Evening Star Newspaper, March 13, 1933, Page 8

THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C., MONDAY,« MARCH 13, 1933. e e e R L THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. L WASHINGTON, D. C. MONDAY........March 13, 1833 THEODORE W. NOYES....Editor avm:n Company 1 . “and Pennsylvania Ave. & New York Office: 110 East 42nd St. icago Office: Lake Michigan Building. pean Office: 14 Regent St.. London. England. Rate by Carrier Within the City. star. B 5¢ per month indays) 2 d Sunday Star ¥s) Collection made i Orders may be sent In NAtional 5000. Rate by Mail—Payable In Advance. Maryland and Vlrpinl:.h . All Other States l!l‘d2 Canada. 00; 1 mo., $1.00 Datly only 00; 1mo. i8¢ Suriday onl; 50c 'Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled o the use for republication cf all news dis- patehes credited to it or not otherwise cred- in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches herein are also 38 $5.00; 1mo., Yaying the Phantom of Fear. “President Roosevelt's radio address to the American people last night was calculated to allay apprehension regard- ing the banking situation in this coun- try. It was so intended and it will probebly have that effect. It made clear the reasons for the general bank holiday which was declared by proc- lamation of March 4, immediately after the inauguration, and for the provisions for successive reopenings of the banks on a schedule of soundness. The bank holiday, the President ex- plained, while resulting in many cases in, great inconvenience, has afforded the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation. Time w36 essential to provide that currency. It could not be furnished by fiat or by the starting of unregulated presses. It must be sound currency, based upon good assets. In no respect was the President’s statement more wholesomely assuring than in his declaration to that effect. The program outlined by the Presi- dent in his statement, clearing up some misunderstanding regarding the course to_be followed, provides that today in the twelve Federal Reserve Bank cities those banks will be opened which on first examination by the Treasury have already been found to be all right. On “Tyesday, tomorrow, this will be followed by the resumption of all their functions by banks found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses. On Wednesday and succeeding days banks in smaller places thrcughout the country will resume business, sub- jegt to the Government's physical abil- | ity to complete its survey. | The fundamental principle of this| program that sound banks should be given precedence in reopening was out- lined in the President’s message to Con- gress on Thursday. In his radio talk last night he said: “Let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means Jjustified in believing that it will not ,opén. A bank that opens on one of | the subsequent days is in exactly the | same status as the bank that opens to- | morrow.” This assurance should allay apprehension on the part of those who may be immediately disappointed. | One passage in the President’s talk | should effect a particularly wholesome | redction. He said: It is possible that when the banks | Tesume a very few people who have not | recovered from their fear may again | begin withdrawals. Let me make it clear that the banks will take care of all needs—and it is my bhelief that hoarding during the last week has be- come an _exceedingly unfashionable | pastime. It needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they | can get their money—that they can get | it when they want it for all legitimate purposes—the phantom of fear will soon be laid. People will again be glad to have their money where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time. I can esdure you that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than under the mattress. e Rancorous expression does not com- | mand respectful remembrance. Names | may make news, but not the kind that | are called in moments of undue personal agitation in the heat of debate. o It Maerzen beer is not made availeble, #t may be regarded by the statesman who enjoys his little fun as a case of | passing the bock. — The Hohenzollern Coloss. The German Republic hauled down | its flag yesterday. Rather, it was low- | ered by the new rulers of the Retch, | the all-powerful National Socialists, who have even conquered the one man left in the country upon whom the re- public’s hopes continued to be pinned— President von Hindenburg. An edict issued by the octogenarian soldier- statesman, discarding the black-red- gold flag of the republic and substitut- ing for it two national banners, the black-white-red of the Hohengzollern empire and the swastika of the Nazis, was broadcast over the radlo to an astonished German mnebion: Sunday afternoon. 5 A “The banner of the national upris- ing,” as Chancellor ‘Hiflér called” his | party’s flag when announcing its “legah ization,” is now recognized and adapted | as an official emblem of the Reich. It ‘will be flown over public buildings and on all ceremonial occasions alongside the new national black-white-red stand- ard. Europe and the world at large cannot be blamed for shuddering at the possibilities which such a change in Germany’s colors denotes. From a dozen continental capitals, and even from London, come mutter- ings and rumbles of imminent interna- tional conflict. A Fascist Italian gen- erdl blusters that “there will be war by Spring.” At Geneva, where Prime Minister MacDonald and his foreign secretary, Sir John Simon, are desper- ately trying to resuscitate the defunct Disarmament Conference, conferences convened for that purpose are suddenly oconfronted with the necessity of con- sidering what can be done to preserve peace. . It would be. premature to jump to the cenclusion that the Old World is ready for another attempt at suicide Just because reaction is now enthroned in Germany. But the effects of events -in tha try ere undeniable. m h\..u x@fim filled all Europe fear that Hitler's ascendancy in the Reich is the forerunner of mad adven- tures abroad. A Hitler-Mussolini mili- tary alliance looms. Poland awaits & German attempt to seize the Danzig Corridor. ' ‘The right of the sorely-tried German people to order their own political des- tinies cannot be challenged. But .if Fascism's acquisition of autocratic power at home goes so dizzily to the heads of Herr Hitler and his fellow hotspurs that the peace of an entire continent is threatened, it becomes the privilege, if not the duty, of those whose interests are menaced to take preven- tive steps. It is just possible that, with the Hohenzollern colors and the swastika at their head, the ebullient Nazis may be riding for a fall. b —————— Up to the Senate. ‘When the House by a vote of 266 to 138 passed President Roosevelt’s econc- my bill it virtually assured the meas- ure's becoming a law. The Senate may not act so quickly. The rule of unlimited debate in that body makes for delay, particularly over contro- versial questions, and the opponents of the proposed $400,000,000 slash in the Government expenditures for vet- erans are likely to make themselves heard. Nevertheless, the impressive victory of the economy bill in the House, plus the known intention of many of the members of the Senate to sup- port the President on this issue, will, it is believed, bring ultimate victory in the Upper House. A refusal now to follow the lead of the new President in his emergency program for dealing with the financial end economic crisis would be dis- couraging to the Nation, which has looked forward to the Roosevelt ad- ministration with hope. Furthermore, | with the overwhelming Democratic majority now in the Senate, a defeat of the Democratic President at thc very beginning of his term of office would tend to bring abouf a chaotic condition, with serious rifts in the party. The President has said in words clear and understandable that he has the greatest sympathy with all disabled veterans of wars; that he will see there is a fair and just administra- tion of the proposed law. But the time has come, he has also said, when mental expenses if there is to remain a stable Government with adequate credit. The President believes—and the country will agree with him—that millions of these veterans are as pa- triotic today as they were when they were in the active service of the Nation unwilling to make such sacrifices as are necessary. Another Democratic President, Grover Cleveland, took a firm stand against the overloading of the Government pension rolls back in 1886. Under the arrears of pensions act, passed in 1879, veterans of the Army had sought by all kinds of excuses to get themselves placed on the pension rolls. When they were placed on the rolls they re- ceived back pensions running into the thousands of dollars. Thousands upon thousands of private pension bills were rushed through the Congress. Members of Congress did not in those days relish the notoriety that might attach to op- position to these pension bills. Mr. Cleveland vetoed thousands of these private bills, and in 1887 he vetoed & general pension bill based upon the then new principle of allowing relief to veterans, not because of wounds in- curred in the service, but upon the ground of service and present disa- bility alone. Many of the private pension bills which Mr. Cleveland ve- toed were a scandal upon the Govern- ment, some of them granting pensions to deserters and to men who had not actually been in the Army. Other Presidents have sought to op- pose the constantly growing demand for pensions and compensation of all kinds made by the veterans and veteran organizations since the World War. The so-called soldiers’ bonus law was passed over the veto of Calvin Coolidge. Presi- dent Hoover sought in vain to stem the tide, with veto messages and With recommendations to cut the allowances and the lists. President Roosevelt has now struck boldly to halt the mounting expenditures of the Government for pensions and to curtail them materially. In the Government budget the bill for pensions and compensation to veterans and the administration of the Veterans’ Bureau reaches almost a billion dollars, practically one-fourth of the total. No American worthy of the name would deny aid to men who were injured in the defense of the Nation. But the aid is poured forth now in millions to men whose disabilities had nothing what- ever to do with their war service. ———————— The national sense of humor is re- viving to a degree that enables the millionaire who finds himself without cab fare to smile and pass the incident along to a reporter so that the public may enjoy the laugh. Career Diplomats. 1t is strongly intimated on President- elect Roosevelt's behalf that he is not inclined to disturb at least two of America’s career diplomats now at strategic points abroad—Ambassador Grew in Japan and Minister Johnson in China. Apart from the surpassing im- portance of their duties at this particu- lar moment, with the Far East aflame, Dboth Messrs. Grew and Johnson have spent their mature lives in the foreign service and come as near to being ir- replaceable as any members of that organization could be. To remove Mr. Grew from Tokio or Mr. Johnson from Peiping, even though each owes his present assignment to the outgoing Re- publican President, would be to strike a blow at America’s efficient repre- sentation abroad, which, it is gratifying to learn, is remote from Mr. Roose- velt’s mind. Some twenty-five or thirty career men are now chiefs of missions at for- eign capitals. They include both Am- bassadors and Ministers. Among them are our disarmament expert, Hugh Gibson, envoy to Belgium, but, in fact, America’s roving European Ambassa- dor,-and Hugh R. Wilson, Minister to time at Geneva in charge of our in- creasingly intimate contacts with the | League of Nations. Messrs, Gibson and ‘Wilson have grown up in and with the service, among the indispensables. there must be a pruning of all govern- | during war, and that they will not be | Switzerland, who puts in most of his land. expression in the United States’ corps of diplomatic officials throughout Latin America. Virtually all the American legations in Central and South America are now headed by men who are not only familiar with the languages of the countries to which they are accredited, but through long service in them have acquired expert knowledge of the Latin temperament, economic conditions and political factors. In only two or three cases are there among them those who can be classified as deserving politiclans who were rewarded with their present jobs under the patronage system. Under the Rogers law, which protects 1l grades of the foreign service under ambassadorial and ministerial rank from coming within the patronage orbit, there has developed an esprit de corps which is steadily, even in the present political system, building up a diplomatic organization worthy of the name. Young men of fine educational background are entering it in increasing numbers, They begin at low ratings and small salaries. the course of time, to that promotion and higher status to which long and faithful service entitles them, The more luscious plums, like the ambassador- ships to the great European capitals, can probably never be rescued from the patronage roll. But where meritorious records have been achieved at impor- tant points throughout the world by career men, it is the part of common sense and in the fundamental national interest not to displace them with mere place-hunters hankering for the lure and glory of foreign residence. America’s international relations to- day are too vital to be risked in in- experienced hands. — e One of the most popular officials in | Washington, D. C., as Secretary of the Navy, Josephus Daniels cannot be re- { ferred to as one of the forgotten men {whn are just being recollected. Radio programs are going to be harder to arrange if the listening public con- | tinues to manifest increasing preference | for political economy over music and merriment. e r—————— Cities compelled by calamity to re- | build, always do so on lines of greater permanence and beauty. But an earth- quake is & hard preparation for a new plan. ——————————— |, The U. 8. A. does not need a “dic- tator.” What some of the countries who seek to operate with concentrated | authority need is a president. | —— s Even the most aggressive politician | must become aware of the fact that | senatorial courtesy cannot remain en- tirely one-sided. ————————— Greece may find Insull useful if he can be persuaded to modify his financial methods in the light of adverse ex- perience. —on—s. ‘The present intention is obviously to bring all kinds of gold out of hiding, including the good old Golden Rule. ——rete. Earthquake shocks are reported to be subsiding, both geographical and finan- clal. SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNBON. Non-Interference. For service we're patiently waiting, We know that it soon will be here, | 8o we listen with faith unabating To each message of confident cheer. The earth has been rollin’ and pitchin’, But as on the proceedings I look, I'm goin’ to keep out of the kitchen, ’Cause it's no time to bother the cook. Of course, I could offer a reason For trying some flavoring new, Or using some different season That would spoil the whole work when its through. I'm not going to be a quick stepper With purpose that may be mistook, To throw in more salt or more pepper; It's no time to bother the cook. Paradox. “You say that all you want to do is to talk plain common sense?” “Yes,” answered Senator Sorghum. “The trouble is that the kind of sense referred to as ‘common’ is at times so exceedingly unusual.” Jud Tunkins says international that there are a lot of things harder to understand even than contract bridge. Superfluity. | We are travelin’ on to glory With a pace that's firm and steady. Don't tell a hard-luck story, We all know one already. Use and Beauty. “What do you think of the Spring styles.” “I admire them very much,” said Miss Cayenne. ‘For their beauty?” “Rather for their usefulness. They are a reliable means of relieving some of our best minds of worry over more serious mattérs.” “Fear is no fault, if conquered,” said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown. “If fear could never exist, there would be no merit in fortitude.” All Together. We aye worryin’ all together, And it's most about the way In a passing cloudy day, But we're in agreement standing, High and low, all down the line, ‘With good conscience still commanding, And the company is fine. “A sensible man,” said Uncle Eben, “don’t want his own way if he can find an honest friend whose way is better.” ——r—————— Postal Pens. From the New York Sun. ‘The proj to establish postal sav- linked with pwpnnnlmm':Ilt tw fi a put & e the post offices of the ————————— Postal Pay. Prom the Pasadens Post. too, and are now classed |, They are justified in looking forward, in | p! finance is reminding a lot of people | missi THIS AND THAT BY CHARLES E. TRACEWELL. An earnest reader wants to know what makes a '.hln(m he orite “and thin| hs. S k it is good, then .you read another saying just the contrary, and it sounds just as clever and just as convincing. “So truth, as one sees it, isn't what makes a thing quotable. Is it just a clever grangement of words that may or may not hold up under close scru- tiny? Perhaps nothing brings out the rela- tivity of truth more than a quotati apt or otherwise. b 53 It is not because of the approach to an expression of truth, fixed and deter- mined forever, that a reader admires a certain quotation, but mostly because it fits the case, is well expressed, and be- longs where it is used. Otherwise, it is in by the back of the neck, as it were, forced to do duty out of its natural setting, and succeeds in offending more than it Truth is only part of the problem of any statement taken out of its proper setting. Sometimes injustice is done an author by divorcing a part of what he has said from all that he has said. Every one is familiar with cases in which a totally different meaning was given when a single sentence was di- vorced from other sentences. A quotation, according to the diction- ary, is “that which is quoted or cited; a passage referred to, repeated, or ad- duced as evidence or {llustration.” To quote, as commonly understood, comes under three heads: 1, to refer to, repeat, or adduce a passage from an author, by way of authority or illus- tration; 2, to name the current price of, and 3, to set off by quotation marks. What the dictionary fails to tell us, l}owever, is the real gist of the ques- tion. Why is a certain passage quoted? Surely it is, in most cases, not only because it illustrates a point, but be- cause it is well said. Often it is better said than other attempts to say the same thing. This is the crux of the matter. It is better said, or at least the user thinks it is. Whatever a quotation may be, it rep- resents the user’s idea of something well said. Usually it is the user's idea, also, of some facet of the truth, especially if it tends to bear out, as so many quotations do, the opinins of the writer or speaker. * X % x ‘There is a great deal of danger in the use of quotations. This has never been better expressed than in H. W. Fowler's “Dictionary of Modern English Usage.” We quote him at length because he is worth quoting: “Didactic and polemical writers quote passages from others to support them- selves by authority or to provide them- selves with something to controvert; critics quote from the books they ex- amine in illustration of their estimates. These are matters of business on which no general advice need be offered. “But_the literary or decorative quo- tation is another thing. A writer ex- presses himself in words that have been used before because they give his meaning better than he can give it himself, or because they are beautiful or witty, or because he expects them to touch a chord of association in his reader, or because he wishes to show that he is learned or well read. “Quotations due to the last motive are invariably ill-advised; the discern- ing reader detects it and is contemptu- ous; the undiscerning is perhaps im- pressed, but even then is at the same time repelled, pretentious quotations be- ing the surest road to tedium; the less experienced a writer is, and therefore on the whole the less well read he is also, the more is he tempted to éhis error; the experienced knows he had certain sentence or para- | that he qmunn-m'mnm and the well aware it he would, is not will think he can- At this polnt let us stop the quatation long enough to inter that it be- :I':m;anq\nmrlgt m{ 1 sflur: & Ct lor to’ abstain from q-mu‘-g'mm in whatever quotations they may use, v'rel- erably using only a few lent words better avoid it; t he could quote afraid that readers from some 8] ing the reader the compliment of be- lieving that he is quite as familiar with the author quoted as he, the writer, is himself. ‘To continue with our quotation on quotations: “Quotation for association's sake has more chance of success, or less cer- tainty of failure; but it needs a homo- eneous audience; if & jest's prosperity !luintheuro!hlmth-thnnu,n too does a quotation’s; to.each reader those quotations are agreeable that neither strike him as hackneyed nor rebuke his ignorance by their complete novelty, but rouse dormant memories; quotation, then, should be adaptable to the probable reader’s degree of cultiva- tion; which presents a very pretty prob- lemto those who have a mixed audi- ence to face; the less mixed the audi- ence, the safer it is to quote for asso- clation. “Lastly, the sayings, wise or witty or beautiful with which it may occur to us to adorn our own inferior matter, not for business, not for benmefit of clergy, not for charm of association, but as carvings on a cathedral facade, or pic- tures on the wall, or shells in a bower- bird’s room, have we the skill to choose and place them? Are we architects, or bric-a-brac dealers, or what?” * KKK . Fowler's prose style often stril’kr:s the reader as concise to & fault, and rather too biting for comfort, but it will be found on close perusal that it is adequate to the subject, and excep- lete. m";';lely-?:ymmn at the end is the one needed by most persons, since the temptation is often strong to adorn talking or writing with admirable quo- tations, good in themselves, perhaps, but acting in their new settings as gems, | d nothing more. l“Il one is setting out to display gems, s upon a string, this is well enough, :ut vI:hen something else is in the wind, the collection of mental diamonds tends to take the mind of the reader or listener off the real business and put it upon something else, ie., the gems. ‘Wherefore, it will be found, in most cases, that quotations may be omitted, or at least cut down to their essentials. 1t will be discovered that the most ap- riate “gems of thought,” as they B::p 'sometimes listed, can be reduced to | thelr simplest elements without doing violence to them: this permits the user to give them without distracting the thought of the reader or hearer, at the same time he pays them the delicate compliment of feeling that they are quite as well acquainted with them as he is. There is a real thrill, in reading, to come across a quoted passage in un- quoted form, and to feel that one rec- ognizes it, and shares with the writer the colnnduhir of something great. Only the totally uninformed would think for an instant that such a user had suppressed quotation marks with an intent to deceive. It was, indeed, to call_attention to his quotation that he established this small bond of common knowledge between him and the reader. A good quotation comes into being because it is the flower of continued expression. the real result of a body of writing, of which it is often the climax, if not in point of time, then in thougnt. It is always better in its proper context than when disassociated from it. should be kept in mind of any quota- tion. If it is good by itself, it is better where it belongs. WASHINGTON OBSERVATIONS BY FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. Over the week end more or less cir-| cumstantial reports fluttered through the Capital that President Roosevelt might unlimber the patronage big stick and brandish it in the face of Democratic Senators who won't play ball on the economy bill. Before in- auguration hints were heard that this might happen, but F. D. R. had such smooth sailing during his first six days in office that it didn't seem any such necessity would arise. Then came Sat- urday’s near revolt among House Democrats on economy, and now there's the certainty of a tussle in the Senate before the measure can be enacted Whether the patronage club has been held in reserve, to be wielded over the heads of recalcitrant Senators, or not. it is a fact that relatively few Federal plums have so far been bestowed upon the Democratic faithful. Jobs in which State _political leaders are interested, like United Sl:x]t:s ]ud!ghip!. ltt;:— neyships, marshalships and postmaster- ships, departmental posts in Washing ton, and places in the diplomatic serv- ice, with few exceptions, are still to be distributed. Applications have been filed in stacks. But the President is heart-whole and fancy-free. It would be in strict accord with the eternal fit- ness of things if Democratic members of Congress who desert the administra- tion at this critical hour run into the cold shoulder at the White House, especially if they come on favor-asking ions. Democratic Presidents seem to run to men of the pen for Ambassadors and Ministers to represent the United States abroad. In that respect Franklin Roosevelt is u’ndln&in the footsteps of ‘Woodrow Wilson. signation of Rob- ert W. Bingham of Kentucky for Lon- don, Claude G. Bowers for Madrid and Josephus Daniels for Mexico City indi- cates that the new President thinks that diplomacy and journalism have much in common. President Wilson in his day named as envoys editors and writers like Walter Hines Page, Thomas Nelson Page, Robert Underwood John- son, Norman Hapgood and others. ‘To am}:fidnm.‘m this country 1!;;1‘ :‘::- atc erary men over & - gmlon of years, including such notables s Edward Everett, John Lothrop Mot- ley, George Bancroft. James ‘Russell Lowell, John Hay, Whitelaw Reid and George Harvey. EREE Fate has brought responsibility and opportunity to an able young Ameri- can in the person of F. G. Awalt, act- ing controller of the currency. A World War veteran and Maryland law- yer, he was deputy controller under John W.-Pole, who retired from the We can manage through the weather | o, L uation. Mr. Awalt has a wide acquaint- ance among the bankers ‘of the coun- try, and is highly regarded by them. EE filters . from New York News “mA the | o budget-slashing | late vin of the New York Life Insurance Co. One of the former President’s visitors in Manhattan on Saturday was Thomas emergency and co-related Federal af- fairs, is the sort of thing P. D. R. has it in mind to do every so often, when the state of the Union warrants it. He instituted the system at Albany in con- nection with New York State matters and resorted to it with effective results whenever it was necessary to build fires “back home” behirfd legislators who weren't giving the Governor the support he thought he was. entitled to in the public interest. The President has an uncommonly vibrant and buoyant radio “gtyle.” He likes the rhicrophone, has mastered all its little tricks, and puts things over persuasively. ER ‘Yosuke Matsuoka, who fought Japan's recent unsuccessful battles at the League of Nations, is in England, headed for the United States, where he will arrive on March 23. Although he is to re- main in this country three weeks before sajling for Japan in mid-April, Mr. Matsuoka declined scores of invitations to make public addresses here. He will make a single exception, in favor of the University of Oregon, at Eugene, where he was once an undergraduate. Mr. Matsuoka is telling interviewers in Lon- don that Secretary of the Navy Swan- son’s decision to keep the United States fleet on the West Coast is “‘deplorable.” He fears it is “liable to add fuel to the already bad resentment in Japan against America.” * k k% Many members of Congress, in both House and Senate, who have opposed or will oppose the economy drive against veterans’ appropriations,” feel obligated by 1932 campaign pledges. In in- numerable constituencies throughout the Union the “soldier vote” is a factor which politicians cannot afford to ig- nore. Plenty of them know it means ruin dbo tofle;::flilt. President’s ic proposal op several hundred mll‘]’bn.l from Spenish War and World War grants, especially in non-service connected cases, is not based entirely on political considera- tions. The arguments that cessation of payments at this time will extensively m\:‘u;filgn lndt pl‘::e new bur- c charity carrying a good deal of weight on Capitol BflL‘ * ¥ X % French Strother, President Hoover’s f to reduce pposite sentence, thus pay- | GOV “This | tiol The Political Mill By G. Gould Lincoln. year. In it he called knife. Not since the days of Grover Cleveland bas a Chief Executive en to face the wrath of veterans and their crganizations on such a scale. It is quite true that many of the veterans of the World War and other wars have applauded and will applaud what President Roosevelt is doing. They have plenty of pratriotism. But there will also be many who will object strenuously to the Roosevelt pro- gram, which is in opposition to the policy of the leaders of the American Legion, who have insisted that the budget should be balanced, not by cur- tailing these payments tc the veterans, but by taking the money from the wealty of the country through taxa- wealthy of the country through taxa- is a non-political organization, many of its members have engaged in politics, and the effort of scores of members of Congress—and the Senate—has been to stand well with the Legion and to sup- port all legislation which it favored. * K % * ‘The marvel is that President Roose- velt was able to bring the House to| take his economy plan by a vote of 266 to 138. True, there was a sizable revolt within the Democratic caucus of the! House, which threatened to upset the Roosevelt economy plans entirely, just before the bill was taken up in the House. Under the leadership of Rep- resentative Browning of Tenncssee, himself a veteran, an amendment to the bill was approved by a majority of the Democratic members to prevent the removal of any veteran from the rolls who is now receiving pension or compensation, and to limit all cuts #n pensions and compensation to 25 per cent. But in the House itself, when the showdown came, 197 Democrats supported the passage of the bill and | only 92 voted against it. Furthermore, the Democrats supporting the Presi- dent had been heartened during the two hours of debate in the House by the| news that the Republican members | would cast a big vote for the bill. * %k % * ‘When the roll was called, the Demo- crats had to make up their minds whether they would go along with their ; new President or be governed by the | wishes of the veterans, particularly the | politically-minded veterans. It was a| tough spot for many of them. The| strong appeal made by the President, however, that the Congress act for the | benefit of the whole country in this| matter and his promise that no injus- | tice be done disabled and deserving | veterans, carried the day. President! Roosevelt's predecessor, Herbert Hoover, had recommended to the last Congress | that there be cuts made in the money appropriated for the veterans, but noth- ! ing so broad as the Roosevelt proposal. | Mr. Hoover’s recommendations had | been turned down flatly by the Con- | gress, which was not only hostile to| the President, but on the eve of a na- | tional election and congressional elec- n. * % x % The new Democratic leadership of the House has won its spurs. It has put_through—with the aid of the Re-|ameter. publicans, it is true—a measure which promised them more trouble probably | than any other the administration may present. If it tottered for a few mo- | ments, it came back strong. Further-| Speaker Rainey and Majority | Leader Byrns had the good sense to make use of the services of Representa- | tive McDuffie of Alabama, who had been Mr. Rainey's principal opponent for the Speakership among the Democrats, in dealing with the economy bill | McDuffie was appointed chairman of a | special Economy Committee to handle | ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS BY FREDFRIC J. HASKIN. o stam) 10 cards. Q. How many Boy Scouts are there in Canada?—N. T. 8. A. At present, there are 62,000 boys enrolled. Since the movement was in- augurated in Canada, 2¢ years ago, 400,- 000 have enrolled. Q. How much tax does’ man, woman and child in g5 &g s the average the United ‘The per ta taxes is $19.71. The per capita burden of State taxes averages $57.73, making & total of $77.44. Q. Does the lame duck amendment ;l!o away with the electoral college?— . G. A. It does not. Senator Norris has ment was added to the Constitution?— Toio: Sopmaane 1806, Wash ; 1; 1912; Arizona, . 1912; Illinols, 1913; Oregon, homs, 1918; South Dakots, 1918. Q ‘What hn.“. Comedie Prancaise in Paris>—C. A. The Comedle Francaise is the official name of the national theater of France, which is supported by pub- lic funds for the purpose of advancing dl:lm.nc md It"wul: long known as Maison de Moliere, eres oy , or Moliere's Q. What system do manufacturers of Yale locks use 50 that no two keys will fit the same locks?—T. A. L. A. A degree of safety is provided by the irregular shape of the key. The notches of the average key may be cut in eight depths, so that there are five notches, and the number of different keys possible is eight to the power of five, i e, 32,768. The notches are cut automatically to the required depth and the pins in the plug are made after- introduced a constitutional amendment | yy; several times which will do away with the electoral college. He plans to in- troduce this amendment again in the next Congress. Q. Do water pipes break when the water in them freezes, or as it begins to thaw?—D. B. A. The expansion of the water as it iurns to ice causes a pipe to burst. However, since the water cannot flow when frozen, # is not until the ice begins to melt that the break is dis- covered. Q. How long did Anna Hyatt work on her “Joan of Arc"?—A. R. T. A. Although critics sald that it was impossible, Miss Hyatt executed this great equestrian group in four months. During that period she worked 10 hours a day for seven days of each week. She herself massed on to the framework 3!, tons of clay. Q. What does the term “interference” mean in connection with a controversy over a patent application?—N. M. Interference is a_proceeding in- | stituted to determine the question of priority when two inventors are mak- ing practically the same claims for a patent. Q. Why does the British flag always fly over the residency at Lucknow, In- dia?—L. R. W. A. It is never lowered in honor of | the magnificent defense of that resi- dency by a handful of British troops against many thousands of Indian in- surrectionists. Q. What proportion of glucose is| used in hard candies?—N. S, A. Usually the proportion is 85 per| cent sugar and 15 per cent glucose. Q. Who were the two boxers by the name of Jack Dempsey?—A. C. D. A. Jack Dempsey (the Nonpareil) was a middleweight champion from 1884 to 1891, born December 15. 1862, and died November 1, 1895. Jack Demp- sey (the Manassa Mauler) was born June 24, 1895. and was heavyweight ighmzs pion of the world from 1919 to How large do drops of water | Q. have to be to be called rain?—G. T. A. Drops of water formed in the atmosphere by condensation of aqueous vapor and falling rapidly by virtue of their weight are known as rain. Small- er, finer particles, falling more slow- ly, are known as mist or fog. Drops of 'rain one-fourth to three-tenths of an inch in diameter have been meas- ured. The smallest drops of rain meas- ure one-twentieth of an inch in di- Q. What States had enfranchised women before the nineteenth amend- of the keys to correspond with similar grooves in the keyway in the plug. By varying the shape and location of these grooves a great range of key changes is made possible. Q. What s the regulation size of a bowling alley?>—G. A. C. = S -Sey 42 A. The American upon a smooth board inches wide and 60 feet in length from the foul line, which the player must not cross, to the center of the first pin. Befi :vho invented the post card?— A. The post card is an unofficial card of a regulation size transmissible under the postal regulations through the mails upon prepayment of postage. It origi- nated in Austria in 1869, the inventor being Dr. Emanuel Herman. It was introduced into England in 1870 and into the United States in 1873. A pie- ture post card was first used by a book- seller named Schwartz of Oldenburg, Germany, in 1870, but the first card of a picture appeared in 1875. Q. Is it incorrect to say “Sahars | Desert”?>—W. H. | _A. Sahara is an Arabic word mean- | ing desert. However, since the word is now used as the name of one specific area, many writers of good repute use the phrase “Sahara Desert.” Q. What university administers the Athenian oath to its graduates?— E.W. L A. The following adaptation of this oath is taken by the graduates of the College of the City of New York: “We will never bring disgrace to our city by any act of dishonesty or cowardice, nor ever desert our suffering comrades | in the ranks; we will fight for the ideals | and sacred things of the city, both alone and with many; we will revere and obey the city’s laws and do our best to incite a like respect and reverence in those about us who are prone to annul them and set them at naught; we will strive unceasingly to quicken the pub- lic's sense of civic duty; and thus, in | all these ways, we will strive to trans- | mit this city not only not less, but greater, better and more beautiful, than it was transmitted to us.” Q. Where was the first customs house in America?—B. S. t Yorktown, Va. It is still | Q. During the Civil War, why were | Southern sympathizers in the Northern States called “Butternuts”?>—B. E. N. A. Many of the Confederate soldiers wore coarse brown homespun clothes | which had been dyed with butternut juice. They were sometimes referred to | as “Butternuts,” and the name extend- 'ed to their sympathizers in the North. Spirit of Vigorous Action Stirred by Inaugural Speech President Roosevelt, urging the ban- | will also sense that deep feeling for & this legislation. And Mr. McDuffie did | ishment of fear and breathing the spirit | heritage which is the core of all con- an exceedingly capable job both for| the administration and for the Rainey- | of effective attack on obstcales to prosperity, wins much support by the i servatism worth conserving.” “He has taken the oath,” according Bymns machine in the House in his!nature of his inaugural address. Strik- |to the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, handling of the economy bill. | The administration meets its next| test—so far as the economy bill is con- | cerned—in the Senate, where Senator | Robinson of Arkansas, the Democratic | leader, must marshal his forces for the| measure. It is confidently predicted by | Senate leaders that the measure will| Republic, “in the candor with which | ing phrases in his forecast for the fu- ture are accepted by the country as evidence that he will act promptly in matters that are required for public welfare. “There is encouragement for the people,” says the Rockford Register- | “with a united Nation behind him, hopeful, faithful, patriotically pledged to stand by and work with-him for na- tional salvation.” That the Nation is | united behind him is the conviction of | the Oakland Tribune, the San Antonio | Evening News, the Pasadena Star-News, the Peoria Star, the Cincinnati Times= pass that body. t0o, but there is likely | the new President faced the situation | Star, and the Columbia (S. C.) State. to be a lively fight before it does. The “three Rs” of the and Robinson. | * X x % . Republicans in the House—and many | in the Senate will follow suit—have | given their approval to the President’s | emergency banking bill and his economy bill. The third measure in his emer- gency program, however, is likely to be | resisted strongly by many of the regu- | lar Republicans—no matter what the | attitude of so-called Progressives. This third measure is the promised bond issue | bill, to spend something like $500,000,000 | to set up camps for the unemployed ! and to carry on reforestation, flood | control. and other public works. The Republicans object strenuously to such | a measure, asserting they see no use in lopping half a billion dollars off the Government expenditures for veterans and Federal employes if the same sum is to be spent on public works. Where | w“flkl- be the saving to the people, they * ok k% Is President Roosevelt to hold u the beer bill for his so-called pro:nn': of permanent legislation—as distin- guished from the emergency program? The legalization of the manufacture and sale of beer would not only set more men to work, but would also bring reve- nue into the Treasury. So the beer men are ukln[t, why wait? * % x Failure of appreciable numbers of members of the House to put in appear- ances when the roll is being called on legislation was the subject of comment in the House restaurant Saturday. One of his colleagues suggested to Repre- sentative Loring Black of New York that perhaps the flu was responsible for absences. “It’s a disease that’s responsible,” re- plied the ready New Yorker, “but not the flu. It's the ‘Ayes’ and ‘Noes’ disease.” * K ok % Chairman Everett Sanders of the Re- publican National Committee has picked as his ndmlnlstnuvewu:i:m— ith the SENATOR (Copyright. 1933.) ———v—t————— Bread and Pie. Prom the 8t. Iobe- | ayune, the Rock Island and the prompt way in which he moved present Democratic | to meet it.” Recognition of his “prompt | administration are Roosevelt, Rainey |attack upon the problems of the nation” | is given by the New Orleans Times-Pic- Argus and the Rutland Herald. The Charlotte Ob- server believes that “no President ever made more accurate diagnosis of the ills of the nation and none ever laid down a line of remedies in more frank or courageous language; it was remark- able for directness and force.” The At- lanta Joprnal comments: “Action is the country’s demand. ‘Action and action now’ is the President’s pledge. And ac- tion it will be.” The Portland Oregon Journal declares: “There is good augury in the great event at Washington. There is & man in the White House with a mental horizon as wide as the world, with an affection as deep as' the oceans, with a purpose as high as the sky.” ‘The President's statement, “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself,” is quoted by numerous papers. On this the Youngstown Vindicator comments: “The truth of this is everywhere to be seen. There would be no bank crisis, and without & bank crisis everything else would be normal, if fear had not led to the withdrawal and hoarding of two billions of currency. Confidence will lead this back to the banks, and the Nation will go forward again. In the resumption of the Nation's onward march President Roosevelt assumes the leadership, certain that we can go on to victory if we only will. That we shall do so, no one who knows the history of this country can doubt.” The Buffalo Evening News feels that the statemens “shows an appreciation of the source qof the present troubles which most needs to be removed,” and the Oklahoma City Times avers that “the President has said things to allay that | fear, which is our greatest foe.” ‘The New York Sun agrees that “there was a boldness about it which befitted a man of courage, yet this was not tinged with overconfidence.” The Fort ‘Worth Star-Tel asserts that “what piring quality long lacking — |in our national leadership—faith in himself, faith in the country, and cour- to command.” The Knoxville d | an a star of | The Birmingham Age-Herald comments: “He thrilled conservatives no less than liberals. How did he contrive to bring this about? The answer is, by being absolutely sincere in voicing the hope |and desire of the great body of the American people. The new President |had an apdience of 120,000,000. He | spoke a language which every one of his | auditors could understand because he is | attuned to their common need, because he gave such convincing proof of his diness to serve their cause.” That e had “a clear vision of the realities of the day” is the conviction of the Houston Chronicle, and the potency of his creed and vision are attested by the Providence Journal, the Butte Montana Standard and the Chicago Daily News. “By his very example he puts heart into his_countrymen,” proclaims the Omaha World-Herald, while the Day- ton Daily News views the address as “in the spirit of the finest American tradi- tions and ideals,” and the Indianapolis News states that he “impressed the people with his earnestness.” The Lin- coln State Journal suggests that “if he can bring more honesty into business and eliminate doubtful practices, he will have gone far.” p The address, according to the Newark Evening News, “was a man’s sized draft of tonic, bitter but invigorating, to a symptoms of a disease that must run certain course. Mr. Roosevelt said he would take command. He did not of- fer leadership. He assumed it. We need it.” “If cheer can be extracted from ad- versity,” advises the Cleveland Plain Dealer, “the new President may cherish the conviction that almost regardless of what happens now it will be an im- provement -over existing fact. While the President thus takes to his willing shoulders a burden of responsibility given to few of his predecessors, he finds strength and encouragemeni in the jons of a measure of popular confidence which few of them could claim at the outset of their adminis- tration. It is literally truc that mil- . lions of Americans look o Mr. Roose- velt for guidance out of ths morass of their multiplied distresses, while other millions in Europe are hopeful that this new leader will prove himself not only inspired leader of the Republic, but ' first magnitude by which the world can set its compass for recovery.” —_————————— ‘Warning. om the Macon Telegraph. A vote of confidence for a French premier is another way of notifying the official that he had better have his um- brella handy for the departure. . Y GRS s D Red Sox. Prom the Macon Telegraph. , it can get somewhere new base ball players,