Evening Star Newspaper, September 24, 1932, Page 3

ROOSEVELT LAUDS SMITH IN' SPEECH Tells San Franciscans Hoover Has Not Accepted Challenge of Campaign. (Continued From First Page) velt declared: “You of California have the opportunity once more this year of sending to the Senate another great progressive—a man who has abundantly proven an extraordinary administrative ability in the tremendous task of the war days as a member of the cabinet of Woodrow Wilson. I want to see Wil- liam Gibbs McAdoo representing this ate in the Senate of the United McAdoo is opposed by Tallant Tubbs, who won the Republican nomination from Senator Samuel Shortridge, and Rev. Robert Shuler, prohibitionist’ can- didate. Holds Debate Ome-Sided. Mr. Roosevelt, at the auditorium said: “Perhaps I am overstating the case in suggesting that the issues have been definitely joined because unrortunately between the two great national parties the debate has so far been a bit one- sided. In fact, the challenge for the de- fining of issues has not been accepted. “I had hoped, and I still hope, that the lines of demarcation could be sharp- ened and defined. Good government would be served if in our national cam- paign the leaders of the two great par- ties Id agree first of all on the defi- nition of certain problems of govern- ment. Then, having defined the prob- lems it would certainly be useful each party could in ¢ terms offer their own solutions, joining debate on the advisability, the ness of those solutio Join debate with only latform.” After reviewing his railroad speech at 1t Lake City, the candidate remarked: The next day there was displayed such a complete lack of co-ordination in their political economic thinking that it is a splendid illustration of the methods by which the present Republican lead- ership is conducting the affairs of that party. And. may I add. that the con- duct of their own campaign is as inept as their conduct of the affairs of the Nation itself.” Hits G. O. P. Farm Plan. Alluding to_his farm speech at To- peka, Kans, Mr, Roosevelt said: “The president of the United States Cham- ber of Commerce elf is no vis- fonary and yet he believes that some such plan is practical and necessary. But what do the Republican leaders say? The distinguished gentleman who is running against me says that noth- ing can be done for the farmer, except to improve general business conditions. | And meanwhile he must—indeed he | may do, according to the administra- | tion. what has been suggested to him by the President’s Home Farm Board, | including his Secretary of Agriculture, That is, to plow up every third row and | 8hoot _cvery tenth cow.” | Then he added as the crowd shouted with laughter: *“My friend from Okla- homa and California, Will Rogers, had an even better suggestion—that we shoot every third Republican poli- tician.” In conclusion, Mr. Roosevelt assert- | ed: “I am content to rest our cause | because our opponents are rather in- articulate, or merely critical. I shall continue, during the coming weeks, to | set forth the Democratic policy and | the Democratic plan for a greater so- cial justice, for a better ordered| America.” Speeds Through Palo Alto. En route to Los Angeles, Mr. Roose- velt passed through Palo Alto, the legal residence of President Hoover. ‘The train did not stop. The shouting of the crowd at San Jose, county seat of President Hoover's home county, Santa Clara, and the music of the bagpipes caused the son of the Democratic nominee to don a topcoat over his pajamas and go to the back platform shoeless. In the noonday speech before the Commonwealth Club, a non-political or- ganization of business men, Roosevelt said “we are steering a steady course toward economic oligarchy, if we are not there already “Clearly,” he added, “all this calls for a reappraisement of values. A new builder of more industrial plants, a creator of more railroad systems, an or- ganizer of more corporations, is as likely to be a danger as a help. The day of the great promoter or the finan- cial titan, to whom we granted an: thing if only he would build, or de- velop, is over. Our task now is not dis- covery or exploitation of natural re- sources, or necessarily producing more goods. It is the soberer, less dramatic | business of administering resources and plants already in hand, or seeking to | re-establish foreign markets for our surplus production, of meeting the prob- | lem of underconsumption, of adjusting | production to consumption, of distribut- | ing wealth and products more equitably, of adapting exisMng economic organ- izations to the service of the people. The day of enlightened administration has come.” Johnson Praises Roosevelt. During the day United States Senator Hiram Johnson, California Republican progressive, declared “the attitude of Mr. Roosevelt is in sharp contrast with that of Mr. Hoover has maintained to- ward progressivism and progressives of Cslifornia Johnson, who was the progressive vice presidential candidate with Mr. Roose- Velt's cousin, the famous “T. R.” when he bolted the party in 1912, said “Gov. Roosevelt was very gracious and gen- erous in his address at Sacramento. I personally appreciate what he said and I am sure it is equally anoreciated by the progressive Republicans of this State.” At Sacramento Roosevelt described Johnson as “long a warrior in the ranks to true American progress.” But, you can't one man on the NAMED FOR AVIATRIX Winning Coral Blossom in Gotham Is “Amelia Earhart.” NEW YORK, September 24 (#)—A coral blossom named after Amelia Ear- hart carried off high honors in the annual show of the American Dahlia Society, which ended yesterday. Among the “also rans” for the “American achievement medal” were the red dahlia “President Hoover” and a light pink one named “Franklin D. Roosevelt. e — SPECIAL NOTICES. CHAIRS FOR SUITABLE _FOR BRIDGE PARTIES. banquets. weddings and Imeetings. 10c up per day each: new chairs o_invalid rolling chairs for rent or sale Als: ONITED STATES STORAGE CO.. 418 10th st. n.w__Metropolitan 1844 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. ©Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, Washington. D. C. September 22, 19332, Notice is hereby given to all persons who | may have claims against Bank.”” Washington, D. must be presented to W. ceiver, with the legal proof t fhree ‘months from this date or they may owed. - (Signed) F. G. AWALT, Acting Comptrolier of the Currency. " Apples—Sweet Cider Rockville I'ruit Farm Drive to Rogkyille, Md. Then One Mile oThe Departmental LEAKS —in the roof soon grow into big ones, With ruined walls and musty rooms as a result. Let us make the small re- 5 NOW. Save your dolk Roofing: 933 V St N.W. D Company North 4423 VACUUM CLEANED. $2.50. Parts for every [ led. Robey Lin. 1440. s ; KOO FURNACES furnace; gas and ol Heating 1395 Fla. ne. it | ength and weak- | | of THE EVENING ST AR, WA HINGTO Text of Gov. Roosevelt’s Address | Business Has Broken Down. Nominee Tells Commonweatlh Club in San Francisco Government Should Exer- cise Economic Control Only W hen Initiative of Private By the Assoclated Press. SAN FRANCISCO, Calif., September 24—The text of Gov. Franklin D. Roosevelt's address before the Common- wealth Club of San PFrancisco yesterday was as follows: “I count it a privilege to be invited to address the Commonwealth Club. It has stood in the life of this city and State and, it is perhaps accurate to add, the Nation as a group of citizen i leaders interested in fundamental prob- lems of government, and chiefly con- cerned with achievement of progress in government through non-partisan means. The privilege of addressing you, therefore, in the heat of a politi- cal campaign is great. I want to re- spond to your courtesy in terms con- sistent with your policy. “I want to speak not of politics, but of government. I want to speak not of parties, but of universal principles. large sense in which a great American once expressed a definition of politics— that nothing in all of human life is foreign to the science of politics. “I do want to give you, however, a recollection of a long life spent for the conclusions and cbservations have been deeply accentuated in these past few weeks. I have traveled far—from Al- bany to the Golden Gate. I have seen many people and heard many things, and today, when in a sense my journey has reached the half-way mark, I am glad of the opportunity to discuss with you what it all means to me. “Sometimes, my friends, particularly |in years such as these, the hand of discouragement falls upon us. It seems that things are in a rut, fixed, settled; that the world has grown old and tired and very much out of joint. This is the mood of depression, of dire and | weary depression. “But then we look around us in Amer- ica and everything tells us that we are wrong. America is new. It is in the | process of change and development. It has the great potentialities of youth, and particularly is this true of the great West and of this coast and of California. No New Community. “I would not have you feel that I regard this as in any sense a new com- munity. I have traveled in many parts of the world, but never have I felt more the arresting thought of the change and development than here, where the old, mystic East would seem to be near to us, where the currents of life and thought and commerce of the whole world meet us. This factor alone is sufficient to cause a man to stop and think of the deeper meaning of things when he stands in this community. “But more than that, I appreciate that the membership of this club con- sists of men who are thinking in terms the beyond present, beyond their own indi- vidual interest. I want to invite you, therefore, to consider with me in the large some of the relationships of gov- ernment and economic life that go deep into our daily lives, our happiness, our future and our security. ““The issue of government has always been whether individual men and women will have to serve some system government or economics, or whether a system of government and economics exists to serve individual men and women. This question has persistently dominated the discussions of government for many generations. On questions relating to these things men have differed, and for time im- memorial it is probable that honest men will_continue to differ. “The final word belongs to no man; yet we can still believe in change and in progress. Democracy, as a dear old iriend of mine in Indiana, Meredith Nicholson, has called it, is a quest, a never-ending seeking for better things, and in the seeking for these things and the striving for them, there are many roads to follow. But if we map the course of these roads we find that there are only two general directions. “When we look about us we are likely to forget how hard people have worked to win the privilege of government. “The growth of the national govern- ments of Europe was a struggle for the development of a centralized force in the nation, strong enough to impose peace upon ruling barons. In many instances the victory of the central government, the creation of a strong central government, was a haven of | refuge to the individual. The people preferred the master far away to the exploitation and cruelty of the smaller master near at hand. “But the creators of national govern- ment were perfoece ruthless men. They were often cruel in their methods, but they did strive steadily thing that society needed and very much wanted, a strong central state. able to keap the peace, to stamp out civil war, to put the unruly nobleman in his place, and to permit the bulk cf individuals to live safely. “The man of ruthless force had his place in developing a pioneer country, Jjust as he did in fixing the power of the central government in the develop- ment of the nations. Society paid him well for his services and its develop- ment. When the development among the nations of Europe, however, had been completed, ambition and ruth- lessness having served its term, tended to overstep its mark. “There came a growing feeling that government was conducted for the benefit of a few who thrived unduly at the expense of all. The people sought a balancing—a limiting foroe ‘There came gradually, through town councils, trade guilds, national parlia- ments, by constitution and by popular participation and control, limitations on_arbitrary power. “Another factor that tended to limit the power of those who ruled was the rise of the ethical conception that a ruler bore a responsibility for the wel- fare of his subjects. Our Colonies So Born. “The American colonies were born in this struggle. The American revolu- tion was a turning point in it. After the revolution the struggle continued and shaped itself in the public life ol I3 the country. There were those who because they had seen the confusion which attended the years of war for American independence surrendered to the belief that popular government was essentially dangerous and essentially unworkable. “They were honest people, my friends, and we cannot deny that their ex- iperience had warranted some measure of fear. The most brilliant, honest and | able exponent of this point of view was Hamilton, slow-moving_methods. Fundamentally he believed that the safety of the Re- public lay in the autocratic strength of its government; that the destiny of individuals was to serve that govern- ment, and that fundamentally a great and strong group of central institutions, guided by a small group of able and public-spirited citizens could best direct all government. “But Mr. Jefferson. in the Summer of of Independence, turned his mind to the same problem and took a different view. He did not deceive himself with out- ward forms. Government to him was a means to an end, not an end in itself; it might be either a refuge and a help or a threat and a danger, depending on the circumstances. We find him carefully analyzing the society for which he was to organize a government. “‘We have no paupers—the great mass of our population is of laborers, our rich who cannot live without labor, either manual or professional, being few and of moderate wealth. Most of the laboring class possess property, cultivate their cwn lands, have families and from the demand for their labor are enabled to exact from the rich and the competent such prices as enable them to feed abundantly, clathe above A They are not political, except in that | large part in public office. Some of my | immediate | * | equal speed to the United States Gov- | He was too_impatient of | 1776, after draiting the Declaration of | mere decency, to labor moderately and raise their families.” | “These people, he considered, had two | sets of rights, those of ‘personal com- | petency’ and those involved in acquir- ing and possessing property. By ‘per- sonal competency’ he meant the right | |of free thinking, freedom of forming |and expressing opinions, and freedom of personal living, each man according to his own lights. To insure the first | set of rights, a government must so order its functions as not to interfere with the individual. But even Jefferson realized that the exercise of the prop- erty rights might so interfere with the rights of the individual that the gov- ernment, without whose assistance the property rights could not exist, must intervene, not to destroy individualism but to protect it. “You are familiar with the great | political duel which followed, and how | Hamilton, and his friends, building to- | ward a dominant centralized power, | were at length defeated in the great 2lection of 1800 by Mr. Jeferson's party. Out of that duel came the two parties, Republican and Democratic, as we know them today. The New Day Begins. “So began, in American political life, | the new day, the day of the individual |against the system, the day in which individualism was made the great | watchword of American life. The hap- | piest of economic conditions made that | day long and splendid. On the West- lern frontier land was substantially | free. No one who did not shirk the task of earning a living was entirely | without opportunity to do so. Depres- | sions could, and did, come and go, but | they could not alter the fundamental | fact that most of the people lived partly by selling their labor and partly by extracting their livelihood from the soil, so that starvation and dislocation | were practically impossible. “At the very worst there was always the possibility of climbing into a €o ered wegon and moving West, Where the untilled prairies afforded & haven ‘tar men to whom the East did not provide a place. So great were our | natural resources that we could offer this relief not only to our own people but to the distressed of all the world; | | we could invite immigration from Eu- rope, and welcome it with open arms. | Traditionally, when a depression came a new section of land was opened in the West, and even our temporary mis- fortune served our manifest destiny. “It was in the middle of the nine- teenth century that a new force was released and a new dream created. The | force was what is called the indus- trial revolution, the advance of steam and machinery and the rise of the fore- runners of the modern industrial plant. The dream was the dream of an ec nomic machine, able to raise the stand- ard of living for every one; to bring | luxury within the reach of the hum- blest; to annihilate distance by steam | power and later by electricity, and to release every one from the drudgery of the heaviest manual toil. It was to be expected that this would necessarily affect government. Heretofore, govern- ment had merely been called upon to produce conditions within which pcopley could live happily, labor peacefully, and | rest_secure. Now it was called upon |to aid in the consummation of this |new dream. There was, however, a | shadow over the dream. To b: made | real it required use of the talents of men of tremendous will and tremen- | dous ambition, since by no other force |could the problems of financing and engineering and new developmenis be | brought to a consummation. | “So manitest were the advantages of | the machine age, however, that the| | United States fearlessly. cheerfully, and, | | I think, rightly, accepted the bitter with |the sweet. It was thought that no | price was too high to pay for the ad- | | vantages which we could draw from a finished industrial system. The his- tory of the last half century is accord- | ingly in large measure a history of a| group of financial titans, whose meth- ods were not scrutinized with too much care, and who were honored in pro- | portion as they produced the n‘suns,‘ | irrespective of the means they used. | The financiers who pushed the ra | roads to the Pacific were always ruth- | | less. often wasteful. and frequently cor- rupt; but they did build railroads, and | we have them today. It has heen esti- mated that the American investo: paid for the American railway system more | than three times over in the proces but, despite this fact, the net advan- tage was to the United States. As long | as we had free land, as long as popu- | |lation was growing by leaps and | | bounds, as long as our industrial plants | | were insufficient to supply our own | needs, society chose to give the ambi- | | ward. provided only that he produced | the economic plant so much cesired. | TImposition of the Tariff. | | “During this period of expansion. there was equal opportunity for all and | the business of Government was not to interfere but to assist in the develop- ment of industry. This was done at the request of business men themselves. | The tariff was originally imposed for | the purpose of ‘fostering our infant | industry” a phrase I think the older | among you will remember as a political issue not so long ago. The railroads were subsidized, sometimes by grants of money. oftener by grants of land; some of the most valuable oil lands in | the United States were granted to as- sist the financing of the railroad which pushed through the Southwest. “A nascent merchant marine was | | assisted by grants of money, or by mail | | subsidies, ‘so that our steam shipping | | might ply the seven seas. Some of my | friends tell me that they do not want | | the Government in business. With this | I agree; but I wonder whether they | realize the implications of the past. | | For while it has been American doc- | trine that the Government must not g0 into business in competition with private enterprises. still it has_been | traditional particularly in Republican | administrations for business urgently to | |ask the Government to put at private | | disposal all kinds of Government as- | | sistance. 1 | _ “The same man who tells you that he | does not want to see the Government | interfere in business—and he means |it, and has plenty of good reasons for | | saying so—is the first to go to Wash- }mmn and ask the Government for a prohibitive tariff on his product. When | | things get just bad enough—as they | aid “two years ago—he will go with | ernment and ask for a loan; and the | Reconstruction Finance Corporation is | the outcome of it. “Each group has sought protection | from the Government for its own spe- cial interests, without realizing that the | function of Government must be to | favor no small group at the expense of its duty to protect the rights of per- | sonal freedom and of private propetry of all its citizens. | “In retrospect we can now see that | the turn of the tide came with the turn | of the century. We were reaching our | | last frontier:” there was no more free | land and our industrial combinations | | had become great uncontrolled and ir- | responsible units of power within the state. Clear-sighted men saw with | fear the danger that opportunity would no longer be equal: that the growing corporation, like the feudal baron of old, might threaten the economic freedom of individuals to earn a liv- ing. In that hour, our anti-trust laws were born. “The cry was raised against the great corporations. Theodore Roosevelt, the first great Republican progressive, fought a presidential campaign on the | issue of ‘trust busting’ and talked freely about malefactors of great | wealth. If the"Government had a policy |it was rather to turn the clock back, to destroy the large combinations and to return to the time when every man owned his individual small business, mww!dbe‘hdwn’eemruwnd must all | praisal of values. “This was impossible; Theodore Roosevelt, abandoning the idea of ‘trust busting,’ was forced to work out a dif- ference between ‘good’ trusts and ‘bad’ trusts. The Supreme Court set forth the famous ‘rule of reason.’ by which it seems to have meant that a con- centration of industrial power was permissible if the method by which it got its power, and the use it made of that power, was reasonable. “Woodrow Wilson, elected in 1912, saw the situation more clearly. Where Jefferson had feared the encroachment of political power on the lives of indi- viduals, Wilson knew that the new power was financial. He saw, in the highly centralized economic system, the despot of the twentieth century, on whom great masses of individuals relied for their safety and their livelihood, and whose irresponsibility and greed (if it were not controlled) would reduce them to starvation and penury. “The concentration of financial pow- er had not proceeded as far in 1912 as it has today; but it had grown far enough for Mr. Wilson to realize fully its implications. It is interesting, now, to read his speeches. What is called ‘radical’ today (and I have reason to know whereof I speak) is mild com- pared to the campaign of Mr. Wilson. “‘No man can deny,’ he said, ‘that the lines of endeavor have more and more narrowed and stiffened; no man who knows anything about the develop- ment of industry in this country can have failed to observe that the larger kinds of credi: are more and more difficult to ctain them upo1 terms of uniting your ef- forts with those who already control the industry of the country, and nobody can fail to observe that every man who tries to set himself up in competi- tion with any process of manufacture which has taken place under the con- | trol of large combinations of capital will presently find himself either | squeezed out or obliged to sell and al- |low himself to be absorbed.” Had there | been no World War—had Mr. Wilson | been able to devote elght years to do- mestic instead of to international af- fairs—we might have had a wholly dif- ferent situation at the present time. However, the then distant roar of Euro- pean cannon, growing ever louder, |forced him to abandon the study of this issue. The problem he saw so clearly is left with us as a legacy; and no one of us on either side of the po- litical controversy can deny that it is a matter of grave concern to the Gov- ernment. “Only a Drab Living.” “A glance at the situation today only too clearly indicates that equality of opportunity as we have known it no longe: exists. Our industrial plant is built; the problem just now is whether under existing conditions it is not over- built. Our last frontier has long since been reached, and there is practically | no more free land. More than half of our people do not live on the farms or on lands and cannot derive a living by cultivating their own property. There is no safety valve in the form of a Western prairie to which those thrown out of work by the Eastern | economic machines can go for a new start. We are rot able to invite the immigration from Europe to share our endless plenty. a drab living for our own people. “Our system of constantly rising tariffs has at last reacted against us to the point of closing our Canadian frontier on the north, our European markets on the east, many of our Latin American markets to the south |and a goodly proportion of our Pacific markets on the west, through the re- taliatory tariffs of those countries. It has forced many of our great industrial institutions who exported their surplus production to such countries to estab- lish plants in such countries, within the tariff walls. This has resulted in the reduction of the operation of their American plants and opportunity for employment. “Just as freedom to farm has ceased, s0 also the opportunity in business has narrowed. It still is true that men can start small enterprises, trusting to na- tive shrewdness and ability to keep abreast of competitors: but area after area has been pre-empted altogether by the great corporations, and even in the fields which still have no great con- cerns the small man starts under a handicap. “The unfeeling statistics of the past three decades show that the inde- pendent business man is running a los- ing race. Perhaps he is forced to the wall: perhaps he cannot command credit; perhaps he is ‘squeezed out,’ in Mr. Wilson’s words, by highly or- ganized corporate competitors, as your corner grocery man can tell you. Re- toward some- | tious man free play and unlimiled re- |cently a careful study was made of the concentration of business in the United States. “It showed that our economic life was dominated by some six hundred- odd corporations who controlled two- thirds of American industry. Ten mil- lion small business men divided the other third. More striking still, it ap- peared that if the process of concen- tration goes on at the same rate, at the end of another century we shall have all American industry controlled by a dozen corporations, and run by perhaps a hundred men. Put plainly, we are steering a steady course toward economic oligarchy, if we are not there already. Wants Reappraisal of Values. “Clearly, all this calls for a reap- A mere builder of more industrial plants, a creator of more railroad systems, an organizer of more corporations, is as likely to be a danger as a help. The day of the great promoter or the financial titan, to whom we granted anything if only he would build, or develop, is over. Our task now is not discovery or ex- ploitation of natural resources or neces- sarily producing more goods. “It s the soberer, less dramatic business of administering resources and plants already in hand, of seeking to re-establish foreign markets for our sur- plus production, of meeting the prob- lem of under-consumption. of adjust- ing production to consumption, of dis- tributing wealth and products more | equitably, of adapting existing economic organizations to the service of the peo- ple. The day of enlightened adminis- tration has come. “Just as in older times the central government was first a haven of refuge and then a threat, 50 now in a closer economic system the central and am- bitious financial unit is no longer a servant of national desire, but a danger. I would draw the parallel one step farther. We did not think because na- tional government had become a threat in the eighteenth century that there- fore we should abandon the principle of national government. Nor today should we abandon the principle of strong eco- nomic units, called corporations, merely because their power is susceptible of easy abuse. In other times we dealt with the problem of an unduly ambi- tious central government by modifying it gradually into a constitutional demo- cratic government. So today we are modifying and controlling our economic units. “As T see it, the task of government in its relation to business is to ass the development of an economic decla- ration of rights, an economic constitu- tional order. This is the common task of statesman and business man. It is the minimum requirement of a more permanently safe order of things. “Happily, the times indicate that to create sugh an order not only is the proper policy of government, but it is the only line of safety for our economic structures as well. We know now that these economic units cannot exist un- less prosperity is uniform—that is, un- less purchasing power is well distrib- uted throughout every group in the Nation. That is why even the most selfish of corporations for its own Inter- D. unless you obtain | We are now providing | “! 1 C., SATURDAY, SEP | and unemployment ended, and to bring | the Western farmer back to his accus- tomed level of prosperity and to assure a permanent safety both groups. “That is why sonfd enlightened in- dustries themselves endeavg: to limit the freedom of action of man and business group within the industry in the common interest of all; why busi- ness men everywhere are asking & form of organization which will bring the scheme of things into balance, even though it may in some measure qualify the freedom of action of individual units within the business. “The exposition need not further be elaborated. It is brief and incomplete, but you will be able to expand it in terms of your own business or occu- pation without difficulty. I think every one who has actually entered the eco- nomic struggle—which means every one who was not born to safe wealth— knows in his own experience and his own life that we have now to apply the earlier concepts of American Gov- ernment to the conditions of today. Government as a Contract. “The Declaration of Independence discusses the problem of government in terms of contract. Government is a relation of give and take, a contract perforce, if we would follow the think- ing out of which it grew. Under such a contract rulers were accorded power, and the people consented to that power on consideration that they be accorded certain rights. The task of statesman- ship has always been the redefinition of these rights in terms of a changing and growing social order. New condi- tions impose new requirements upon government and those who conduct government. “I held, for example, in proceedings before me as Governor, the purpose of which was the removal of the sheriff of New York, that under modern con- ditions it was not enough for a public official merely to evade the legal terms of official wrongdoing. He owed a posi- tive duty as well. I said, in substance, that if he had acquired large sums of money he was when accused required to explain the sources of such wealth. To that extent this wealth was colored with a public interest. I said that pub- !'lic servants should, even beyond private citizens, in financial matters be held to a stern and uncompromising rectitude. “I feel ihat we are coming to a view through the drift of our legislation and our public thinking in the past quarter century that private economic power is, to enlarge an old phrase, a public trust as well. I hold that continued enjoyment of that power by any indi- vidual or group must depend upon the fulfillment of that trust. The men who have reached the summit of American business life know this best. Happily, many of these urge the binding quality of this greater social contract. “The terms of that contract are as old as the Republic and as new as the new_economic order. | this means that he has also a right to make a comfortable living. He may by sloth or crime decline to exercise that right, but it may not be denied him. We have no actual famine or dearth; our industrial and agricultural mechan- ism can produce enough and to spare. Our Government, formal and informal, political and economic, owes to every one an avenue to possess himself of a portion of that plenty sufficient for his needs through his own work. “Every man has a right to his own property, which means a right to be assured, to the fullest extent attainable, in the 'safety of his savings. By no other means can men carry the bur- dens of those parts of life which, in | the nature of things, afford no chance of labor—childhood, sickness, old age. In all thought of property this right is paramount. All other property rights must yield to it. If, in accord with this principle, we must restrict the operations of the speculator, the manipulator, even the financier. I be- lieve we must accept the restriction as needful, not to hamper individualism, ; but to protect it. Princes of Property. “These two requirements must be satisfled, in the main, by the indi- viduals who claim and hold control of | the great industrial and financial com- binations which dominate so large a part of our industrial life. They have undertaken to be not business men but princes—princes of property. “I am not prepared to say that the system which produces them is wrong. I am very clear that they must fear- lessly and competently assume the re- sponsibility which go with the power. So many enlightened business men know this that the statement would be little more than a platitude, were it not for an added implication. “This implication is, briefly, that the responsible heads of finance and incustry instead of acting each for him- self, must work together to achieve the common end. ‘They must, where necessary, sacrifice this or that private advantage: and in reciprocal self-denial must seek a gen- eral advantage. It is here that formal government—opolitical government, if you choose—comes in. Whenever in the pursuit of this objective the lone wolf, the unethical competitor, the reckless promoter, the Ishmael or Insull whore hand is against every man's, declines to join in achieving an end recognized !as being for the public welfare, and threatens to drag the industry back to a state of anarchy, the Government may properly be asked to apply restraint; likewise, should the group ever use its collective power contrary to the public welfare, the Government must be swift to enter and protect the public interest. “The Government should assume the funetion of economic regulation only as a last resort, to be tried only when private initiative, inspired by high re- sponsibility, with such assistance and balance as government can give, has finally failed. As yet, there has been no final failure, because there has been no attempt; and I decline to assume that this Nation is unable to meet the situation. “The final term of the high contract was for liberty and the pursuit of hap- piness. We have learnt a great deal of both in the past century. We know that individual liberty and individual hap- piness mean nothing unless both are ordered in the sense that one man's meat is not another man's poiscn. We know that the old ‘rights of personal competency’—the right to read, to think, to_speak, to chcose and live a mode of life, must be respected at all hazards. We know that liberty to do anything which deprives others of those elemental rights is outside the protec- tion of any ccmpact; and that govern- ment in this regard is the maintenance of a balance, within which every in- dividual may have a place if he will take it; in which every individual may find safety if he wishes it; in which every individual may attain such power as his ability permits, consistent with his assuming the accompanying re- sponsibility. “All this is a long, slow task. Nothing is more striking than the simple in- nocence of the men who insist, when- ever an objective is present, on the prcmpt production of a patent scheme guaranteed to produce a result. Human endeavor is not so simple as that. Gov- ernment includes the art of formulating a policy, and using the political tech- nique to attain so much of that policy as will receive general support; per- suading, leading, sacrificing, teaching always, because the greatest duty of a statesman is to educate. But in the matters of which I have spoken we are learning rapidly, in a severe school. The lessons so learnt must not be forgotten, even in the mental lethargy of a spec- ulative upturn. We must build toward the time when a major depression can- not cccur again; and if this means sac- rificing the easy profits of inflationist ‘booms, then let them go, and good rid- dance. “Faith in America, faith in our tra- dition of personal resj ility, faith in our institutions, faith in curselves de- mands that we recognize the new terms of the old social contact. We shall ful- fill them, as we fulfilled the obligation of the ?plrent utopia which Jefferson imagined for us in 1776, and which Jefferscn, Roosevelt and Wilscn sought to bring to realization. We must do so, lest & rising tide of misery, engendered by our common failure, engulf us all. But failure is not an American habit; and in the strength of great hope we shoulder cur common load.” EMBER 24, 1932 ROOSEVELT SHAKY IN'NEW YORK CITY Walker Case Probably Will Affect Candidacy, but Leaders Scout Danger. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. NEW YORK, September 24.—The probability that there will be no mayoralty election in New York City this Autumn will have some effect on the presidential contest in so far as New York State’s electoral vote is concerned. Until recently it had been supposd that former Mayor Walker would be on the Democratic ticket and that Tammany would be exerting itself to bring about as many votes as possible for the straight party ticket. Now that it appears unlikely there will be any municipal issue at stake for Tammany, the rank and file will express them- selves on the subject of the Roosevelt candidacy as they please. Leaders Curry and McCoohey of ‘Tammany are, of course, working with the Roosevelt campaign managers and outwardly Tammany is Joyal to the ticket, but this will not\prevent the anti-Roosevelt resentment from crop- ing out on two counts—first, the alleged persecution of Jimmy Walker by Gov. Roosevelt, presumably for political ends, and second, the killing of Al Smith's hopes for the presidency by the Roose- velt pre-convention campaign. No matter how much the Roosevelt managers and the candidate profess their love for the standard bearer of 1928, the friends of Al Smith still feel that the West and South rallied to the Roosevelt standard as a means of blocking Al Smith’s road to the White House in a year in which the tide of resentment against Hoover was running so high that the Democrats feel any- body could be elected irrespective of the ‘obstacles that arose four years ago. It is too early to say how much this will count in the New York State fight, but with the prospect that a Catholic will be nominated for the governorship on the Republican ticket, namely Col. William Donovan, a picturesque figure with a war record and a campaigning aggressiveness the Republicans have not had since the days of “T. R.” it may be said that the Democratic chances of carrying New York State are not as good as they are in other very man has a right to life, md'st,am. New York State casts a big electoral vote. Mr. Wilson won without it in 1916, but he made a clean sweep of the West. It is not conceded at Republican headquarters that the West is as doubt- ful as some of the Eastern States. The battleground this time is from Illinois eastward, and there are signs that the pro-Smith sentiment in New England is crystallizing. While some of it will be converted into Roosevelt votes by Al Smith’s pronouncement for Roose- velt which is expected to come before the end of the campaign, the prejudices engendered by the pre-convention fight are not easily erased by one speech of exhortation induced by political ex- pediency and harmony among the lead- ers of the party. The absence of a New York mayoralty fight has made it likely that New York City's vote for Roosevelt will be dimin- ished, for there is no little feeling among the Walker followers that Mayor McKee's disturbance of the status quo and the downfall of the Walker regime can be laid to the doorstep of Gov. Roosevelt. ‘The Roosevelt managers are aware of these dangers, but they are su- premely confident that the tide in their favor is running so heavily that even New York City's disaffection will be more than offset by the heavy vote | coming from up-State, which is usually Republican. (Copyright, 1932.) District’s Heroes in the World War Compiled by Sergt. L. E. Jaeckel. S recorded in the official citation, ‘Woodell A. Pickering, lieutenant colonel, 369th Infantry, 93rd Division, was awarded the Dis- tinguished Service Cross for extraordinary heroism in action with the enemy in the Champagne Sector, France, September 16 to October 1, 1918. Col. Pickering repeatedly exposed himself to intense shell and machine- gun fire, establish- ing observation stations and giving able counsel to sub- ordinate officers. On two occasions he advanced under heavy fire beyond the assault lines, to make personal rec- onnaissance and establish advanced points. His per- sonal example of bravery did much to_sustain the mo- rale of his troops. Residence at appointment, Washing- ton, D. C. ‘With the rank of major of Infantry, he is now on duty at the Army War College and resides at 2006 Columbia road northwest. R A' SUGENA BULING "1 AN 112K Distinctive Home Community Bordering Public Parks ." \,il‘fa‘ i I 503 ) 733 11¢th St.|9th St.I14tn St. !Gov | Wife Starts West Roosevelt’s | To Meet His Train Will Join Husband at Mrs. Greenway’s Arizona Ranch. } | By the Assoctated Press. | ALBANY, N. Y., September 24.—Mrs. | Franklin D. Roosevelt was traveling| alone into the West today to join her husband, the Democratic presidential | nominee, at Williams, Ariz. Traveling alone and expressing a de-' sire to remain “in the background, Mrs. Roosevelt left Albany shortly be- fore midnight last night. Her route (o Williams, where she expects to arrive Sunday, was not made public. i Gov. Roosevelt, starting the return- ing Eastward swing on his campaign trip, will meet Mrs. Roosevelt at the ranch of Mrs. John C. Greenway, Dem.- ocratic committeewoman from Arizona. Mrs. Greenway, an old friend of the Roosevelts, was a bridesmaid at the Roosevelt weddirg. At the Democratic National Convention in Chicago Mrs. Greenway seconded the nomination of the New York Governor. Mr. Roosevelt will witness a rodeo at Mrs. Greenway's ranch. CURTS IR UNTED ATTAGK ON LUV People Should Back Fresi- dent Now as in War Time, He Declares. OMAHA SPEAKERS CLASH OVER HOOVER Morrow of Kentucky Defends President Under Fire by Curley of Boston. By the Assoclated Press. OMAHA, Nebr, September 24— President Hoover's efforts toward end- ing the depression were attacked and defended tonight in a political debate before the Omaha Ad-Sell Club. Mayor James H. Curley of Boston, Demociatic campaigner, said the Presi- dent “went into office’as ‘the miracle man’ “He was the miracle man in wrecking things in less than three years,” he added. Edwin P. Morrow, former Republican Governor of Kentucky, terming the “a great and successful plan- asserted the Chief Executive had displayed “vision as great as the hour.” He said “out of the criticism and abuse of months the Hoover plan. the mighti- est agency provided by any people to overcome sinister forces, which through- out the earth have brought misery and havoe, stands out the greatest and only hope for the restoration of prosperity.” Mayor Curley charged the President snubbed the plan “which could have checked the depression if he had ac- cepted the recommendations made by myself in July, 1930.” Morrow. answering the charge, said he had not heard of the plan and sug- gested Mayor Curley should have pre- nted it to a Democratic-controlled Congress for consideration His plan, Curlev said. called for ex- penditure of $2.000.000.000 in the crea- tion of “an inland empire” through navigation and flood control through- out the Mississippi Valley, and was adopted after conferences with econ- omists representing 22 Eastern univer- By the Associated Press. Republican LOUISVILLE, Ky. September 24— Vice President Charles Curtis came to Louisville today to confer with State leaders before continuing his campaign tour in Kentucky. The Vice President was scheduled to speak in Danville, Ky, this afternoon and may attend the Centre College- Murray Teachers foct ball game after the address. He :speaks tonight in Lex- ington, where he opened the Republi- can national campaign four years ago. Representative Maurice Thatcher, Re- publican senatorial nominee. is acccm- panying Curtis on his tour. They spoke yesterday afternoon in Bowling Green and last night in Hopkinsville In his address last night Curtis ap- pealed to the people to support the President in a time of depression as they do in war times and asked them to for- get partisan feeling. T! er in his address said he personally was opposed to repeal of the eighteenth amendment, but would vote to submit the question to the people, “provided there are proper safeguards agzinst the return of the saloon.” “In times of war and in times of de- pression,” Curtis said, “the people of the United States put patrictism abov politics. and for this reason we were the | last nation to feel the effect of this | world-wide depression and will be the 1 first to recovey.” G. 0. P. TARIFF DEMANDED Because & protective tariff is “essen- | tial to the welfare of American labor and American industry.” President Hoo- | ver should be re-elected, Gov. William G. Conley of Wes Virginia asserted in {a statement issued yesterday through the Republican National Committee Industries in West Virginia and the i labor employed by them, he said, “‘can- not exist under the operation of a com- petitive tariff such as is advocated by the Democratic nominee and the Dem- ocratic party.” Government Workers' Tea. Miss Jessie Dell, Civil Service Com- | missioner, will speak tomorrow after- noon at a tea to be given by Govern- ment Workers’ Council of the ional | Women's Party 2t headquarters. Alva | Belmont House, 144 B street northeast SELLING And No Wender sities. BROUSSARD BALLOT HEARING NEXT MONTH Hearings on a new complaint filed by Senator Broussard. who was defeated for renomination in the recent Louisi- ana primary, will be held in New Or- leans early rext month, Chairman Howell of the Senate Campaign Punds Committee announced vesterday. Senator Howell said the hearings would be conducted by Senator Con- y, Democrat. of Texas. He expects Senator Bratton, Democrat. of New Mexico, also to join in the deliberations. ‘The new protest of Senator Brouss: was not made public. Senator Howell d, however, it did not charge exces- sive campaign expenditures, but come plained that the election was not con- ducted “legally and proper Broussard was defeated for the Dem: ocratic nomination by Representative :)\'91;50:1‘ who had the support of Sena- or. 2. WIRE FLOWERS TO DISTANT FRIENDS THRU 1407 H St. N.'N. OIL BURNERS SAVE MONEY Automatic Heating Corp. 1719 Conn. Ave. North 0627 Rich Men’s Homes For Only $10,500—$10,950—$11,350 Have Everything Including NEIGHBORHOOD TO INSPECT Drive out Conn. Club to Leland St. . Ave. past Chevy Chase Left only 2 squares. BUS SERVICE @NQN & LUCHS] BEVELOPMENT CO.