Evening Star Newspaper, October 21, 1923, Page 37

Part 2—16 Pages COOLIDGE FORGES AHEAD, | RIVALS HUDDLING BACK President Holds Dominant Position in! Nomination Race—Demoeratic "Outlook Uncertain. BY N. 0. MESSENGER. RESIDENT COOLIDGE, all of the igher up" republican pos 1itical leaders admit, continues to hold the dominant position in the $residential nomination situ- atfon, In which it is sald he is being strengthened every d: The latest attestant to the assertion Is Senator Moses of New Hampshire, chairman of the senatorial campaign commit- tee, who has just returned from & political survey in a dozen states. ‘The senator for s a possible con- test by Gov. Pinchot, Senator John- son of California, former Gov. Low- den of 1llinols, but he is not picking any winner as against President Coolidge. Senator Moses, 1t will recalled, was the first prominent republican to declare for President Coolidge. ERE I While President Coolidge is going be steadily ahead in public esteem, his| potential rivals for the nomination pear to be holding Vack, huddled together, each waiting for the other make the first break and declare himself. Many politicians thought that Gov. Pinchot made a gesture in sired. They argued that Henry Ford | as the candidate of the prohibition party would strip himself of support of a great deal of the labor vote— which wants light wine and beer; of a portion of the farmer vote, which has never cottoned to the prohibition | party, although the farmer is sup- | posed to bé dry. | Tt would be a fine, disposition of | Mr. Ford as a menace to the two {regular parties, they argued, and take a lot of trouble off their minds. ® ok There is a great deal of talk about Henry Ford as a leading figure in presidential politics, bevond question. But when it is sifted down it is “talk” of a nebulous and vague de- gree, highly speculat The “Ford sentiment” is, when detalls are asked, always in “the next county.” Ask the man who says that Ford has such a great support whether he { would vote for him at the polls for President of the United States and in {80 per cent of instances the answer Lwill be in the negative . | * 1 | 1t recans tne story of the farmer iliving next to a marsh, who offered | to sell a carload of frogs a week in | EDITORIAL SECTION . ‘The Sundlay St WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 21, 1923, | AS A UNION MAN SEES IT BY JAMES M. LYNCH Former President International Typographical Union. FIRST ARTICLE. | took innumerable strikes in the cioth- EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL ARTICLES MASSACHUSETTS BOGEY MAY BE ENDED BY 6. O. P. Allen May Run With Coolidge and Westerners Given High Posts in Congress. HIS is the first of a series of articles planned and to be written in the hope that be-| cause of them there will re-{ sult a better understanding of the{ labor movement on this continent, the organized labor movement as typitied and expressed in the American Fed- eration of Labor and the several great unions not yet in aftiliation with that federation, but working in a sympa- thetic alllance with it 1t the conviction of the author that there is today vast misunder- stan & and misconception of organ- ized labor and its alms and aspira- tions and that this attitude of mind on the part of the great public is known to the enemies of labor organ- ized, who deliberately and designedly cater to the continuance of that men- tal condition. * The articles will also be written in the belief that an understanding of the facts will contribute materially to the Industrial peace and the pros- perity of the United States and Can- ada. The labor movement on this con- tinent is international, and th causes produce in effect the = conditions in Mexico, the United States and the Dominion of Canada. |ing industry before the public came | to know that the sweatshops, as to | | surroundings and as to methods of manufacture, were indefensible. Is ! | there not some other way in which | | the public may know before the war | | and make that knowledge count? The upward struggle of -the toflers is tho history of the centurles. Its course from slavery to serfdom and from serfdom to freedom has been marked by tyra degradation and poverty; disappoint- ment and defeat. gone on and up, always it has per- sisted. In this era we have an advanced state of development.| { Althou no definite arrangement of this sort, it is a combination that would probably be agreeable to both Calvin Coolidge, !, nny and bloodshed, | Who now has the nomination for Pres ident practically in his vest pocket But always it has 2nd to Gov. Henry J. Allen of Kansas, | who recently has been conspicuous as it in | Coolidge champion. BY WILL P. KENNEDY. JOLIDGE and A#len. There i serious consideration of this ticket fn responsible republi-| can organization circles here. | gl there is, as yet, of course It would carry into effect a com-| | Today is unmakes dynastles, estab- bination or compromise between Mas |lishes republics, changes the course 'sachusetts leaders, who now are in lof political history. And all because | control, and the west, which has been | |labor organizes first on the economic said to be disgruntled over “too much | {fleld. then on the political fleld, { * X X ¥ l As to the author's equipment to set’| [forth the facts as to organized labor, | assoclation with that movement, first Massachusetts” ernment, and to have several axes of | S¥lvania declared that the princlpa its own to grind. in the national gov i The situation over the leadership in | considerable speculation, | may also be adjusted with this gen-| las an officer of his local union, next eral idea of compromise with the west | as president of the central body in |his home city, then as president of ihis international union for many ! years, as a delegate to innumerable | in mind. ! > WIIl Probably Lead Congress. | It is expected that Senator Henry | | ment a he can only- refer to an experience the next Congress, about which there | and | gained in more than thirty years of has been market. When it came time to deliver {he had only a basketful. “Well,” he explained, “it sounds at night as if there was a carload of frogs in that marsh that declaration when he sought to “pass the buck” of prohibition en- forcement up to President Coolidge. Tp to this hour, however, it has turned out to have been only a gcs-t ture and not a stride into the open,, * ok ok ¥ TIEht oot Soremont. ! Probably it is natural to talk and Whoever does make the first break | write more about the politics of the 15 bound to be pounced upon, the pol- | party which iIs In power than the op- iticlans declare, by all the others. If [ position. The attention of the grand- Giov. Lowden starts the movement— blooee, Out will come Senator John- son and tackle him in his own state; and if Senator Johnson opens the ball, down upon him in his fight for delegates from California will pounce other candidate: * % as soon as the rivals ‘“start the real friends of Presi- dent Coolidge will set out to crys- tallize Coolidge sentiment into an aggressive organization which will carry the war into the respective states of the aspirants, Wwhereupon And something Then there will be polities for fair to engage the country’s attention. * k¥ K President Coolldge has one great advantage over all his prospective rivals—he has the support of repub- lieans of high and low degree, Who, in the party councils and rank and file, aside from any other considera- tion, are convinced that the only hope for republican success in 1924 lies in falling In behind him and trying for & goal. Possibly, outside of that, some would prefer their Johnson, their Pinchot or their Lowden, but the occaslon I8 regarded as one where friendship and personal preference must yield to party exigency. * ¥ ok ¥ Democratio and republican leaders had an uplifting of heart and hope last week when the announcement came from California of the predic- tion by the chairman of the national committee of the prohibition party Henry Ford would be the presi- ntial candidate of that party. It wounded to them almost too good to bo true. They regardedsthe proposal £s a consummation devoutly to he de- Dallinger Seeks Minority Delays in Legislation Co-operation of President Coolldge ‘o reduce the lost motion In legisla- tion through such practices as a mi- nority filibuster in the Senate is being sought by Representative Frederick W. Dallinger of Massachusetts, who intends in the coming Congress to re- new his efforts to have inefficient and time-wasting organization errors cor- yected. “I belleve in party government,” paid Representative Dallinger. “I be- Jleve each party should go to the polls with a program and that the party which wins should put through itg plans unincumbered by archaic sena- torial rules which make possitle the defeat of a measure simply by a mi- nority filibuster. The republican par- 1y's ship subsidy bill was thus defeat- ed in the last Congress. “The antl-lynching bili had a like fate. 1 believe President Coolidge, backed by public opinion, should force the Senate to adopt rules mors in con- formity with twentleth century polit- | jcal philosophy, and I am going to urge on him the advantage and need of his making such a recommenda- tion. “At the same time I @m going to re- introduce bills which I prepared in the last Congress to do a little house- ! cleaning in the branch of Congress in which I sit. About half of the pres- ent standing committees of the House should be abolished. They don't func- tion and only add to the expense of running the government.” Representative Dallinger has very decided views on three matters of legislation that are expected to be brought prominently to the attention of the new Congress. He would “scrap the income tax,” 'declare an @rmistice on rallroad baiting and se- ject immigrants in the country of or- igin, In substitution for the income tax he favors a scientific tax on gross gales, with an exemption on the neces- carles of life. “Intensity che present yoliey of economy,” he advises. “Get the government on a business basis. Spend just as little as necessary. “To me the policy of properly and falrly collecting taxes to pay for only the necessary functions of the federal government looms as the big thing 1hat the next Congress can do. These #0uld be the measures which should they will all have to “go to the mat.”} | stand is focused more upon the horse | Which is in the lead in the race unless i You have a bet laid down en another. { Democratic politics, however, is not Ioverlnnked——ospeclu“)‘ by those who j correspond to the figure of speech |of the other bettor. | Mr. McAdoo, in the opinion of the Eard-bolled democratic politicians, continues to be regarded as the lead- ing Efandidate for the presidential nomination, for the reason that he s classed as possessing more actual | political assets. But his friends are sald to constantly stand in the | shadow of realization of that dreaded | two-thirds majority necessary to jcarry a candidate for the presidential nomination to victory in a democratic convention. ok ox % The possibilities of a sudden shift of the votes ¢l in leash by some other candidate to another man whose strength Is second to the leading man or a combination by a group of the other candidatgs to head.him oft and deadlock the convention until it is shown the one who had been ahead cannot be nominated, 1s the bugaboo of every candidate who “sees victory just ahead, but not attained. | There will be the Bryan bloc in | the convention which, though it may jnot nominate, may yet defeat, as was | shown In the case of Champ Clark; there will be an Underwood bloc, a Ralston bloc and the Tammany bloc, of course—all to be reckoned with next year. One would be taking a long chance to prophesy or bet his money at this | time and for months to come on who | will be the democratic nominee, i Boost your tavorite, hold your opin- | fon, but don't try to back it with| money just now. Way to End | l | | bring greatest relief to an overtaxed and inequitably taxed people. “The millionalre depending on in- come from security investments pays no just proportion of taxes. He de- feats the intent of the law by con- verting his wealth Into tax-exempt se- curities and thus thumbs his nose at the federal tax collector. As the Su- preme Court has held that Congress has no constitutional power to tax these securities, those of us who want the rich man to carry his just burden of taxation are ready to turn to the simple expedient of taxing everybody on what he spends. Thus, instead of penalizing a citizen for making a large income, we will encourage him to make and to save, but will tax him for spending. The millionaire who now pays nothing will be taxed for his every purchase. With the exemption on the necessaries of life, the tax will | be 50 small for every dollar spent that the poor man will no longer be over- burdened. “I am sure that'every man who last March sweated and grunted over his income tax return will agree with me that it will add a lot to the individ- ual's happiness and contentment to escape the drudgery of making out a| return. “The transportation act should be let alone, and so, for that matter, should the railroads. Let's give them a chance to come back, because on their prosperity depends our own. “An immigration blll will be passed by the next Congress. I hope that we shall be able to find a way to pick our immigrants with more discern- ment by examination and investiga- i tion in the country of origin, and that | | we can find a method of letting those come who should come; without the | hardship and suffering rzsulting from the present laws. Cotton Standards Set. The United States from henceforth will set the standard for cotton. Uni- versal use of American grades has been achleved after ten years' effort by the United States Department of Agri- cuiture. This has resulted from the passage by the last Congress of the Fulmer cotton standards act and the signing of agreements with European cotton associations. Indeed, 50 far as unionism and its policies and methods go the line be- tween the states and Canada is purely geographical. Men and women in both countries hold cards in the same union and give fealty to identical union laws and union customs. They also contribute to the same union treasuries and read the same official Journals. e In order to movement, as the activi ized labor have ceme understand the labor ies of organ- be known, we must have some knowledge of the | American Federation of Labor and of the international unions that make up that federation and of those that work in sympathy with it. With the facts before us we will be able more nearly to understand an industrial development that has be- come a great economic and political force and that in the us may be a declding factor in na- tional policies and government. We will also be able to reach conclusions on the right and the wrong of labor events that will be uninfluenced by propaganda, paid for and most highly colored and widely and industriously circulated. < With this knowledge on the part of the public and the certainty of both parties to a possible industrial dispute of magnitude that the public may not be deceived, there will be greater likellhood that an amicable and eatisfactory understanding will be arrived at and that public rights will be safeguarded. What about the violence so often a part of a great strike? Yes, that will also have its place and its analysis as to cause and effect. Where the uuions are censurable they will not escape criticism. It may be that the author is too am- bitlous and too sanguine. It may be that the public does not care except when its comfort and Its security are threatened. But the writer is hopeful that the contribution he will make to public knowledge and understanding will lead to other and surer efforts, and that fn the end there will be aroused an interest that will be pro- ductive of results. Somebody, will read and somebody will be enlight- ened. There are on this continent some 6,000,000 organized men and women who may be benefited. * * k X It is also the hope that onme result may be the more accurate and con- servative reporting for the daily press of labor “meetings and conventions. Today the resolution or the incident that has the most dramatic and there- fore the most immediate news value 1s the basis of the newspaper story of the moment. Yet that incident or that resolution may have np value at all In Its effect on the public or on union labor. Let me explain: The dramatic incident may be a war of words between two prominent labor men uttered in de- bate on a pending motion, and may not have—and very often does not have—the slightest influence on the final disposition of that motion. But for the moment the scene is tense, 15 exciting. There has been a labor quarrel. The general public will be Intrigued. Therefore, the press dispatch {s made up entirely of the sensational debate. Again, some radical scatterbrain in- troduces a resolution, the intent &nd purpose of which is to reform the world in a day. At once this resolu- tion is put on the wire, together With the interpretation placed on it by the vivid imagifation of the correspond- ent. The public is mildly excited, more often amused. But thers are em- ployers who will believe that the reso- {lution was an actual expression of the convention, and whose opposition to organized labor will be strength- {ened and made manifest in some hos- tile act. Unlon men will also be de- ceived, and radicalism of the more violent kind will be buttressed. Then a few days Iater the conven- tion committee will report unfavor- ably on the offending resolution, which never did have a chance for approval; the report will be adopted by the gathering, usually by & unani- mous vote, and there will be no men- tion of this negative action by the correspondents. Why? Because the news value of the resolution has been exhausted. There will remain, of course, the harm that has been done in adding to the rancor and the :mis- understanding and the gulf between capital on the one side and labor on the other. * Rk % % This is true, that unless thefe is a better understanding on- the part of {labor conventions and meetings, as Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts will {head of the great department of labor continue as republican leader in the |of the state of New York and 2s a Senate. Representative Frederick H.| {member of the state industrial com-'Glllett of Massachusetts will probahly | {mission to which was committed the . continue on the job as Speaker in the !task of admintstering the labor 1aw 'House. This is the general oplnion! !and the compensation‘law. Whatever today not only of the prominent| of worth and of knowledge has Tre-'“regular” republican members of the | {sulted from that great opportunity next Congress, but also of members for actual participation and experi-of the so-called “radical” group,| ! ence will be set forth in these artic! which claims to hold the “balance of years before ! JAMES M. LYNCH. the public, on the part of the em~;wnr had been resorted to, but that | ployer and on the part of the em-|is always after the war. The scars {ploye, a condition will be built up | remain for years. The public seems {that may result in a most regretable | to learn only when, as the innocent sequel. ruin brings chaos. | It has taken three great strikes in After passion exhausts itself and|the coal mining industry to h-~ng |reason is agaln enthroned, the dis-|home to the public that there is som i butants are the first to regret that | thing wrong with that indusuy. it | For Third House of Congress ! It will then be for the reader to form | power” in the incoming Congress is v onclusions. 1l phsionuoonctn There has been some talk that! * %k * ¥ ce a Massachusetts man is Presi One big union, the red flag of the |dent, Massachusetts ought to give ur trade union movement! {either the leadership of the Sena The craft unionists on the one side, ;held by Lodge, or the Speakership of | the industrialists on the other. the House, held by Gillett. Inter | The inciter of both tragic and sham | views with western members show no | | battles ana comic warfare, in whick (organized opposition to either Lodge | |the participants contend more per- or Gillett. It does appear that some | the casualties as the most case-hard- | Esch-Cummins rallroad act amended| ened baron of the employer class. or repealed, would like to see Repre- And yet when all is said and done sentative Samuel E. Winslow of Mas- | | and we are burying our dead, we now ' sachusetts removed from the chalr- have one big union—pardon me, I manship of the House committee on should have written ONE BIG UNION, 'interstate and foreign commerce, be- | ana that is the American Federation cause they fear he would give their of Labor, and the references is not proposals scant consideration. It is | condition in administration. Prove tion to Winslow is organized or rep- it? resents much strength. | products { elsewhere. | to size, by any means, but to @n actual ‘not clear, however, that this opposi- | may get the {dea that President Cool idge 1s inclined to walt just a little too long before deciding any cours: of actlon. The cautious political prog nosticators are awaiting to see how he shapes up when Congress ig ir sesslon and legislative problems de velop. Between President Coolldge and Allen of Kansas a strong friend- ship exists. This developed largely through similar experiences while each was governor of his state, Cool idge in meeting the crisis caused by the Boston police strike, and Allen {r meeting the coal strike emergen: Defends President. Only the other day Gov. Allen wen promptly to the defense of Presiden Coolidge when Gov. Pinchot of Penn Tesponsibility for prohibition enforce ment rests upon the federal govern that President Coolidge should act. Gov. Allen countered witi the statement that a governor has responsibility and should not attempt to pass any of it to the federal gov- ernment. In this connection it is perhaps significant that Gov. Pinchot 1s rc- garded here as a candidate for ths republican nomination for President, although he s seriously handicapped in his own state by the fact that Sec- retary Mellon and Senators Pepper and Reed are Coolidge supporters and they believe a Pennsylvania delega- tion to the republican national con- vention will be composed of more Coolidge than Pinchot delegates. Gov. Allen is today one of the most jeffective workers for Coolidge dele- gates to the next republican conver tion from his section of the country Gains Additional Strength. President Coolidge has gained trength in the northwest and the west by quietly taking a position re- sarding railroad rates on necessitics which may forestall the threatened attack on the Esch-Cummins trans- For hate brings ruin, and |bystander, it Is the principal sufferer. | sistently and with as little regard for of them, who are anxious to have the | ;ortation act in the next Congress President Coolidge's position, in effect, is that rates on necessitles, especially such as coal and wheat, destined for consumption in this country should be as low at least as rates on those intended for consumption { He believes that consid- | eration should be given to the advisa- i bility of making rates on coal and | Wheat consumed in this country as Samuel Gompers Wants BY EDWARD F. ROBERTS. THIRD House of Congress, & House to be elected along unique lines and to have for its exclusive province the con- trol of American business and Indus- try, is the remarkable solution of- fered by Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, { for our economic problems and troubles. As a man who for forty years has guided the destinies of the greatest |labor organization in the world, Mr. Gompers is naturally primarily con- cerned with the interests and aspira- inum of the wage earner, but his novel plan for the reorganization of lour national government is offered from the point of view of business as a whole, in the interests of_ the em- ployer as much as the employe. It is offered as something else, some- thing perhaps of even greater im- portance—as an effective check to the spread of radicalism in the United States. Mr. Gompers does not belleve that bolshevism or any similar violent theory of radicallsm has made any headway in the United States. Par- ticularly does he deny that American |1abor s sympathetic to any such | ideas, but at the same time he is con- vinced that there is a general tend- { ency toward socialistic doctrines which can only be halted by very definite changes in the conduct and policy of our government. What Does Labor Want? “What does American labor want and how does it propose to get 1t?” It was for an answer to that question I that I went to the headquarters of |the American Federation of Labor { here. 1 found Mr. Gompers surround- ed by two secretaries and a stenogra- | pher, and apparently trying to do {about six things at the same time. In the center of the“office a rather unhappy sculptor was striving to com- plete a bust which had been ordered by one of the great International untons. Mr. Gompers answered my question with the promptness of a man who has been heckled on a thousand plat- ! forms, and who has had probably ' more experience in debate than the oldest lawyer at the American bhar. “American labor wants no more than any other section of the Ameri- can people,” he sald. “It wants bet- ter conditions of life and work for every day In every year. It is notop- posed to the government, but it is op- posed to ineficiency in government. 11t is opposed to a political govern- ment that interferes with industrial and business conditions which it does not understand. Our political gov- ernment has done-a magnificent work. 1t gave regeneration to the world. It has protected our people in their po- litical rights, and it has led us to a condition of freedom and democracy unknown to any other nation in the history of the world. It will continue to serve nobly for no one knows how long, but it cannot serve in all ca- pacities without strangling the very thing it was devised to save—human 1iberty. New Legislative Body of Experts to Run Business. {of our republic knew nothing about and could not have foreseen. The at- tempts of our political government to jregulate this vast business machin can lead only to state soclalism, and state soclalism is repugnant to the American mind.” “Have you an alternative?” “Yes, I belleve that we are coming to the place where the control of in- dustry will be put in the hands of a body of men who witl not be lawyers lor politictans, but men familiar with the workings of the industrial ma- |chine, men who have a practical knowledge of its problems and the natural economic laws which govern its operation.” “How would such a body be cre- atea?” “Not by the haphazard methods of voting, by which we elect our politi- cal offictals, where a man's qualifica- tions for the office he seeks are often the last thing considered, If consid- lered at all. The plan I have in mind is simply an extension of what is al- ready happening in a great many in- dustries and Is rapidly becoming the rule in all industrial organizations. Employers in every trade are grouped together and make rules which not only affect the materials they handle, but their own conduct. The workers are also organized and make laws for their own member- ship. sentatives who would meet in joint resentatives to a national body com- prised of delegates from all the in- dividual industrial groups. Each cau- cus would submit its recommenda- tlons to the national body through its delegates and in this manner all the problems and needs of industry would be dealt with by a body of experts and not, as at present, by a Congress 76 per cent of whose mem- bership are lawyers.” 3 Third House Proposed. “What you propose is practically a third house of Congress?” “In effect, yes. proposed in this third house might be passed on to the political bodies in the form of recommendations, or it might be made mandatory from the start, but in any event it would have such a welght of authority be- hind it that I believe it would be in- variably accepted. “It would be an absolutely novel experiment in government,” I sug- gested. . “Well,” replied Mr. Gompers with a smile, “I do not find novel ideas very terrifying, that Americans were afraid of any- thing because it was new. We have blazed the path for other nations in a good many directions and I hope we will continue to do so. In any event,” he continued, and his smile vanished, “we are headed today down labor has no more desire to tread that path than has American capital” I would have each of these| groups in each industry elect repre- | and I never heard the road to socialism, and Americap Well, all right. The theory on which the American Federation of Labor rests is that of | ! autonomy for its constituent parts. | Each affillated International union is | presumed to be supreme In its fleld. It was dissatisfaction with the non- autonomous and autocratic character and constitution of the Knights of Labor.that brought its great success- or, the American Federation, .into| being. i The founders of the federation,| some of them still active in the| labor movement, were in the early, years of the venture doughty fight-| ers for autonomy. They resolutely and with success opposed any and| every attempt to extend the fed- eration’s authority, and they insisted that the federation was simply a clearing house for its units. { The federation could resolve, yes, but that was all. It could not com pel the acceptance of its dictum. It! was organized to advance and con- | solidate the existing movement &nd | to ald in the extension of that movi ment. So long as it confined its ac- | tivities within that sphere all was| harmony, but twhen its officers! strayed off the reservation, elther| by chance, intent or purpose, and !invaded the sacred jurisdiction of one of its afiiliates, then there was | emphatic and determined protest. All | that has been changed and without | changing the law. There was an-| | other and a surer way. The federa- | | tion 1s now one big union—in capital | {letters. | * kX ¥ i | As has been said, at 1ts lnccptlonl { caucus to consider tho problems in ' the federation was to Tespect the na¢ president Coolidge, as matters|lic health and education. He is thelr own particular trade or craft. |jurisdiction of its unfons. At first it| ;o\ stand, will get the nomination, | “home ruje” for the states as aga This caucus would in turn elect rep- | did not issue certificates of affiliation A prominent western republican lead- lor charters. It was constituted by! some of the existing internationall unions, many of them with years of | history, and they were too proud to | acknowledge Its supremacy in any-| thing, to agree that it was anything | imore than a means of conauhntlon.‘ land so they refused to endow 1t with | | the right to charter; that might mean | supreme power. s Then, curlously enough, 1t was this very matter of jurisdiction that| started the transfer and the ceding of | ! power. It began Wwith the changes in industry brought about by the labor- ! The legislation saving machine, and, strange to say, vears, in a musty cellar room In the | 1 with one of these machines that have done so much for the better education and therefore for the advancement of the world—the typesetting machine. At first, as machines came Into composing rooms, the union printers | operated them and union machinists kept them In good condition, made those instant repairs so necessary to the conservation of time in the pub- lication of & daily newspaper. So then there were two international| unjons whose jurisdiction went into | the same_shop. It led to friction and; disagreements, not only between union men, but between union men! and their employers. The situation became intolerable. | The International Typographical TUnion took action. It proclaimed | that all persons employed in a com- | { posing room, including the machine caretakers, must hold cards in its local unions. And it enforced that; edict. The first jurisdiction war was ! during | way there is little point to the pro- | ernment in matters | test. | building. low as is consistently possible. Pres- Sina(nriLndbzl;.- 8 vaey Ukalv o e |1dent Coolidge is given credit for be- main as republican leader in the Sen- | ing largely ro @, ate with a western man made the = e e newed inter 5 presiding officer, succeeding Coolidge, | est of the Interstate Com It Lodge should be relegated from the | (nyaers SO Teon In ralesionde position of leader a bitter fight be- | o o o3l and on wheat. tween conservatives and radicals on| Fresident Coolidge, at the the republican side would be precipt- | tIme, 1S opposed to any mutilation tated to elect his successor. Leaders |the transportation act. A canvass of both groups are anxlous to avold | the next Congress shows that a group this. Only Senator Lodge's own re- | Of members from the so-called “wheat fusal to continue as Senate leader |belt” will make a determined effc will bring about his retirement. to kill at least that portion of the act There will be more responsibility | requiring the Interstate Commerce than power to the position In the | Commission to fix rates so as to allow next Congress, because of the hodge- ! railroads an annual return of not podge of political opinion among the | more than 51 per cent on the aggre- republican senators. It will be an|gate value of their property serving unusually fmportant position because | the public. Some railroads are not the leader will guide the party policy | able to earn that return on the basis ety 'm{md when practically | of present rates. The Presldent Is of orery move wilt be made with the|the opinion that the act should have 24 presidential election in view. |gyrther trial untrammeled by furthcs Situation In House. | legislative patchwork. Speaker Gillett will probably be re- | elected to that office by the new | same * Position on “Home Raule.” The statement by President Cool 4 > made re-|ment made at his conference with the publican floor leader. While Gillett| governors is particularly significant has given general satisfaction as|y. yiew of Gov. Pinchot Speak his v Ve Sov. 'S recent re- peaker, his powers are very limited | o1 and the only opposition voiced against | . him has been “too much Massachu. The President has taken the stand setts” However, when one considers | that there should be a halt in the that Massachusetts has not realized | CéNtralization of power In the federul on this very much in a legislative BOvernment and that the federal gov in which states have a jolnt interest should This lining up of Massachusetts | CO-OPerate in solving the problems ot with the west is likely to be carried | the states, but should not attempt to forward into the presidential cam. | direct and shape the policies of the paign. It is quite generally conceded | States, especially with regard to pub- for i bureaucracy in Washington and secks er who has gathered-the sentiment!suggestions for closer co-operation in a number of western states says|between the President and the gov- the only danger is that the people ernors. Corner Stone of U. S. Courts . Found in Musty Cellar Here The corner stone of the judiclary,Supreme Court in United States His- lof the United States has been found. | tory,” was the one who found this covered with the dirt of many | very valuable and historic document " It was while gathering material for Senate wing of the United States|ine puljtzer prize history that Mr Capitol bullding. This emphasizes | ywarren made his Interesting fin of the need for a natlonal archives|in original draft of the organic sct | for our judiciary system. He is now The orlginal draft with many In-| writing another book which should :erunem:x:;., hn; g;hGSu:‘;i:;cC ‘ct‘prove Intensely interesting to his- which establishe e OUrt | ¢orians, lawyers and student: - of the United States and all other | jijou. " e ot courts sheds new light on the mean- | It ing of some of the sections which | always has been supposed ‘thps would affect a whole line of decis- | the judiclary act, which was Senate fons, which probably would have |bill No. 1 of the First Congress, under been different had the judges known | which the Supreme Court and all of the ‘original wording of some of | other courts were established, had the amendments. | been destroyed and that no true his- This makes possible for the first{tory of that important plece of leg- | time the writing of the real history ' islation could ever be written. of how our judiclary system came| The discovery, Mr. Warren feels, 18 to be set up. a strong argument for erection of & Charles Warren, a native of Bos-|national archives building, which Kas ton, who was assistant attorney gen- | been urged unsuccessfully for a numi- eral of the United States during the ber of vears in Congress. Snch @ war and who had general charge of | building would not only afford safe the Internment of alien enemies and | preservation for pricelsss documents who prosecuted cases for the govern- | covering the earliest history of the Editor's Note.—This is one of a series of articies In which some of the most vital ot before American an idtussed by twelve of the best leadérs of Ameriean t and industry. The Dext article series will appear In next Sunday’s Editorial Sec- Vast Changes Effected. “Since our form of government was created we have developed a tremen- dous industrial organisation, which I has revolutionized soclety and pro- duced conditions which the founders | o | ment against the German sples and E { those conspiring to blow up muni- The International Association of|jons plants, and who recently was Machinists was powerless agalnst the | gwarded the $2,000 Pulitzer prize for great Internation: Typographical the best book upon the history of (Continued on Third Page. the United States for his work, “The nation, which are now in fire traps and moldy cellars, but also by af- fording an opportunity to research § students might lead to the discovery of similar Interesting facts regard- ing subsequent statutes.