therefore, is for & con- tinuation of the battle between New Deal and anti-New Deal philosophies after the election almost as vigorously as before unless the protest vote in itself has a restraining influence on the New Deal radicals and makes them trim their sails. Even Dr. Gallup’s poll, which has been predicting the Roosevelt election, indicated in a canvass a few weeks ago that the country was preponderantly conserva- tive. But whether the battle between the two opposing schools of political thought will abate in intensity de- pends on how the New Dealers them- selves interpret the mandate they feel they will be getting from the election. My impression is that Mr. Roosevelt will go ahead with his “reform™ plans and that he will ignore the protest vote, being confident that by 1938 or by 1940 he can build up through Mr. Farley and the use of public funds an even stronger political machine than he has had this year. 8o the coming election may be said to be, after all, just a milestone in a long, long fight which has been de- veloping the world over between classes and groups—a struggle for political power, 4 battle in which centralized government has won in Europe and has temporarily, at least, acquired the put Iowa in the Landon column, while | vinced Mr. Roosevelt will do what |sinews of political strength in the United States. ht, 1936. by David Lawi . Res n in whole or in Ilfldl ited SECOND-OFFENSE SPEEDING. James P. Fox, 700 Madison street, $10. FIRST-OFFENSE SPEEDING. Philip T. Long. street northeast, $10. | Edward 8. Collins, Virginia, $10. Harold Cullin, Maryland, $10. Walter F. Fisher, Maryland, $10. Elmer E. League, Maryland, $10. Clyde A. Howard, street northeast, $10. Peggy Sokolol, 1430 W Street, $5. James F. Bean, 4804 Forty-first | street, $10. | Lester s. street, $5. | George Ferguson, | road. s10. William Miller, 1139 Allison street, 10. ¥ John T. Lumpkins, 1917 Fourteenth street, $10, James B. Davis, 22 I street north- east, $5. Oliver C. Crawford, Hampshire avenue, $15. Alphonso Henson, 1500 Fifteenth street, $10. Fred Shue, Maryland, $10. Duncan Jerman, Maryland, $15. Russell W. Clarkson, 1133 Allison street $5., Lee Imler, Pennsylvania, $5. William W. Kelly, 621 Varnum street, $5. Fred L. Parker, 2450 Tunlaw road, $5. Morris O. Sawyer, 4605 Gault place northeast, $10. Harold Rosenwall, 1718 Q street, $5. Bernard E. McMahon, 242 Twelfth place northeast, $10. Garland J. Kirby, 133 E street, $15. Arthur Green, Maryland, $10. James N. Washington, 1305 Twenty- second street, $25. PERMIT SUSPENSIONS. ‘Willlam N. Adams, Alexandria, Va., 15 days. William G. Anderson, 1023 Twenty- first street, 15 days. James Anthony, 60 G street south- west, 15 days. Herman Bachrach, 623 Concord ave- nue, 15 days. Browning, 1232 Euclid 1449 Columbia 1735 New southeast, 30 days. Stephen W. Barnes, jr., 1855 Cal- vert street, 15 days. George J. Barrett, 1162 Fourth street northeast, 15 days. Frank Beckert, 3010 Cambridge place, 15 days. Joseph A. Blanken, 4411 Illinols avenue, 15 days. John W. Braxton, St. Joseph Home School, 30 days. Isaac L. Brindle, 1813 D street southeast, 15 days. Robert H. Brockhurst, 73415 Twelfth street southeast, 15 days. Joseph W. Calnan, 2129 Third street northeéast, 30 days. Norris N. Carter, 118 M street south- west, second offense, 30 days. Julian N, Deck, 6101 Eastern ave- nue, 15 days. Carl T. Denekas, 106 Varnum street, 15 days. Isidoro L. Domingo, 1737 F street, 15 days. Willlam B. Drummond, Landover, Md., 30 days. James T. Edwards, 1613 Varnum street, 18 Joseph A. Ellis, 1248 C street north- east, 15 days. Nazi Enemies Classed as “Hyenas.” Destruction Asked Article by Dr. Freisler. BY WALLACE R. DEUEL. ERLIN, Germany, October 31 (C. D. N)—Dr. Roland Preisler, undersecretary of state in the ministry of Justice, today called on all the prose- cuting and judicial authorities of the Reich to treat as criminals, traitors and “hyenas” and to ‘“destroy” all those who oppose or interfere with Nazi policy, especially those who impede the four-year plan to make Germany as independent as possible of foreign raw materials. In an article in German Justice, official organ of the ministry, Dr. Freisler said, among other things: “Whoever still today dares to shake the foundations of our racial come munity, whoever is deluded by the Communist doctrine, and speaks to destroy the compact life-force of the people, is to be regarded. not as mis- led and seduced, but as a criminal whom we must render harmless. “Whoever defiles the race of the German people (a reference to the Nuremberg laws forbidding sexual relations between Jews and “Aryans”) is an enemy whom we must destroy. Whoever disturbs the peace, the unity and thereby productive labor in the German factories and shops is no mis- guided victim of Marxist dogma but {a criminal we must destroy. Treason in Speculation, in “Whoever in times of a shortage seeks to grow fat at the cost of the hunger of the German people, who- ever withholdé goods for speculative | purposes, is a traitor to his people whom we must destroy. Whoever, | like a hyena on the battlefield of (the nation's) life struggle tries to grow rich and to raise prices, is a traitor to his people whom we must extirpate.” Officials are not to worry lest they are being too harsh in dealing out justice to such “criminals,” Dr. Freis- ler emphasized, but must remember today more than ever before that “whatever is profitable for the German people is just Dr. Joseph* Goebbels, minister of | propaganda and people’s enlighten- ment, in a speech last night also stressed the even greater intransi- geance which the Nazis will now adopt in dealing with their enemies not only but also outside the Reich. Specifiically, he threatened the Gere man Jews with new disabilities, which, he said, they richly deserved because of what he describes as their “impu- dence.” Turning to what he said was the hostile world outside Germany, Dr. Goebbels renewed the recent uncom- promising Nazi demands for “a place in the sun.” Any one who is counting on the collapse of national socialism is making a gross miscalculation, he | said. “I am convinced that before we | are eliminated all the rest of the world will be nationalist, Fascist or national | Soctalist.” 225 Fourteenth | 2016 Claggett | Charles A. Barnes, 114 Fifth street | (Copyrizht, 1936.) street, 30 days. Howell C. Franklin, 16056 H street southeast, 15 days. John Garrison, | days. Howard W. Grigsby, | street, 30 days. Joseph M. Grim, 224 K street, 13 days. | Curly §. Grizzard, jr., Marine Bar- racks, 30 days. John R. Grunwell, jr., 1708 Lanier | place, 15 days. | Ottamar Hamele, 3504 Thirty-sixth street, 15 days. | George C. Lauman, 1884 Columbia road, revoked. Dorothy W. Lee, 3323 Morrison street, second offense, 30 days. Herman Lewis, 1300 Shepherd street, 30 days. Ernest L. Linthicum, 1316 Somer- set place, second offense, 30 days. Irvin Love, 1119 Penn street northe east, 15 days. John D. McIntosh, Takoma Park, Md,, 15 days. Hugh C. McLellan, 1235 Penn street northeast, 15 days. James J. Mahoney, 816 I street, northeast, 30 days. illiam B. Mills, 2914 Bladensburg road northeast, 30 days. Howard B. Mitchell, 4615 Forty- fourth street, 156 days. Leslie Moore, 154 Heckman street southeast, 15 days. Chestern T. Murray, 1101 P street, 15 days. Paul Nelson, 1240 Oates street northeast, 30 days. Wilbur Nottingham, 117 C street northeast, 15 days. Benjamin H. Oehlert, 5308 Nevada avenue, 15 days. Norvell T. Patterson, 615 Tucker- man street, 15 days. Louis N. Promos, Chillum, Md, 15 | days. Davie E. Quarles, 2826 Georgia avenue, 30 days. Oliver A. Rockett, 2418 G street, 13 days. Arthur F. Sherwood, 722 Ninth street northeast, 30 days. Ethel M. Smith, 323 Maryland avee nue northeast, 15 days. PLANS SEAL SALES Tuberculosis Association Board Approves Preliminary Program. Preliminary plans for the annual sale of Christmas seals for funds for an expanded 1937 health program were approved at the regular monthly meeting of the Board of Directors of the District Tuberculosis Associa- tion yesterday. A Seal Sale Come mittee was appointéd by Dr. William Charles White, president of the as- sociation, under Wallace Hatch, chairman. A committee also was named to judge the sixth grade public school health essay contest under Dr. Joseph A. Murphy, chief medical examiner of the public is, along with & new Children's Camp Committes \ 1418 W street, 30 748 Third