Evening Star Newspaper, August 25, 1935, Page 31

“Editorial Page’ Civic Activities Part 2—10 Pages EUROPE GASPS AS ITALY DEFIES BRITISH MIGHT Fascism Declared Menace to Civiliza- tion, With Democracies Slow to Grasp BY EDGAR ANSEL 'MOWRER. ARIS, France—Europe is still Fascist Italy has given a vir- tual ultimatum to the British ship or war, with Italy—and the Brit- ish Empire has not dared to react. elimb down. A secondary nation like Italy apparently can offer such an English do not yet understand that not Ethiopia, not the Cape-to.Cairo the entire power situation along the rdad to India is at stake. slower still to grasp a situation. The British may again be awakened unreserved Tolstoyanism of their home labor party and of Australia, looks today as though the British would adopt the French idea—play ties to Africa. Olive Branch Still Offered. meetings of the League of Nations in Geneva, the olive branch still will be temptuous Italians and that shere wili be a serious effort to have the entire Sanctions at least may be in abey- ance, even such obviously effective rupt Italians further credits and cer- tain raw materials indispensable to This means that Ethiopians will be left to withstand the Italians alone. Negus of Ethiopia will have the as- sistance of the Hyena men, a warlike {naccessible Ethiopian peaks—Hyena men, instead of the promised, duly eyery member of the League of Na- tions. world situation. Menace of Fascism. is the inherent menace of fascism. The Fascist Society is a totalitarian self-appointed chiefs, who are in- spired by militant nationalism and This implies contempt for the values on which what is left of con- tempt for peace, tolerance, mercy, ob- Jective truth and impartial justice, world organization. As the Italian futurists first and Gentile, have said, the Fascists wish to substitute the will for the intellect. propaganda and people’s enlighten- ment, told the Germans, of life without sentimentality, mean- ing with naked brutality. penents and ruthlessly banishes com- petent lieutenants as Abdul Hamid of Reichsfuehrer Adolf Hitler kills un- ruly followers with his own hand. manity is severely threatened. Brutality Glorified. States were aggressive before today. True, but none of the prewar mod- fare and brutality as they are glorified today by the Fascists. to modern conditions, the “dynamic state” animated by the will to expand danger and must be shackled. The shackles imposed—chiefly the League tried did not hold. But they had engendered in the vic- curity that fllusion became rampant, chiefly the illusion that it sufficed to keep the world peace. Therefore, the democratic societies, enjoy leisure and material ease, almost welcomed the first Fascist government under the banner of scotching the mythical Communist danger, really the Nazis | not new. ! Situation. did restore order whereby trade and finance could prosper. From the rorth to the south the tories, the timid and the rich exalted the great Mussolini. Travelers from Italy reported he made the trains run on time, abolished beggars by the process of ijailing them and cleaned true. They did not seem to care that war and violence and renewed Roman | domination which might disrupt the world. Heedless bankers lent more money | than Italy could every repay. Foreign offices, even Washington, helped Fas- cist Italy to secure naval advantages it could never have achieved by com- petitive building. Thousands of ad- miring tourists crowded the Lido at Venice. Mussolini becamé a “world figure,” who, people said, talked war just to keep power at home, but was really a “safeguard of peace.” This illusion was not the fault of the Fascists. exactly what they intended to do. Il Duce himself stated that the year | 1935 would be decisive for Europe’s | peace. Still none but a few believed | such wild words. Only Credit Balked Nazis. Two years ago the Germans ex- | | ploded in a similar menner, worse |only in greater brutality. The same | story almost occurred, were it not that | the world depression had ruined Ger- many’s credit. Hitler, like Mussolini, made no bories of his contempt for the Christian con- { ception of life; of his hatred for free- dom, pacifism, mercy, objective sci- ence and the Jews. He wrote in his autobiography that Germany must first rearm at any price and must deceive its opponents until it was strong enough to defy them: must an- nex all the Teutonic populations in Europe, must get a big navy, must | square accounts with the “beniggered French,” then expand southward and eastward over the inferior Slavs. The world refused to believe any one could mean such a program. For that was supposed to mean war. Each time Hitler took a step forward the | world first wondered, then resigned itself. The next time it was equally surprised. None Stayed Them. Two major countries publicly pro- claimed they despised peace and tol- erance and were educating their peo- ples to wage war whenever the mo- | ment seemed opportune. None moved !a hand. |~ At the beginming botf Mussolini and Hitler could have been eliminated by foreign pressure. Today they are the | cocks of Europe, supreme in the gentle art of blackmail, backed by colossal cheek, behind which none knows whether there is bluff or power. ‘Today bluff alone suffices, so re- luctant are the pacific nations to risk armed conflict, so tardy to realize what is occurring, so steeped in local well- | being. | Today Mussolini's action in Ethio- | | pia raises the definite question whether ln new sort of society which encour- | ages overbreeding and then loudly | demands new room for its superfluous | | population can permanently exist | | alongside the older and freer cultural | | civilizations that still believe in human | | capacity for progress. | Civilization in Peril. | | believe that Italy, if it conquered Ethi- opia, would stop there; and Germany is already demanding colonies, Why not? Fascism menaces civilization—not because the Fascists are personally wicked or because tyranny is necessar- ily warlike, but because this sort of state is founded on brute force and national appetites. More and more people in Europe are beginning to feel, as the Americans once felt, namely, that this continent and the world cannot exist “half slave and half free.” This is the issue which will be back | of many minds at Geneva when the League meets. That at such a mo- ment the American democracy should have proclaimed “anticipated neu- trality” at any cost is something which confuses people ,here who wonder if the two oceans really isolate the Amer- ican continent as much as they insu- late the American minds. Perilous gasping at this spectacle: Empire to choose either Italy’s friend- The British lion seems ready to ultimatum with impunity. Maybe the red streak on the map of Africa, but Democracies are® slow to anger, to an active foreign policy despite the New Zealand and Canada. But it for time and try to limit the hostili- This means that at the coming ostentatiously offered to the con- affair postponed. ones as withholding from the bank- waging modern war. No, not quite alone. It appears the Jewish tribe inhabiting certain almost ratified and merited assistance of This is emblematic of the present ‘The clearest lesson, if there is one, state guided by a few irresponsible the cult of violence. temporary civilization is based—con- individualism, self-government and then the Fascist philosopher, Giovanni As Joseph Goebbels, Reichsminister of have offered Germany a heroic view Premier Benito Mussolini exiles op- Turkey did with his grand viziers. ‘Thereby the future of civilized hu- Such phenomena are ern governments ever glorified war- In 1918 it was realized that, owing by conquest had become a public of Nations—were incomplete and when torious societies a feeling of such se- offer pious advice and speak gently to wary of warfare and desiring only to in Italy in 1922. For this government, (Copyright 1935.) Ethiopian Situation Evokes Realistic View of Italians Cramped for Space ROME.—Tt is extremely difficult to describe the atmosphere of Rome to one who lives in another country. In London, Paris, New York and elsewhere the Abyssinian situation is discussed as if it were a matter of historical documents and diplomatic negotiations. Clauses are quoted from old treaties, from the League of Na- tions covenant and from the speeches of well-intentioned statesmen. Opin- fons are expressed as to the relative moral merits of the Italian and Ethiopian case. There is a general feeling that it is a question to be de- cided by jurists. ¢! Here nobody ever dreams of dis- cussing or even thinking about such considerations. This is not to argue that the Italian view is the correct oone, but simply, if possible, to state it, and to give the philosophical basis of it. i ‘The argument that the treaty of 1906 or the treaty of 1928 or the Kel- logeg pact can be used either to justify Italian intervention in Ethiopia or to condemn it, makes no appeal here. The official Italian view may be stated without exaggeration in this form: No treaty is worth more than the force it contains. The Kellogg pact is valueless because “toothless.” The same is true of the 1906 treaty, signed by Italy, France and England, guaranteeing Ethiopia’s territorial n- tegrity. . Badly stated, it sounds cynical to American ears, but Itallans would say that that is because Americans are not 8o forcibly faced with the facts as they are. They need, more than any country in Europe, room in which to expand. ‘But while Prance and Englahd have immense colonies with salubrious climates in all parts of the world, the only colonies the Italians have are torrid desert lands in Africa. Ethiopia lies between two of those colonies. Ethiopia is the sort of “independ- ent” country that neither France nor England has had any hesitation about colonizing in the past. Its independ- ence, about whijch there is so much talk, is a fiction, its unity is non-ex- istent—the Negus controls only a very small fraction of the territory—and its boundaries are uadetermined. And despite all that has been written about Ethiopia’s “ancient civ- ilization,” no civilization exists there. ‘The people have a form of Christian religion in some parts of the country, but their customs are barbarous. They are constantly at war among them- selves, and among them war is an un- broken succession of atrocities. ‘The Italians feel quite sure that Ethiopia is eventually going to be colonized under the banner of “civili- zatica” by somebody, and they think they would prefer it to be themselves. (Copyright. 1935.) Torpedoed Ships Salvaged. After being held up for someé weeks owing to bad weather, the Italian sal- vage ship, Arplone, has resumed operations off the Old Head of Kin- sale, Irish Free State. She returned to Dublin with 20 tons of copper ingots salvaged from the steamship Ludgate, torpedoed in 1917 while on a voyage from East Africa. Salvage operations on the Ludgate are completed and the Arpione will resume operations on the steamship Spectator, a sister ship of the Ludgate, which has still about 900 tons of copper aboard, and disciplined the cities, which was | ; he also set about implanting ideas of | ' They said and wrote | | None but the hopelessly sentimental | EDITORIAL SECTION ~ Che Sundiy Star WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, AUGUST 25, 1935. Three Perils to Peace Britain’s Wavering Policy, France’s Internal Discord and Italy’s Actions in Ethiopia Endanger World, BY PERTINAX. HE German military law put in force last March was rightly interpreted to mean that, from top to bottom, the Reichswehr would have to undergo a process of transformation and that the system of mobilizatica would have to be | thoroughly altered. From those facts, | the inference was drawn that for & year Germary would have to follow | & more subdubd~Toreign policy: that once more she would be compelled to play for time and postpone any violent decision she may have in mind. As a consequeuce, it was expected | pass off rather quietly, that the na- tions which are determined to defend | the peace treaties meanwhile would | strengthen themselves, more closely combine their policies. Afterwards, it was felt, the German Fuehrer, even when he had completed his warlike preparations, would have to move more carefully than before. How is it, then, that those relatively optimistic prospects have been marred, that more nervousness and anxiety can be noticed on the Continent today than at any previous period and that, on the whole, the forces working for stability and peace are losing ground rather than making headway? ‘The answer to that question is to | be found in the way France manages | her ‘nternal affairs and England her | foreign policy—with the Italian expe- | dition to Ethiopia acting as an addi- tional cause of trouble. time in bringing her army to what is generally regarded as a safe standard. | The fortificaticns on the northeastern frontier have been completed and fully garrisoned. There are now thousands and thousands of men liv- ing in trenches, dugouts and subter- raneza shelters. . New Supreme Commander. After the departure of Gen. Wey- gand, the supreme command has been intrusted to Gen. Gamelin, one of the most experienced strategists of 1914- 18, assisted by Gen. Georges—a great intellect coupled with unbounded energy. Against the French system of national defense no surprise attack would be likely to prevail. So much for the good side of it. A serious flaw is to be detected elsewhere in the French system: The executive branch of the government is still weak: it has ©ot been freed from the en- croachments of parliamentary and electoral interests. So far it nas car- | ried out a drn!;c measure of budgetary retrenchment, but it is yet to be shown whether, in the long run, that violent deflation will not bring ¥ its train a further diminution of tax re- ceipts and whether a devaluation of the currency can be avoided. Moreover, important elections are coming—seaatorial elections next October, legislative elections next Spring—and are bound to increase the pressure of sectional interests upon tne cabinet. In short, the executive power has not been streagth- ened beyond every possible challenge. The program formulated last Autumn by M. Doubergue, when premier, has not been fulfilled. As months pass, the division of the country between two adverse groups becomes more striking. On the one hand, the Conservatives, the Moder- ates, the 500000 Croix de Feu and National Volunteers, led by Col. de la Rocque, are determined not to allow a complete comeback of the parlia- mentary and electoral regime which was more or less brushed aside last year by the sanguinary riots of Feb- ruary 6. They would undoubtedly re- volt against the Radical-Socialist and Socialist majority in the Chamber and in the Senate if it made up its mind to seize control of the cabinet again. On the other hand, the groups of the Left regard it as a scandal that a body of public opinion that could not obtain an electoral majority at the polls should be able, for such a long time, to hold them in check and to keep all the avenues to ministerial office barred against them. And they raise the usual cry against Fascism. Laval Plays for Time. Between the two contending parties, Prime Minister Laval, at the head of a composite ministry, plays for time and endeavors to postpone the issue. The parliamentary majority tolerates him and has not dared refuse him the “enabling bill” that, until the reas- sembly of Parliament in November, authorizes him to carry out by decree all the measures he may deem neces- sary to balance the budget and main- tain the gold content of the currency. But it means to get rid of him at the first opportunity and to make capital against him of all the causes of pub- lic discontent and impatience which are generated by the economic crisis and budgetary deflation. In such circumstances, a man would be required at the helm who could appeal to the nation at large, over the heads of all politicians of the Left and Right, a man endowed with the will and’ prestige of a Poincare or a Clemenceau. Obviously M. Laval is not of that type. He is a born wire- puller; his special talent is to strike compromises between opposite inter- ests, dealing with each man individ- ually after discovering his weak point. Laval is, essentially, the lJawyer who never goes to the law courts, but manages to push through settlements behind closed doors. Look at him in his cabinet: Enters a Radical-Socialist Senator: Laval tries to demonstrate to him that he, the prime minister, is the de- fender of the parliamentary regime, 4 | that the Summer and Autumn would | France, it is true, has not lost any | offensive directed against it, that all | public was, henceforth, bound up with his words and deeds alm at avoiding abrupt changes, etc. Enters Col. de la Rocque, leader of the Croix de Feu. At once the tone becomes very different. M. Laval rec- ognizes the beneficent nature of his visitor's work. The latter has erected a solid barrier against the undertak- ings of Communism and Socialism. But let him be wise enough not to attempt more and dream of a Fascist revolution in any form, as the whole country could be rent in two. Such is Laval's method. Its success de- pends upon the possibility of fooling somebody somehow. But he himself is anxious about the future. So as to disarm antimilitarist Communism, which made noteworthy victories at the municipal elections last May, he made it his business, | when in Moscow, to extract from | Stalin & declaration to the effect that France was fully entitled to provide an adequate national defense. At first, the blow struck at the French 4 Communists seemed staggering. They felt they had been exposed to univer- sal derision. Fate Bound Together. But they soon recovered their com- posure and declared that they would gladly submit, since, owing to the Franco-Soviet treaty of mutual as- sistance, the fate of the French re- the fate of the great proletarian com- monwealth., And the practical out- come of the affair was that the Com- munists were drawn from their elec- toral wilderness. They are no longer separated from the Radical-Socialists by & national issue; the two groups will make common cause at the polls. In other words, there is nothing left to split up the vote of the Left. Laval now realizes that his tactics have been faulty; he wishes that he had never asked Stalin to put his finger into the internal politics of France. » All those developments cleerly point | to the advent of a serious crisis either | this Autumn or next Spring after the | general elections. Let us never forget that & denunciation of Fascism may work upon rural France with telling effects. Despite these difficulties, despite the personal leanings of M. Laval toward some kind of arrangement with Adolf Hitler which at every turn are checked by his official advisers and by France’s continental allies or associates, the foreign policy of the Paris government makes a more or less continuous line of advance. It hesitates; it wobbles; sometimes it Tetraces its steps; nevertheless, it is directed toward the formation cof a league of all peace loving nations, and SEE ROOSEVELT’S DEFEAT IN CONSERVATIVE TICKET Democratic Third Party, However, Would Have to Be Led by Some One Not Now in O!fice. BY MARK SULLIVAN, ET us look into one aspect of the presidential campaign next year, in which the forces and figures are emerging at a time L | earlier than in any campaign I can recall. So many developments are {under way, many of them unprece- dented, that it will help if we look at them separately. party, Democratic ticket next year2 I am not speaking, in this article, of the Huey Long enterprise. I am con- sidering a party to accommodate con- servative Democrats, especially con- servative Democrats in the South, where, no matter how great their dis- satisfaction with the regular Demo- cratic ticket, the disaffected are loath to vote the Republican one. It there is a conservative Demo- cratic ticket next year the result would go far toward assuring defeat for Mr. Roosevelt. Such a ticket would get a large vote in the South, where leaders of Southern thought have come to understand not only the broad objections which traditional Democrats have to the socialism in- herent in the New Deal, but also have come to see that the New Deal is, for reasons I shall not go into here, particularly deadly to the economic Interests of the South and inimical aiso to many of the South's mnst cherished social and political tradi- tions, including States’ rights. If there were a conservative Democratic third party and if there were also & Huey Long party the two might readily absorb so many Southern votes as to lose that section for Mr. Roosevelt. Will there be a conservative Demo- cratic third party? Maybe. But it will need to arise from leaders not now active as office holders within the regular Democratic organization. Byrd and Glass Make Denial. On this point, a recent episode throws light. In Virginia, the two Democratic Sehatofs, Glass and Byrd, are outstanding critics and opponents of the New Deal. Of this fact the New Dealers took notice. They in- spired a story to the effect that Messrs, Glass and Byrd would next year or- ganize in support of a conservative Democratic third-party movement in Virginia. The intention of the story, no doubt, was to “smoke out” the two Virginia Senators. At once Messrs. -Glass and Byrd took notice. They issued a joint state- ment saying they had no such notion and would countenance no such move- ment—they will remain with the reg- ular Democratic party. Now let no one revile the Virginia Senators for stultificatiol Senator Glass is without challenge leading American now in active public life and Senator Byrd would be included in any list of the five ablest Senators. Senator Glass is the outstanding critic and opponent of the New Deal, more sble and more effective than any Re- publican critic. But Senator Glass cannot take himself outside his party. It would impair his influence, might result in his defeat next year, when he is up for re-election; might result in his enforced retirement from the public life in which he is now the most useful figure we have. Conceiv- ably, Senators Glass and Byrd might Will there be a conservative, third | nomination. They might do what a New York Democratic Senator did in 1896 under circumstances similar to the present, when Bryan seized the party. They might be “a Democrat still—very still” But they will not go outside the party. They will not | take part in any conservative third- | party Democratic movement. | Has Many Opponents. And the same considerations gov- eming the Virginia Senators will gov- ern practically every other Democratic leader active in public life hciding office. Out of 69 Democrats in the Senate fully 50 deplore what Mr. Roosevelt has done to the party and fully 30 are earnestly opposed to him. In the House, out of 322 Democrats probably 200 to 250 realize and grave- ly dislike the path Mr. Roosevelt is taking. But all these Democrats in the House (except the few voluntarily retiring) and many of the Senators are up for renomination and re-elec- tion next year. They simply cannot, as things stand now, take part in any third-party movement. Only if such a movement is started by others, and only if it gets the allegiance of a vel large number of Democratic voters—only in these circumstances will Democratic leaders now holding office unite with such a movement. If active Democratic leaders will not start a conservative Democra'ic third-party movement, will any one else? The answer is the same as the answer to practically everything else in human affairs, especlally in organ- ized human affairs, group movements 80 called. Strictly there is no such thing as a group movement. The law of human rature is individualism and group movements get started only when individuals do the starting. So- called political “prairie fires” some- times happen—but always some in- dividual must set the match, must do some degree of organizing. Sentiment for Movement, There 15, among orthodox Demo- cratic voters, an immense sentiment for such a movement, an eager de- mand for some way in which they can express their hostility to what Mr. Roosevelt is doing. Well-informed judges estimate that fully 3,000,000 Democrats (out of the 23,000,000 votes Mr. Roosevelt had in 1932) will not vote for him in 1936. Many, of course, will satisfy themselves by vot- ing for the Republican candidate. But many, especially in the South, would like to have a conservative Demo- cratic third party. The question Is wholly whether the necessary leader- ship will appear. ' The' only movement actually in sight, 5o far as I know, is a “Southern movement to support the Constitu- tion,” apparently fathered by John H. Kirby of Houston, Tex. They appear to have branches in 16 States, all Southern, and in Maryland, West Vir- ‘ginia and New Mexico. How much will come of this I do not know. ‘The Republican Situation. A prevailing thought among many Republican leaders is that their presi- dential- candidate next year should come from the West. The assumption gradually crystallizing, stimulated by the extraordinary Republican victory in a Rhode Island congressional dis- trict, is that the Republicans next year will carry practically all the East. Hence—so runs the reasoning—with the East nominate a candi- date who will be strong in the West. By “the West,” as used in this argu- ment, is meant the farming West. The Carry op- [iformula in this reasoning is: -election the East by general dissatisfaction in Roosevelt ad- lllustration by ¥. Strothmana only & serious internal crisis could change its course. Laval perhaps may to Berlin, but he will perforce stop short of giving up France’s alli- ances or political connections. Unfortunately, & similar statement cannot be made about the foreign policy of the London cabinet. The internal stability of that cabinet has no parallel in France. But the sur- prising point is that Mr, Baldwin and his colleagues cannot settle their diplomacy upon a fixed basis. No such zigzags have ever been witnessed in the records of history. The passing moods of the British | foreign office can be added to the ephemeral existence of the French ministries; taken together, both sets of facts react disastrously upon the whole of Europe. They contribute to the making of a huge disturbing factor which constantly plays into the hands of the German Fuehrer and of aggressive pangermani®m. “I am not aa English gentleman,” Laval told Anthony Eden on June 21: “But I should never have behaved like the British government did be- have on the Eighteenth of June.” The British Minister who had been sent posthaste from London to appease the resentment caused in France by the Anglo-German naval understanding | had to swallow those words of stern condemnation. Promises Ignored. Whatever be the considerations of a “realist” nature upon which Mr. Eden and, later on, Sir Samuel Hoare | fell back in order to justify their deed, | they cannot deny that they have ignored both the promise of previous consultation given to France last | February and the solemn pledge to which the British cabinet subscribed in Stresa on April 14 and in Geneva on April 17 not to allow international treaties to be unflaterally revised or denounced. But what is more. discoacerting is that it is impossible to discover any angle from which British policy would ppear intelligible. It dislikes Con- tinental action; it wishes to remain aloof from Continental entanglements and, quite recently, it suddenly favored | the enforcement of economic sanctions against Italy if, in Abyssinia, the worst came to the worst. But in the past, didn't England encourage the | Ethiopian ambiticns of Italy? | British policy officially lays stress | upon the postulate that no peace can | be secured except through a close co- | operation with France—and period- | ically it strives to make separate bargains with Germany. The truth is that such a thing as a unified policy does not exist. Should ‘we believe, then, that Hit- | lerian Germany and the natlons which strive to pull down the peace treaties can safely act on the theory that Great Britain is a vacillating force which can always be cajoled and maneuvered far away from the defense of international treaties? That it (Continued on Third Page.) 0 ministration, take the candidate from the West, and thus carry enough Western States to make victory sure. On paper, it works out well. And actually, there is much in it. But related to this program, and to the whole campaign, is one question of principle which the Republicans must look in the face. They can give both the presidential nominee and the vice presidential one to the West, they can take both nominees from the heart of Jowa or of Kansas—but that will not completely satisfy the West unless one more thing is done. The Republicans | must say whether they are to hlvei & policy and program about agricul- ture, and what that program is. The Western farmers, an overwhelming number of them, like the New Deal’s farm program now in operation. They like it because it gives them prices for their crops presumably higher than the prices those crops would bring under free operation of the law of supply and demand. Many Western farmers do not like the particular way in which A. A. A. does this—but they like the result. And they, a majority of them, are not going to give up A. A. A unless the Republicans promise them a substitute, promise it specifi- cally and concretely. Must Make Up Minds. ‘The Republicans must make up their minds whether they are going to do this. If the Republicans answer,) yes, if they agree to the priuciple, then a method can be found. The heart of the A. A. A. method is limi- tation of crops—control of the acre- age of individual farmers, designed to keep production down. That particu- lar method is odious to much of the country, and by many of the farmers is not really liked. If the Republicans can devise a method which gives the farmer his artificial price—through direct subsidy or otherwise—and at the same time leaves the individual farmer free to decide what crop, and how much of it, he will reise—if the Republicans can do that, and if they are willing to do it, they can hope to make headway in the West. The Republicans are ot going to be able to make this' decision easily. Much of the country, being strongly opposed to the A. A. A. method, goes on to feel opposition toward any method of creating artificial prices. | | session. Special Articles Travel — Resorts ALL WORK AND NO PLAY LIES AHEAD OF CONGRESS Adjournment Brings Hectic Campaign: Members, With Thorns Besetting Pathway. . Period for Most BY JOHN SNURE. ONGRESS is getting out of the frying pan into the fire. ‘With adjournment a hectic three or four months is ahead for most of the members and in particular for those who fee! them- selves under the urge to seek renomi- nation and re-election. For the great body of these mem- bers, the time between now and Janu- ary 3, when the next session opens, will not be a vacation. It will be a period of political survey, active cam- paigning, and preparing for the nom- inating conventions or primaries. Much is heard of junketing on the part of members of the House and Senate this Fall. The spectacular ex- pedition to the Philippines and the Orient, led by Vice President John N. Garner, has attracted attention to this sort of thing. Some will go to Europe. There will be some junkets under the guise of congressional activities of a necessary characgter, as there always are. But for the great bulk of those who are seeking return to the House or Senate, there is little vacationing at hand. The word already is going the rounds that, regardless of which party makes the better showing in the 1936 elections, there will be a big turnover in the next Congress. That 1s to say, many changes are looked for | in the primaries and nominating cony ventions. Democrats Most Affected. Although this to some extent will affect the Republicans, it will extend of course, most largely to the Demo- crats because of their prepondence. Able Democratic leaders in the House, for instance, say frankly they look forward to a long list of changes in personnel, even if the Democrats are able to retain their mafority. Many of the members feel that it will be up to them in large measures to make their campaigns between now and the opening of the next session. Once that session begins, they doubt- less will be tied up in Washington, | no one knows for how long or for what purpose. Regardless of the cur- rent talk of a short and innocuous | session next Winter, when the presi- dential and congressional campaigns are actively beginning, it is almost entire guesswork as to how the next session actually will shape up. The fact is that a strong belief, if not apprehension, exists in Congress | that by the first of the year Presidefft | Roosevelt will have evolved & new list of “must” measures. The bonus is- sue will have to be disposed of and indications are that the bonus bill will be enacted. Despite the fact the administration and the ‘Democratic organization in Congress, in obedience to the administration, have tried to spike the Frazier-Lemke farm mort- gage refinancing and inflation bill, it seems probable it will be almost out of the question to dodge a vote on it rext Winter. Many Changes in Laws. Much of the legislation jammed through under White House whip and spur this session undoubtedly will de- velop need of change and amendment by next Winter. At least, officials are expected to ask for amendments. Possibility of demands for vast new appropriations have been worrying the Appropriations Committee leaders and are certain to worry Congress next The House Appropriations Committee will take up its work in December, a month or so before the session opens, and before that the President and his advisers will pre- pare the budget for the next fiscal yet budget with far-reaching pos- other committee activity in Washing- ton, so for a considerable part of Congress, the recess will last for but three months. This will compel mem- bers who have nomination and elec- tion troubles to condense a great deal of campaign activity into September, October and November. Moreover, though little or nothing hes been said about it, there is a dis- tinct possibility that Congress will be called back to the Capital in special session at almost any time, conditions developing in Europe. With Italy bent on invasion of Ethiopia and the repercussions highly uncertain, war in Europe is regarded by Congress as serfously threatened. It was because of this that there arose this week an intense movement for neutrality legis- lation. Should another debacle de- scend on Europe this Fall, a special Congress session for numerous rea- sons, including the one of full con- sideration of all aspects of neutrality, would be unavoidable. Works Demands Upsetting. Adding much to the difficulties of members of the two houses is the in- sistent clamor in their districts and states for allocations of works funds: This not only keeps members in per- petual hot water, but the delays in the works program and the denial of large numbers of applications are cost- ing them votes. It is quite true the vast works appropriation has been | denounced right and left as a scheme to buy the next election, but it is el ready apparent that many a man in Congress who has had to wrestle with applications for funds, only to disap- point some city, town or community, wishes Qe had never heard of such a thing es a $4,000,000,000 works fund. Not only is he blamed for delays in allocations, but also when they are refused; he gets little thanks when they are granted and is forced to de- vote much of his time trying to get a share of the billions for his region. This Fall many a Congressman will put in much of the recess traveling back and forth between home and the Capital to give attention to demands for grants of works money. Supplicant as the session just clos- ing has been and much as it has bowed the knee to the President, it has been insurgent rebellious at times and it is growing more evident that this | insurgency will be a great factor in 1936. President Roosevelt, as he opens his campaign, as he is now doing, and will do in his Western swing, is clearly not going to give aid and comfort to members who fought phases of the New Deal. The reaction to the hold- ing company fight and the “deatn sentence” controversy in House and Senate clearly will be extended. House Democrats who defled the Executive and refused to stand for the “death sentence” are threatened with opposi- tion for renomination. A. A. A. Proves Big Stick. ‘Those who refused to go along with the A. A. A, demands for enhanced power over agriculture and processirg and the business of handling farm products are in much the same situa- tion. The same is true of those who balked at unexampled appropriations or who declined to stomach the Presi- dent's wealth-distribution tax program. The Republican member, not being with the majority party, is not in the same straits as his Democratic col- league. The average Democrat, as he goes back from eight months of har- rowing experience at law-making, finds himself under fire if he has blindly supported the New Deal be- cause of the tide of criticism rising against it in many quarters; and, if he has been contumelious and inde- sibilities in both the economic and political sense. It is likely that December will find pendent toward some of the “must™ bills, he finds himself under bombard= ment from administration elements. Return of U. S. Prosperity Is Seen In France by Rising Stock Market BY WILLIAM BIRD. PARIS.—France has watched with increasing interest the boom in stock market prices that has been in prog- ress in the United States for the last month. Among the advocates of currency devaluation here there is an inclina- tion to regard this as a sign of re- turning prosperity in America, due principally to the devaluation of of the dollar. This interpretation is strengthened by the fact that there have been parallel booms in almost all the countries that have devalued their moneys. But orthodox flnanciers are at- tempting to explain it otherwise. They point out that the dollar was devaluated over two years ago, and that despite the devaluation it was not until recant weeks that the stock market showed an opimistic tendency. They are more inclined to believe that the present Wall Street movement is basically speculative. Between these two interpretations there is wide room for others, It is pointed out, for example, by some commentators that whether a stock | exchange boom is called “speculative” or not, it does inevitably reflect a State of optimism. And ever since the depression began, politicians as well as financiers have laid great stress on the psychological aspects of pros- perity. The fact is that when people gen- erally believe that prices of anything are going to rise, they buy. If they believe prices are going to fall, they sell, or at least they abstain from buying. - ‘Whatever the cause may be, Amer- ica is now, from all indications, in the midst of a period of rising prices, and the tendency is for people to buy, thus provoking further rises. This condi- tion will continue as long as the pub- lic believes the rise is going to con- tinue. When confidence in further rises is gone, people will cease buying and will begin to sell. ‘What is now worrying European ob- servers, who often see things more clearly than one can see them at close hand—the crash of 1929 was al case it may be of short duration. | Should that happen, it might have repercussions throughout the world. The Wall Street crash of 1929 started 2 movement that spread all over the globe. ‘Too rapid recovery, expert observers say, is dangerous, as it leads to ine flation and ends inevitably in disaster. Another collapse of the American | stock market: would be a severe shock to recovery everywhere else. As one market critic puts it, “it must be hoped that Americans, how- ever delighted, they may be at the evident signs of recovery in their country, will not forget the lesson of six years ago and will keep their eye on the earnings and yield of their in- dustries, not only on the Wall Street prices.” (Copyright. 1935.) Austria Need Not Help Il Duce With Soldiers VIENNA (#)~Ttaly’s readiness to send troops into Austria in defense of a Vienna government—as demonstrat- | ed notably last year—does not mean | that Austria may one day be called | upon to send troops into Italy in sup- port of the governmeni in Rome. In other words, when Mussolini promised military assistance in case the integrity of Austria were threat- ened, the agreement did not involve any Austrian promise to mobilize apn the Italian border. Such an eventuals ity, according to government spol men, would be entirely outside the: scope of Austro-Italian co-operation, . which aims primarily at the preser- vation of Austrian independence. If the Nazis in South Tyrol, which formerly was an Austrian province, but now is under Italian sovereignty, should take advantage of Italy's pre- occupation in Africa to revolt and set up an autonomous government friendly to Germany, Austria would not be un- der any obligation to intervene, even if expressly invited by Italy. On the other hand, according to the interpretation of Austro-Italian co- operation current in official quarters, Austria would be obliged to resist any attempt of another nation to invade Italy across Austrian territory. Such resistance would be actually a defense of Austrian independence and integ- T, # |