Evening Star Newspaper, January 26, 1930, Page 29

< Part 2—12 Pages DRY FORCES EDITORIAL SECTION The Ssundwy Star, WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, JANUARY RIDE HIGH | . AND STRONG IN CONGRESS Question of Enforcement, Especially in |'» Senate, Where Borah Opens Breach, 3 Is Pressing Problem. BY MARK SULLIVAN. - E’ SUMMARY of the atmosphere | of Congress, if accurately stated, | leaves no doubt that prohibition 18 at Jeast as strong in that body as at any time since prohibition tame. A clegr index is to be found in 4he events and the speeches associated ‘with the tenth anniversary, on January 16, and since; and in the actions con- nected with the report of the Com- mission on l.l'mmurc:lélent and with the legislation introduced. Among all these s an especially ©obvious one was in the respective re- m&m to wet and dry speeches on the day of the tenth anniversary. From a com n_ of the responses from the floor of the Lower House, nothing was ever clearer than that the dry cause is high and strong in the favor of the members. It is not merely that the drys have a majority of the membership—it must be admitted that fully 75 per cent of the Lower House is dry, and probably not less in the Senate. ‘The evidence was not so much in the numbers, for there.was no roll call on any question involving dry and wet; the evidencé was in the spirit with which Congress as a whole greeted the dry speeches. Dry Atmosphere Is Evident. In any room containing some 400 men there is often an atmosphere almost as tangible as any material thing, as recognizable as the sunlight. And the atmosphere in favor of prohibi- tion was clear to everybody and was shared by almost everybody. It is cer- tain the moderates, the middle of the road members who have no particular precccupation with prohibition, wantes 1o cheer the drys on. One would almost say that the wets as a rule, in a smiling, good-natured, sportsmanlike way, shared '.h;‘g:nenl spirit of “giving prohibition s d.” It was not that the dry speeches were better or more numerous than the wet ones. But some of the wet speeches made a mistake that has been charac- teristic of m: ‘wet leaders since pro- hibition has in Congress. The wets merely to jeer at their House of jeering, or to much tribute to that iind of dflnm;’s-g'auon. (It should be added that the wet speeches about the time of tenth annive: were less at fault in this respect than formerly; some of those wet leaders who were too violent without being much else have passed out of Congress.) Geing on Since Christmas. ‘The speech-m: on prohibition has gone on ly every day since the Chrigtmas recess. On the tenth annis the first speech on the wet side was made by Re tative Oliver, representing a New York City district. Early in his he fell into the familiar style-of the older school of i-et speech, more }g t on sound than on meaning, %00 ‘! mt on being ertxnm- matic to impress a House familiar with the fact' that epigrams and the spirit of truth or earnestness do not always g0 hand in hand, that a mind intent on the art of epigrammatic phrasing is likely to be less intent on persuasion. “We are dealing,” said Representative Oliver, “with a laughing, sporting and toasting revolution. * * * The Gov- ernment has succeeded in driving liquor from the bar to the boudoir, from the saloon tg the. salon, to hij from the keg to the kitchen, from loud speaker to the speakeasy.” Applause for “Wisecracks.” At that there was some laughter and applause——applause more for the “wise- crack” than for the wet cause. At the end of Mr. Oliver's speech there was also applause. A little hkrY a dr'z mg:]senutive Cooper, from Youngstown, Ohio, arose. He made & simple, not particularly im- passioned speech in defense of prohib! tion—a speech which was of the nature of a reply to a challenge. It was perfectly evident that this was the kind of speech the House wanted to approve. Nothing in Congress was ever more apparent. The applause was in part' for Mr. Cooper and for his speech, but much more for ‘the dry cause. The House was looking for a chance to express, by applause appro- priately directed, its dessent from the | ‘wet speeches that had been made, its| encouragement for the drys. Mr. Cooper's speech was applauded | throughout. In the course of his quite | brief speech, one auditor thought ne | counted some 20 interruptions by ap- plause, though the official record in the minutes next day was 11.. | The whole occasion was one to con- | vince any observer that the wets will | get no encourzgement in the present Lower House. It is evident that the morale of the drys in the House is as | high as ever. The House is dry. And the the House is a body that knows its | Go collective mind and acts in accordance with #t. (Not quite o much can be | said of the Senate.) Dry Leaders Hit Enforcement. ‘There can be no doubt, nevertheless, that the dry leaders in Congress and out of it had a few days of qualm and tremor abdut January 1 aud ,ust pre- ceding the tenth anniversary on Janu- ary 16. The cause was chiefly the rather violent criticism of enforcement that came from some dry leaders in the Senate, particularly from Senator Borah and Senators Norris and Brook- hart. Senator Borah's statements amounted in effect to.a dictum from him that enforcement s not a success. To say that enforcement is not a success at the end of 10 years of experience with it came perilously close to saying it can never be a success. Also, Senator Borah said that the present enforce- ment personnel “from top to bottom” 15 all wrong. To say the personnel of any Government department is wrong from top to bottom at a time when 4t is directed by such men as President Hoover and Attorney General Mitchell is to give rise instantly, in the mind of any dry or neutral, to a disturbing doubt. 1f enforcement or any cther Government. actlvity is not a success under President Hoover and Attorney General Mitchell, what are the chances convincing, in a way unfavorable for prohibition, to neutrals. There was suf- ficient reason for the disturbance that the dry morale suffered for a few days. Also, rather violent criticisms from Senator Borah, Norris and Brook- hart came during the holidays, when most of the dry members of Congress uld never be wet, of course; but off on some course of ght they come to have dry cause that party? felt reassurance, coming to believe that the criticisms by the three Senators and some others were less formidable than they seemed. On examination it was clear that Senator Borah's statement was not & formal judgment on the success of pro- hibition. Evidence within and sur- rounding one of Senator Borah's state- ments showed that it arose out of mo- mentary irritation over a statement friendly to the status of enforcement given out by another dry Senator— Jones of Washington. Cleavage Is Shown. Yet this incident proves and the fact remains that there is cleavage among dry Senators. Probably 70 to 75 out of the 96 Senators would describe them- selves as dry and would vote dry on any clear issue with -all the dry argument on one side and all the wet on the other. Nevertheless, within the dry area there is cleavage among them— cleavage as to whether President Hoo- ver ought to be supported or criticized, cleavage as to whether the report of the Commission on Law Enforcement ought to be mflgom or condemned, cleavage as to whether the commission’s recommendations of legislation should be adopted or rejected. This cleavage among the dry Senators exists and some of the dry Senators are men who by temperament are rather more happy in cleavage than in unity. Most Unguessable Body. The Senate has come to be a most unguessable body. It is more and more & room full of factions. The tendency of little factions to fly off like chips from other factions grows. Each split is accompanied by an increase in the disposition toward strong personal feel- ing that has been rather charactoistic of the Senate lately, to which public allusion is frequently made by Senators themselves. In such a trend toward disintegration as respects party allegiance to Democ- Tentiency to ake persemal positions. shers ndency e ns, there 1s obvious peril to the drys. It will be a wonder if they as a party can be more immune to cleavage than the unhappy Republicans and Democrats are. ‘The -speak p; back that the drys suffered about Jan- uary 1, and their recovery from it, is explained by a phenomenon that has ;enoome flmfl‘i:r, Whemverl”n web ive occurs, in Congress or elsewhere, or whenever the drys suffer a setback such as Senator Borah's statements seem to be—on all such occasions the first newspapers recording the skirmish to be read in Washington are the Wash- with the morning newspapers of Bal- timore and New York City. These are practically all stron wet in xymg‘m and their v arge ud! lines has a perceptible effect on the atmosphere of Washington. Western Dry Papers Arrive. Then in the present case, as usually, anywhere from one to five days later the newspapers from the West pour in to Representatives, Senators and others Tepresenting that territory. the -tmw;hencot w:l’hlnm back to what must fairly be described dryness. urage the dry cause and cheer it on includes im- portant Democratic papers in the West Wwhich supported Gov. Smith for the presidency. = . The net of it is that with the tenth anniversary of prohibition just past, there is certainly no disposition on the part of the drys to give up. There are indisputable facts and figures which show some ebbing of dry strength in a number of States. Taking the country as a whole, however, the drys are not materially less strong or less confident than they were 5 years ago, or 10 years ago. Old Facts Could Be Studied. One contribution that could be made to enlightenment would be to study what was sald about prehibition hoth by drys and by wets onthe occasion | when prohibition was adopted 10 ycars ago. and to compare what was then said with the facts as 3f today. In Congress in April, 1920. about three months after prohibition went into effect, Senator Morris Sheppard of Texas made a speech and read a letter from Wayne Wheeler, then head of the Anti-Saloon League—and at all times while he lMved the best informed and ablest of the dry leaders outside of ngress, Before Senator Sheppard’s speech one of the wets had said that it would “take $50,000.000 a year” td enforce na- tional prohibition. On this point Sen- ator Sheppard consulted Wayne Wheeler and then' read a letter Wheeler wrote. Wheeler sald that even if it should cost $50,000,000 a year, that would not be too much to pay for the benefits of prohibition; but when he came down to_estimates on his own account, he | said, “I think $5,000,000 a year appro- |priated to enforce this law would be ample, and if the liquor dealers sud- denly become law-abiding it can be re- duced when the need disappears.” Five Times Five Million. We long ago passed the estimate of $5,000,000 a year and now are thinking in terms of five times five millions a year. Bishop Cannon the other day talked in terms of fifty or even a hun- dred million. In Wheeler's letter of April 3, 1920, is proof or at least inference, that he did not foresee the particular turn that violation of prohibition would take. He said, “If the liquor dealers suddenly be- come law-abiding.” The liquor dealers, in the sense that Wheeler meant. be- came reasonably law-abiding. Liquor dealers, in the sense of the distillers, brewers and wholesale dealers of the period preceding prohibition, have not materially violated the law. The viola- tions have come from a class that ap- parently Wheeler did not foresee—the new type of illicit bootlegger. ‘There can be no doubt from Wheeler’ letter that if he were alive today he would be obliged to confess some dis- ington morning newspapers, together | . Lord Irwin’s BY C. PATRICK THOMPSON. T 1S possible that Lord Irwin, vice- roy and ernor general of India since 1926, will go down in_history as the satrap who decided the ulti- mate goal of India's destiny at a time when the British ruling race was | of two minds on the subject. | One says “possible” because two things are not altogether certain. One | is that a successor to the Macdonald government at home and a viceroy of a different caliber at Delhi will not re- verse the recent Irwin declaration that | British rule in India is directed toward eventual full dominion status for t.hel Asiatic community of 300,000,000; the other is that the aforesaid empire will i last in its present form long enough to l.!lnwmme mevltlblly rotracted ll:,d' extraordinarily compl process political and soclal evolution in that wast and teeming subcontinent to be ‘completed. wg are not here concerned, however, with the exploration of an enigmatic to know that the British viceroy is head of an executive machine which for a century and a half has successfully controlled the destinies of India and that Irwin himself sees the tenure of a - viceroyalty as only a drop jin the great river of the life of India and that he works for a prosperous and contented self-governing India within the British Im.fl?e because he believes that on that levement mfi in great part depend the relations which our children’s chil- dren ‘and their grandchildren will see existing between the great civilizations of East and West. View Not Shared by All Not everybody in England shares that lofty conception and that confident outlook, which is chiefly why this very tall, lean, letfi'lllhmllil. "l:l‘\‘.h‘? long, pallid face expression of = q\nf npx:llncholy. is being called by the Tenure as Viceroy May See the Answer to the A RELIGIOUS FESTIVAL IN INDIA. imperialists, headed by Lord Rothmere and Earl Birkenhead, a “sentimentalist, tinged with socialist doctrines”; why Winston Churchill has visions of a “grave effusion of blood” as a result of Irwin idealism in India and why the viceregal declaration shook the Mac- donald government to its insecure foun- dations, nearly split the Conservative party and ca India a sympa- thetic trembling of the political earth whlih may yet culminate in an earth- quake. A glance at past history helps to an understanding of Irwin and the Indian 'situation and the viceroy's tasks and problems. Before 1773 the English in India_were only representatives of the East India Co. the great trading con- cern formed under a charter of 1698, and the governor general was appointed by the company. Then the business of defending a scattered - and precarious dominion drew in the British govern- ment, which set up a board of control with power to recall the governor gen- eral, although the company still ap- pointed him. ' Dual Government Begins. ‘This dual form of government lasted for 80 years, with the unfortunate vice- roy trying to serve two masters at once —and, moreover, masters who usually 26, 1930. A New Status for India? Riddle, were pulling in opposite directions. And then the mutiny broke out and by the time it was through, in the late 50s, the British government had decided to take over the home government of India. It gave its regrgsenunve on the spot the twofold title of viceroy and gover- nor general, the distinction' being that the satrap Is referred to as governor general when he is regarded as the statutory head of the government of India, and as the viceroy when he is regarded as the representative of the sovereign. Usually viceroys are chosen from dis- tinguished men who have been promi- nent in public and political life in England—soldiers, statesmen, diplo- mats, ex-cabinet ministers. A large independent fortune is also a qualifica- tion nowadays, the viceroy getting only $100,000 a year, out of which he has to bear all expenses, including the cost of public and private entertainment. Once a Rich Post. In passing it may be noted that in the old days the governor general got $125,000 a year official salary, plus spe cial expenses, plus mythm!l e could make on the side—and if he were so disposed he could ‘make a lot. One of the early governors amassed a fortune which brought him in $200,000 a year for life, and he defended himself by asserting that only his moderation pre- vented him coming away with much more, Officlal salaries of $50,000 a year—a huge sum for those days— were common. And any number of men went out broke and, returning with fortunes varying from $1,000,000 to $10,000,000, bought great estates and lived thereafter in princely le.. But despite the power and prestige attached to ‘the office, the highest in the British imperial service, .geither yesterday nor today has a viceroy's career been one of effortless and equa- (Continued on Fifth Page.) A Prophet of Poetry The Late George Edward Woodberry Left His Mark on American Letters; BY JOHN ERSKINE. ITH the death of Ed- ward Woodberry on January 2 we lost one of the most important _personalities in American literature and ed- ucation. Those who knew his work and his influence will not think exaggerated appraisal of him. I be- | Meve that in the history of our culture | his place will be so high that even those who did not meet him face to| face will understand the rareness of his | gifts and qualities. As a teacher of poetry his influence was felt in various parts of the country and at different periods of his life, but I remember him from my undergrad- uate days at Columbia, where he taught from 1891 to 1903. I have known other teachers who captivated youth and opened their eyes .to truth and beauty, but I have known no teacher whose method or whose success was | just like Woodberry's. So far as I can recall, he was ignorant of any peda- | gogical sclence. His voice was so low | that it hardly reached to the last row | of benches, and he was so0 near-sighted that he could not see what was going on in the class room. Moreover, he chose to lecture to his students on a plane of high seriousness, assuming that for them as for him the master- pieces of poetry and the deep things of life would be of consuming interest. Such subject matter, presented by a teacher so unemphatic, ought to have been, I su , the occasion for class- room disorder, or at least for inatten- ‘When I went to Columbia there indeed, a legend that his first classes, in the early 90s, had found something ridiculous in this dreamy, soft-spoken man who conferred with them about the spirit of Shelley, or the imagination of Milton, or the moral grandeur of Sophocles, or the divine myths of Plato. Those first students of his, we heard, started a riot, where- upon in surprise and sorrow Woodberry gathered up his books and his notes and took refuge in his study. He told me of the incident years after, when he no longer was at Colum- bia. President Seth Low sent for him and said he understood there had been trouble ‘in the class. “Indeed there has been!” said Mr. Woodberry. “What do you intend to do about it?” sald Mr. Low. “Nothing.” Mr. Low was aston- ished at this indifference. “No,” said Mr. ‘Woodberry, “you asked me here to lecture on poetry—I assumed to persons who wished to listen. Of course, I can't lecture to anybody against his will. Students Waited for Him. 1 asked Mr. Woodberry what hap- m next, but he had forgotten. I entered Columbia in 1896 the students who elected his classes made it their custom to leave free the hour appointment. At one point in his letter of Affll 3, 1920, he said, “The (enforce- ment) department has been handi- capped thus far because of the attacks upon the law as to its constitutionality and construction. When these questions are settled better results will follow.” ‘Those lawsuits to determine the constitutionality of prohibition and to construe the Volstead act were settled quite soon; but better results did not follow. Hardly any one will argue that the status of enforcement is materially better today; that observance of the law is any more general than it was when those early lawsuits were pending and when Wheeler wrote. before his lecture so that t] could go early and get a front lel:t,.ywithln reach of his soft voice. He frequently mnly‘ m‘ classes l:.lu' but..l;e was the only professor we always waited for, no matter how late he should be. Others have described his teaching, and thofi I think their accounts are most inadequate, I had no hope that m: own attempt would be more successful. try—the word. verse forms—he had sensitiveness. I have met no writer who in such matters was more severe wif ) OF more con= scientious when commenting on the writing of his students, or more illumi- -music, | we shared his de: GEORGE EDWARD WOODBERRY—A PORTRAIT BY ERIC PAGE. when his subject was the crafts- manship of the masters. Yet the mat- ter of the poem was always more to him than the technique and the spirit more than the matter. He had a unique gift for making even an unread youth appreciate, at least to a degree, how in some passage of Shake- speare or Keats a very human experi- ence had produced in the poet a poetic emotion and how that emotion dictated the form of the poem. Many of us lelrnldd: ll;ll‘ l:]lul: ro({m wmt'fi:t"h“ frequent ve t0 re-learn—t of technique cannot be acquired from outside, but must grow out of the roots of the experience which the artist hopes to express. Assumed Kindred Devotion, Every time he entered his class room had the impression that he was mflng f the | can his reach if we made the effort. When his students say that he was a stimulating teacher, I think they mean just this— that he sent us away after each hour still thinking of the poems he had dis- cussed and still dering his eriti- cisms. No one could put his lecture out of mind when the bell rang. We felt then, what we have thought of more precisely since, his unusual gift for speaking of a poet in the very mood of the poet's own work. This skill of his resembled the art of a musician who interpret various compose! distinctive style. When Woodberry spoke of Shelley, the atmosphere which he created was in sympa! with Shel- ley’s genius. When he’ e of Milton, or of Walter Scott, he. created the mood of those very different writers. most important | good about. to . discuss subject in the world, the subject nearest his heart. He took it !g mnmdxth-t with us the con- Were not beyond our | )" where the biography is unfolded in the very spirit of Ha e himself. Two other examples which I be, harder to find. ‘Woodberry the great poems, but Perhaps these books are now out of print. They seem to me the very models of sound teaching in literature—indeed, of inspired teaching. 1 must say in ing that no memory of Woodberry in his Columbia days would be complete if it did not include his friendship With Prof. A. V. Willlams Jackson, the distinguished Oriental scholar who collaborated with him in certain of his courses and who happily supplemented his personality. Prof. Jackson had a social gift as remarkable as Woodberry's reticence, and a light- ness of touch in contrast with Wood- berry’s seriousness. ‘The friendship of these two great men for each other seemed to us then, and remains in our memory, a fortu- nate {llustration of those chivalrous loyalties which we were learning to ad- mire in Sidney and Greville and_the other great companions of poetry. This friendship Mr. Woodberry recorded in a charming poem to Prof. Jackson, in- cluded in his collected verse. Certain lines referring to the first days of Co- lumbia on Morningside indicate the ideal values which both men pursued in their teaching. Far From a Practical Man. Woodberry was far from being a practical man. He had singularly in- adequate contacts with affairs. He was tem entally destined to the cloister e study. Yet it was only in later years that we realized this, and none of us thought the discovery was of much importance. From his lectures on poetry we derived a conception of life in the highest sense practical, He was the first teacher from whom I got the notion that the political life of a citizen is important and noble and that the b:.uflutshmmflfin of b: coun- try cannof e lon sepa- r:y from its essential religious or spiritual faith. o Having learned from him that poetry 18 the flower of life, but still an integral rt of it, we went on to learn that all uman activities are related and, un- less one is stupid or a hypocrite, must be harmonious. The humm&_v “t v.|xm int is perhaps too magnificent for me lv:u:: citizen, especially if he is middle aged and a little world weary, but for our boyhood it was a thrilling vision, and many a student of Wood- berry has tried to live in the power of 1t ever since. This philosophy of his he embodied in what is to me cne of the noblest books written in _my lifetime—'The Heart of Man." The volume contains three essays, one on poetry, one on pol- itics and another on religion, all at- tempting to show that these various ac- tivities are natural outgrowths of the general heart of man. The essay on m”; which he called “A Defense,” in the Sidney-Shelley tradition, summed up his doctrine as teacher of literature. These pages would be hard to match in our time for breadth of sympathy, for nobllity of purpose and for sheer elo- quence. Had Faith in Human Nature. Other philosophers have addressed themselves to the same theme, but usu- ally with some cynicism, or at least with lnwo:o‘c’llonll note of discourage- whom he X , he is the main matter, no matter our intell itinued on Fourth - | absolute daf AVERAGE BRITON BORED BY ANOTHER CONFERENCE |American Delegates to Arms Parley Are Greeted, but Without Demonstration. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS, LONDON, January 25. © more impressive contrast could be imagined than that between the departure and the arrival of the American delegation to the London Conference. From New York the delegation departed amidst the thunder of an artillery salute fired in honor of its cabinet members, attended by the equally vocif- erous discharge of the editorial artillery in all the newspapers of all political colors. At Plymouth the delegation came ashore in the cold dawn of a damp morning, the statesmen and their wives huddled upon the cold and crowd- ed deck of a tender. They were un- announced by any artillery in Ply- mouth Harbor, they were greeted only by the chain-encircled Jimmy Walker of Plymouth—attended by his mace-bear- ing retainers—and they were wellnigh unnoticed, alike in the news and edi- torial columns of the principal British Journals Was there in this reception any touch of hostility or unfriendliness? Did it represent any deliberate attempt either to injure the conference itself or to disclose British suspicion—or worse—of American participation in it? These questions come naturally, but I believe they must be answered by an emphatic negative. The true explana- tion must be sought in British home conditions rather than in any British attitude toward the American visitor, Bad Press Reception Blamed. The fact is the London Conference has had a bad press reception. This is equally true of the attitude of the general British public, which is, to say the least, apathetic. These two facts must always be kept in mind hereafter in viewing the progress of the confer- ence itself and may have more than a little influence on' its outcome. As to the attitude of most, if not all, of the influential newspapers, this arises {from the fact that they are anti-Labor, and the conference itself is not only a personal adventure of Ramsay Mac- donald himself but, if successful, may result in a marked prolon’:zkm of the life of the present socialistic govern- ment. This attitude is accentuated, too, by the fact that Macdonald has kept the itish press and public in as to his own pros- pects and purposes. I suppose there is a small wing of the British Tory pdrty, responsive to navy opinion as voiced by Lord Beatty, which would like to see the conference fail, which has hoped, and ‘perhaps still hopes, to start a stunt panic based upon the old theme of the sacrifice of British security to American prestige, and thus z:teey‘xout l;:bor wgynyhu }1:@ :u swept six years ago by the panic. But while all the British press, with rare. exceptions, is hostile to. Labor, only a few extremists on the Tory side would desire either to plunge the coun= za into a general election now or ta. e over the responsibilities of power. For a general election might give Labor & clear majority and no sensible poli- tician of any party wants the responsi- bility of government in England at the present hour, Tory Papers Will Grumble. The success in domestic administra- tion at the moment as a consequence of economic and financial circumstances 1s out of the question. What the Tories hope for is that Labor will hold office until its failure has been catastrophic in a political sense, since British condi- tions are not to be statesmanship. _ Therefore, the Tory press will grumble at Macdonald and. criticize the weakness of his surrenders and even denounce his sacrifices of British prestige, but it will hardly ven- ture to upset the cabinet or advise the ruin of the conference, either du: its progress or by later rejection of its work, provided Macdonald keeps within reasonable distance of his admiralty e o odts e ust explain As to public apathy, one mi this in part by the fact that while the conference is a novelty for the Ameri~ can public, it is an old thing in the mind of the British. At the moment When the American delegation arrived the Hague Conference was terminating its labors after long and bitterly con- tested debates which had filled the press and further disgusted the man in the street with international gatherings. Man in Street Suspicious. The British man in the street, like the American, has a fundamental sus- picion that a conference is a place where he loses something, where his own generosity and good faith are vic- timized by less noble and unselfish tribes. He has seen a long array of conferences unfolding ever since 1918; he has been indignant, disgusted. out- raged and in the. end indescribably bored by the process. n own phrase, he is “fed up” with conferences. That is the explanation of the fact that the British press, when Mr. Stim- son landed, gave its news columns to prohibition, murder and sport, its edi- torial space to equally parochial issues, and left discussion of the conference for next week, when the meetings in St. James’ Palace will begin. Yet underneath this exterior of rather characteristic British phlegm, one may detect a sub-surface of tolerant and even hopeful optimism. I have been in London. when we were “too proud to fight” and again when we were univer- sally described as “Uncle Shylock.” By contrast today the British public re- gards us with friendly good humor. He hopes to get the whole naval mess cleared up—although what on earth we should want with a navy or base & claim for parity upon he cannot see. Macdonald's visit to America satisfied the public we had been brought te listen to reason and to see British necessities as they are viewed by the average Briton. This average Briton is totally unwilling to_spend money to compete with his wealthier American cousin and cannot be excited to believe that we, in our turn, are a dan the Germans. He would be glad to get the whole matter settled, But he is suspicious, as every public is always suspicious, when a conference is in progress. He is still pretty fairly angry at his French ally. He might bs aroused to a real outburst of passion if he could be persuaded that Ameri- can designs for parity were designed to leave him insecure in the presence of or on the outskirts of the vol canic continent, Beyond that he is taking the confer- ence rather dutifully as one is brought to take bitter medicine, but he does positively refuse to say he likes the taste, he utterly declines to excited and he.is frankly not interested. Yondon Frankly Bored. 4 ~-As“for “ondon it absorbs but does. - nok .. celebrate ‘eonferences. In Wi any international gather: ing draws crowds, stimulates discussion, and arouses something of the excites ment of & circus in a small . London is past the circus stage, has lived h one war and thirty con- ::lrene:;, “flnds ‘l‘r:terr‘ul:lonn congress anti-climax after raids, and no longer believes that either war or, con- ferences will result in making “ ‘ome fit for ’eroes.”” So far, knows there is a con delegation as an ordina detail, and sums it all up with thrz relatively benevolent word: 3 ;onder what menm and for~ eigners are going e a from poor old John Bull this lune?g:’n sens timent which ought to awaken sym- E::‘He’n the halls of the United m!":- World Law Academy to Aid Peace, Says Dr. Scott of Havana Institution Dr. James Brown Scott, secretary of the Carnegie Endowment for Interna- tional Peace and director of its divi- sion of international law, has issued a report on the opening of the Academy | the of International Law of Havana and a history of its founding. Dr. Scott, as president of the Ameri~ can Institute of International Law, ex- plained its purposes: “I consider the role of. the Interng- tional Academy of Havana not mere’y the e: ition of international law and the diffusion of its principles, but bring- ing together the Old and New Worlds in close and intimate collaboration for good ynderstanding, which will inevit- ably Tesult in better international relations. . Supplements Universities. “The academy will not compete with "1“ tam\» l‘t'l:a. either of dAmerlcl‘ or of Europe; purpose and practices will be to discuss the questions. and m’ublems of international law and of ternational relations where the uni- versities -leave off, and to ‘offer ad- vanced courses and training which are not to be had in any institution of learning of the present day. “The most important p of the academy will be to bring the interna- tienalists of the two worlds together. This can be done by inviti those I have given courses at e Hague Academy of International Law, estab- lished by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, to deliver courses at the Havana academy. I would sug- gest that the members of the Instituf of International Law should also be in- vited to lecture before the Havana academy, In order that the younger in- stitution should from its beginning have ‘the benefit of their learning, wisdom and experience.” “The result would: be to keep in touch with European thought and prac- tice, and Europe, in its turn, in touch rg(.: American practice and American eals.” Dr. Scott was positive in his state- ment that whatever superficial differ- ences there mls:t be between Europe and America, they were, nevertheless, one in origin and one in purpose, so that both could and should “collaborate on a !ofilung of equality and of mutual good “The American Ir titute of Interna- tional Law, at the request of ¥he Pan- American Union, 30 an in Rio de Janeiro in 1927, and several of the draft conven- tions from Rio were adopted at the con- ference of Havana. v large number of blics, so that likely that the code on laws, to be known law | to form an Decem| i spoces 1 the of ‘Bustamente merely been advanced in the Western ‘World, but saved, through the successful intervention of the American Institute of International Law. This was done at e instance of the Pan-American Union. “Because of the official status of the American _Institute of International Law, the Cuban government is building & palace, which will be completed an turned aver to the American Institute in December, 1930. This is being done in order that the institute may have permanent headquarters in Havana, the meeting point of the three civilizations in America—of South America, of Cen- tral America and of North America. “In the palace at Havana will be permanently located the office of the secretary of the institute. The govern- ing board of the institute, which repre- sents it during the three-year intervals between ‘the meetings, trug reference to the nationality to students also without reference to nationality. * “Recognizing that an a¢ my must have a library at its dlupoul it was provided that a library of public and private international law should be in- Stalled in the palace, and that in recs ognition of the services of the Carn ho | Endowment for International Peace its Latin American headquarters should be established in the El“hm “The American titute of Interna< tional Law, like the European Institute de Droit International, is a beneficiary of the Carnegie Endowment for Inters national Peace, which meets the trav- eling expenses of each, so that its members may meet at regular intervals in larger numbers than would be other~ Wwise possible in order to take a lead: ing part in the development of inter. national law, not merely for America but for Europe and the world at large.” Formal Session in 1930, Dr. Scott stated that a more session of the academy will be Febraury, 1930, in eonnection two-hundredth anniversary of the mmdlthuon of the University of van .. In describing the events > to the founalng‘ of the lewm.mfi'r Scott sald, “The Institute of Vhen Dve publidits o caom o ‘when five L a Amme:: Tepublies - were lwd Institute of !l;; formal in the ternational Law. 4 Na International Law was lished ‘in each of the American re- g‘l‘l.bufl"m':nd affiiated with the American “The cause of A repul ition has not