Evening Star Newspaper, October 25, 1936, Page 5

THE SUNDAY STAR, Text of Landon Speech in Indianapolis G. O. P. Nominee Urges Country Use Mediation and Arbitration to Help World Keep Peace. By the Assoclated Press. INDIANAPOLIS, October 24.—Fol- lowing is the text of Gov. Alf M. Landon's speech delivered at the State fair grounds, Indianapoiis. tonight: I am deeply moved by the great number of you here tonight, just as I was by that wonderful parade this afternoon. I take it not as a personal tribute, but as an evidence of your concern in the great cause 1 represent. For many years I have heard of the special interest shown by the people of Indianapolis and of Indiana in the foreign relations of this country. I know the women have been largely responsible for this and I want to compliment them. Because there is no more important question before mankind today than whether peace shall rule the world, or war. So tonight, here in Indianapolis, I want to talk about the relations of America to world peace. The conduct of foreign relations ‘was placed by the Constitution in the hands of the President. The policies are his. But, in my judg- ment, those Presidents have been well advised who have made it their practice not only to consult the Department of State and the ma- Jjority members of the Committee on Foreign Relations, but the minority members as well. . The carrying out of these poli- eles, the actual negotiating is done by the Secretary of State. This is because in the eyes of the outside world the President’s decision is final. In consequence, if the Presi- dent talks directly with foreign officials any careless remark may lead to international misunder- standings. As Mr. Coolidge once said: “One of the first lessons a President has to learn is that every word he says weighs a ton.” In foreign affairs I do not propose to be s talkative man. But I do pro- pose to appoint as Secretary of State a competent man, grounded in sound American principles. I do propose to build morale in the department and the foreign service by rewarding merit as it deserves. A devoted, competent and coura- geous foreign service is one of the first insurance policies we must take against war. Our principal aim in foreign re= lations must always be to “observe good faith and justice toward all nations, cultivate peace and har- mony with all.” ‘War Can Never Be Father of Peace. Stopping a war once begun has never proved practical except by the use of stronger armies. This means war to stop war. While men are what they are this will always be a delusion to crush the hope and break the hearts of those who seek to wipe out war. War will never be the father of peace! I shall do everything within my power to prevent the tragedy of war from ever touching our coun- try. I shall encourage with all my power the cause of peace. I shall not merely talk about my hatred of war. Of course this Nation will never be guilty of a war of aggression. We have no territorial ambitions. ‘We have no intention of interfer- ing with any nation. Our real danger in the future, as in the past, lies in being drawn into a war not of our own making. Our first problem, then, is to consider what can be done to avert war throughout the world; our second, to consider our own policy if war should come. ! Since the Great War the world has been working on the idea of a collective security through the League of Nations. But the League has failed. Failed for reasons that certainly have become obvious in the light of experience. The League Covenant assumed that in every war it would be simple to point the finger of justice at the aggressor. Then all nations would make common cause and over- whelm the aggressor in a short struggle. With this certain fate it was hoped no nation would ven- ture to break the peace. But as the events of recent years, and especially of the last few months, have shown, the matter is not nearly so simple as this. Va- rious causes have increasingly di- vided the nations into two great camps. If the methods provided in the League Covenant were really adopted, these two camps would become hostile alliances, more or less equal, in another ter- rible war tragedy. As I have said, we cannot use war to end war. But even if the League program is unworkable, the outlook is still far from hopeless. There is a plan for peace which has the sanc- tion of both great age and modern usefulness. I refer to the settle- ment of international disputes be- fore they reach an acute stage by the peaceful methods of media- tion and arbitration. Mediation always has been the first resort. It still can be used effectively. If mediation fails, nations may still turn to arbitration. We in America have ,used this method with success scores of times for more than 100 years. We should make this machinery more nearly perfect and seek to bring other nations to the same view. We should extend, as fast as wisdom allows, the framing of rules and principles governing the interna- tional relations of peace. As this fleld of law grows, we should make larger the number of subjects over which compulsory arbitration might extend. This is the direction in which ‘measures for the peaceful settle- ment of international disputes may wisely and effectively be pushed forward. Main Obstacle to Bring Disputes to Arbitration. Much has been said of the need for a sanction to compel nations to observe awards made against them. Experience has demon- strated that no penalty is neces- sary. The great obstacle to be overcome is not the carrying out of the awards. It is to persuade the nations of the world to bring their disputes to arbitration. The greatest service which our country can render for the doing away with war is to encourage by every honorable means within our power, except the use of armed force, the arbitration of international dis- putes. To this end we must de- vote our utmost efforts. As for ourselves, while we have been leaders in the settlement of disputes by arbitration, we can- not use the World Court. Those many fine men and women of both parties, who in the past have de- sired American membeyship in the Court, will, I am sure, agree that circumstances have changed. Some of the judges of the Court now rep= resent dictatorships, not demo- cratic governments. It was always difficult to keep political influences out of the Court. It is impossible now. The United States could not be involved in a political court. But there are other ways to help the world keep the peace. We must restore international confidence in the good faith of the American Government. This has been shat- tered by the contradictions of the present administration. The President ruthlessly dis- rupted the London Economic Conference by refusing to accept from the conference the very pro- posals which he, himself, had made. Only last year he overrode the neutrality legislation he, him- self had sponsored. He attempt- ed to put the United States in the forefront of the sanctionist pow=- ers against Italy. His action made it probable that if war had come we would have been involved. Once this good faith has been restored, there will be special oc- casions in the future, as there have been in the past, when we can be helpful in settling inter- national difficulties. We are always ready to take part in internatlonal conferences on matters affecting the common welfare where it is distinctly un- derstood no political commitments HEIL OIL BURNERS DEPENDABLE ECONOMICAL GUARANTEED Wm. KING & SON Established 1835 100 YEARS OF SERVICE 1151 16th Street Dlistrict 8223 Arthritis Now you can relieve arthritic pains by following the health rgsort method at home. Drink Mountain Valley Mineral Water direct from famous Hot Arkan Endorsed by physicians for over 30 years. Phone Met. 1062 for book- let. 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Then we became wary, because we feared such conferences might be used to involve us in foreign politics through the League. We cannot escape this fear under the present administration. We cannot for- get that the President, himself, was an early supporter of the League. His position on Ameri- can foreign relations as on so many other vital questions, is still undisclosed. But the Republican party at Cleveland definitely de- clared against both League and World Court membership. Under administration, with those issues finally settied, we can go forward along our normal course within the family of nations of which we are a member. Confidence in our good faith is especially needed in our relations with the nations of the two Amer= icas. We must not become arro- gant or presume on our size or our power to obtain something that is not our due. We have been ac- cused of imperialism because from time to time we have landed troops in Latin America. The accusation is not true. Nevertheless, I am glad our troops are now all at home. In this hemisphere there must be the fullest co-operation for peace. We must point the way by scrupulous fairness in our dealing with others. It will be my purpose, when elected, to make the United States in reality, to use John Jay's term, a good neigh- bor at Latin America. Another way in which we can work toward world peace is by co-operating in the reduction of armaments. We led the way in the Washington Naval Limitation Con- ference. We must continue to work in this direction whenever the op- portunity offers. At the same time we must fully maintain our own defenses. We have already reduced our land forces to the absolute minimum. We have always been ready to limit and reduce our na- val forces and shall continue to be ready, but only in proportion as others limit and reduce theirs. In such ways as these we can help to lessen the danger of a general war. WASHINGTON, D. Still another contribution is to assist in lowering world - wide trade barriers and re-establishing healthy economic conditions. Eco- nomic misery keeps nations restless and uneasy. As I have repeatedly said, a revival of world trade is an aid to the preservation of peace. I pledge myself to do everything in my power to bring this about. It is an obligation we owe first of all to America, and then to the world. But if war should come, what then? ‘What can we do to stay out? Two policles have been urged. One is that of complete, or nearly complete, isolation. The other is the development of our policy of neutrality, Isolation is unfair to our own people and impossible. In this modern world no nation can be isolated. Neutrality cannot be an absolute guarantee of peace. Nevertheless, I believe it holds out one of the great hopes The doctrine of neutral rights has been one of slow growth. As international trade developed na- tions began to insist on the inter ests of belligerents. Thus they sought to localize not only the ac- tual war area itself but also its harmful though indirect effects upon trade and commerce. This was and is the way of progress. Thus there grew up a set of rules and principles for governing the conduct of neutrals. These have nothing to do with the sympathies which & nation may have. They have nothing to do with the much talked of war guilt. They aim sim- ply at stopping the warring nations from interfering with the interests and welfare of neutral nations. They aim at keeping the neutrals from being drawn into the conflict. Specific pledges not to go to war under any condition, risk encourag- ing belligerents to attempt aggres- sion which would, in fact, precipi- tate us into war. In view of our enormous potential strength, dem- onstrated in 1917 and 1918, .I be lieve hereafter nations will be re- luctant to violate any neutral rights upon which we insiste I must mention one more safe- guard for our peace. Iam a mem- ber of the American Legion, and from the moment when the Legion announced the policy, I have been in complete sympathy with the general objective of taking the profits out of war. We must be C., OCTOBER 25, willing to forego short-run profits for the sake of peace. The neces- sary legislation must be adopted before any war danger comes upon us. No legislation will make it cer- tain that we shall avert war. But this is another quarantine against it. In time of war it seems to me that the protection of the dough- boy should be put above the pro- tection of the dollar. ‘The time has come to face for- eign conditions realistically. Na- tions are suspicious of one another and fearful of one another. Eco- nomic aationalism is rampant. Die- tatorship is crowding out demo- cratic governments. Certain nations live under Fascist dictatorship, others under Communist dictator= ship. We recognize that every peo- ple has the right to choose its own form of government. But we in our country will have nothing ta do with either of these alien philos- ophies. We believe in government by and for the people. To be able as a neutral to exert an influence for peace we must have a gqvernment which is trust- ed at home and abroad. We must mind our own business. As Theo- dore Roosevelt said, we must not become a Meddlesome Matty. Without arrogance we must support our own rights. We must take no action that would injure others. In seeking our own prosperity we must 1936—PART ONE. seek also the prosperity of other nations. Prosperity throughout the world means larger happiness and that strengthens the forces againsf war. We are determined in thi§ restless world to keep our own Nation an oasis of peace. We want this Western Hemisphere to be a lesson to all mankind that men and races can live together in harmony. In these high resolves, God help- ing us, we shall protect America against war. 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