Evening Star Newspaper, January 24, 1922, Page 13

ADVERTISEMENT. | ADVERTISEMENT. [ WHY THE Speechof franro Gabaldon; Resident Commissia Mr. HARRISON. Mr. Chair- man, I yield five minutes to the Resident Commissioner from the Phillippines (Mr. Gabaldon). Mr. KIESS. And we yield him five minutes also. The CHAIRMAN. The Resi- dent Commission from the Philip- pines is recognized for 10 minutes. Mr. GABALDON. Mr. Chair- man and gentlemen of the Con- gress, 1 deeply appreciate your courtesy in allowing me an oppor- tunity at this time, when Philip- pine affairs are not before the House, to discuss” a question that is of urgent and of the utmost im- portance to the people that I rep- resent. This courtesy on the part of she House is only in keeping with a multitude of others that have been shown me since I have been among you. The longer I am with yvou the more respect and affection A have for this body. You always aim to be fair, you are always courteous, and you are always will- . ing and anxious to hear both sides of a question before you take action. I shall always remember my pres- cnce here as the most pleasurable experience of my life. No matter what Your ultimate decision is rclative to questions 8ffecting my country, I shall never sey, I can never jusily say, that you did not give me every opportunity to be heard. As you all know by now, I stand at all times for the immediate in- dependence of my countrymen. I know you are ton patriofic yourselves, and too broadminded, to believe that in aspiring to independence I am showing lack of appreciation of the honor of membership in this body. You would be doing me a great injustice to so believe. My observation of the conduct of this House. my sensing of the patriotism that ennobles and inspires you as you legislate for this great ceuntry, fills me with patriotism for my own land and makes me wish for the legislators of my country the same oppor:unities for patriotic service that you possess. In aspiring to independence it is not that we love America less, but that our aspiration fo# independence is as dear to us as life itself. 1 hold that human beings are entitled to all the self-respect they can possibly obtain from life. And that no intelligent and patiiotic people can obtain the maximum of self-respect and happiness while bzing gov- erned against their will by an alien race, no matter how benevolent the overlordship may possibly be. To get my feelings, gentiemen of the House, imagine a foreign flag today flying over this Capitol in which you sit. No matter how benevolent the policies it might stand for, would you be, could you be, happy? 3 I pray you not to do us the injustice of misunderstanding our mo- tive in petitioning you for complete independsnce; we do not challenge the benevolence of your intentions, but are merely yearnigg for that freedom which is inherent to every self-respecting people. NO BITTERNESS TOWARD AMERICA. ‘We want our independence, but we are not knocking at the doors of Congress with any bitterness in our hearts. We realize that a great service has been rendered us by the United States in assisting us to pre- pare ourselves for independence. If we must remain under the tutelage of some other nation, even against our will, w8 would prefér that coun- try to be the United States. But we almost unanimously prefer our in- dependence to being under even so great and altruistic a nation as yours. ‘This is not a slight of America; it is a compliment to both peoples, you and us. As soon as the United States soldiers became intrenched in the Philippine Islands schools were set up everywhere, and one of the text- books used from the first day of American occupation was the history of the United States. How could it be expected that our young men could read the Declaration of Independence and study the history of this great country and not be inspired by the words of Wuhinxton.?efierson, Pat- rick Henry and Abraham Lincoln? We would be a people undeserving of the blessings of liberty if under America’s teaching we did not aspire to emulate your example of government of the people, for the people, and by the people. To prove to us, as the United States has succeeded !n doing, that independence is the greatest blessing of mankind, that it is the one thing that every patriotic citizen is justified in dying to obtain, ;:fi:l'.g::n Lto deny us that independence would surely be a cruel accom- = < ‘WOOD-FORBES REPORT EVADES REAL ISSUE. My special purpose in rising today is to discuss certain features of the report of the Wood-Forbes missjon, which body was sent, to the Philippines by Président Harding to investigate and report on condi- tions there. b ‘The recommendations made by the mission are unsatisfactory to my people. We can neither agree to them or accept them. We can reach no other conclusion than that the object of the investigators was to find excuses for delaying independence instead of to fulfill the promise of independence upon ‘the establishment of a stable government con- tained in the Jones law of 1916. 4 We can only feel that in deciding upon our fitness for independence the members oi the mission set an'arbitrary qualification that no gov- ernment on earth can now or ever will be able to meet. If we must wait until we are 100 per cent efficient, which is seemingly the standard the mission would require of us, our prospects are hopeless. I will later insert the editorial opinion of many American newspapers which fully uphold our contention that the mission has set a qualification for us that the United States itself does not approach. I will take up the various recommendations of the mission in detail later in my remarks. HON. ISAURO GABALDON. Resident Commisstoner from the *Philippines to the United States. My answer to the Wood-Forbes report is to demand anew, and with more emphasis than ever before, the immediate grant- ing of independence to the 10,500,000 inhabitants of the Philip- pine Islands. 1 insist that this is the only logical and righteous answer the Filipino people can make to this report, because it does not contain a single justifiable reason for America to longer postpone the keeping of its solemn pledge to us. The Jones law promised us independence upon one condition, the establishment of a stable government. “Stable government” was fo be the one and only condition precedent. No other condition or attainment or virtue was to be required. I submit, therefore, that the ‘Wood-Forbes report could have justified the further delaying of independence only by proving that we have not yet established the specified stable government. We today have such a stable government. The report absolutely failed to disprove this fact. As the mission could not successfully meet the real issue involved, it proceeded to ignore it. The report is a clever, but unworthy attempt to change the issue from that of stable government to a multitude of other con- ditions not required by Congress. If this can be done, then inde- pendence can be denied to Filipinos forever. But Congress never ;ntended that independence should be denied us by such subter= uge. What is a stable government? Does. it imply a government 100 per cent efficient? Not at all. Furthermore, it implies noth« ing indefinite. In the dictionary of the American State Department “stable government” has just as definite a meaning as the words white or black. The United States for nearly a century and a half in all cases in which she has recognized the independencé of a country or the establishment of a new government has held that the words “stable government” mean a government elected by the peaceful suffrages of the people, supported by the people, capable of maintaining order and of fulfilling its international ob« ligations. Unquestionably we have a government that will meet this test. And having such a stable government, we ask for im« mediate and complete independence. TODAY IS PROPITIOUS TIME TO GRANT INDEPENDENCE. . There are two additional and new developments in the Philippine situation which make the time opportune for action by the American Congress. One of these developments is the signing of the four-power treaty. If this treaty means what it is represented to mean, and there is not the slightest reason to believe otherwise, it means that the four 5'“1" powers have joined to prevent further emtroachments in ,the acific. ¥ This means the elimination of the Japanese bugtaboo as an important factor in the Philippine independence question. Many Americans have been assuring us for years that they would favor our independence were they not afraid that Japan would gobble+fs up. Even the Wood-Forbes- report declared the United States would not be justified in “leaving the islands a prey to any powerful nation coveting their rich soil and poten- | favorable to the Filipino asrintions for independence. ! tial commercial advantages.” . e e e e ST —r o~ e s £ it £ \ ADVERTISEMENT. FILIPINO (Reprinted from Congressional _ The four-power treaty puts the quietus on this argument. For the United States to now take this attitude would be to belittle the efficacy of its own handiwork, the new treaty, and to show lack of confidence in its new allies. The treaty is an assurance that if the United States sets up a Philippine republic as the first Christian democracy in the far east, it will be safe, inasmuch as the four greatest nations on earth will be guaranteeing its integrity. : But shquld there be the slighest apprehension on this score, it will now be a comparatively easy matter for the United States to induce its allies, Japan, Great Britain and France, to sign a special Philippine re- public neutrality agreement. There is every reason to believe these na- tions would sign such an agreement if asked to do so by the United States. No one of these nations could afford to refuse to sign and thus so early risk the.world’s unfavorable conclusions as to its good faith respecting the new treaty or its honorable intentions toward the Philip- pines.s . _ The second important reason why right now is the propitious time ior the United States to grant independeiice is this: The Nacionalista Party, the party overwhelmingly in the majority in the Philippines, has just recently adopted a platform in favor of independerice without pro- tection. One of the chief arguments has been that the Filipinos did not want real independence, but only independence with protection. It was argued by many large American newspapers that the United States could not think of granting Philippine independence with protection. The Wood-Forbes report declared “we find a general failure (among Fili- pinos) to appreciate the fact that independence under the ?rotection of another nation is not true independence,” and that the United States could not retain responsibility without authority. The leaders of the Filiping people have never considered either of the two above arguments as being a bar to a solution of the Philippite problem. In the first place, Filipinos have no especial fear of Japan, because Philippine independence, in our opinion, is not inimical to Japan. The Japanese are now free to come to the Phili pines, but there are less than 13,000 in the islands, even according to th Wood-Forbes reyolx;t. and our own official figures reveal not many more than half this number. Although Japan is l!mps! at our door, there are only oneé-ninth as many Japanese in the entire Philippine Archipelago as in California alone, and California is far removed from Japan, ql‘he explanation of this is that the Japanese do not thrive in the Philippines because of our tropical climate. There are not a few observers who profess to believe that Japan views the Philippines while an American posseéssion as a distinct menace to her from a military standpoint, and that the American flag in the Philippines will bring the Japanese soldiers to our shores, far quicker than the flag of a Philippine republic. Suppose the unexpected would happen and that the United States and Japan should go to war. The Philippines would immediately become the bloody battle ground, for the United States could not prevent the Japanese from gaining pos- session of the islands at the outbreak of such a war. The contést would then be centered in the islands, and by the time it would be concluded the Philippines would be likely to be little more than a shambles. On the other hand. if we have our independence, Japan would have no reason to molest us in case of war, because we would not be American territory and a Philippine republic would be no menace to Japan. If we are granted our independence we will endeavor to deal honorably with our neighbor—Japan—just as with all other countries, and we will then view the future with confidence in humanity. In any event, we would be taking no more chance with independence without protection than we are taking now. p The' CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from the Philippines has expired. . Mr. HARRISON. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman five minutes more. Mr. GABALDON. But even granting there was danger of Japa- ;wsct aggression, it has been completely removed by the four-power reaty. g .. We have always taken the position we would be glad to receive independence, either with or without protection, just as it pleased the United States. The recent agitation in the United States and the declarations of the Wood-Forbes report on_independence with pro- tection has resulted in the Filipino people uniting on a policy of inde- pendence without protection. At the Nacionalista convention, at which the “independence-without-protection” plank_was adopted, Manuel L. Quezon, Filipino leader and president of the Philippine Senate, said: The time has come for the Filipino people through the Naclonalista party to make a clear, frank and unequivocal expression on the question of independence—complete and absolute independence. We do not want or need her protection. It is unworthy of a people who clamor for inde- pendence to ask help or protection or compassion. There are no enemies to fear, no ambitious nations waiting to grab us. Independence of the Philippines will be recognized not only by Europe, but also by the nations" of the Orient. FOUR RECOMMENDATIONS, ALL REACTIONARY. The Wood-Forbes report contains four recommendations. 1 have too much confidence in President Harding to believe he will recommend that Congress should enact the necessary law to carry them out. The recommendations are autocratic, mili- taristic, and reactionary, not compatible with American history, American institutions, or the teachings of- America’s great men of the past. In this connection, I wish to direct the attention of the House to the fact t'h.at as recently as August 25, 1921, President Quezon, of the Philippine Senate, had a long and highly satis- factory interview with President Harding at the White House. On that occasion President Harding declared “very emphati- cally that in no case would a backward policy be pursied” in Philippine affairs. There can be no misunderstanding as to the assurance given Mr. Quezon, because at the close of the inter- view President Harding personally O. K'd the quoted words, which were (Fart of a statement the Philippine Senate president had prepared for the press. As all four of the recommendations of the Wood-Forbes report embrace a “backward policy,” I feel sure she President will not approve them. I will consider the four recommendations in the order in which they are made in the report: . p . 1. We recommend that the present general status of the Philippine Islands continue until the people have had time to absorb and thoroughly aster the powers already in their hands. . The last previous Governor General of the Philippines, who served in that capacity for seven years, and was therefore at least as well qualified to judge conditions as the members of the mission, officially recommended to Congress and the President of the United States “independence now.” Delayed independence is certainly a sle;; back- ward from a position of “independence now.” Not only that, but the language of this recommendation does not hold out to the Filipinos any hope for independence at any time. \ 2. We recommend that the responsible representative of the United States, the governor general, have authority commensurate with the respon- sibilities of his position. In case of failure to secure the necessary cor- rective action by the Philippine Legislature, we recommend that Congress declare null and void legislation which has been enacted diminishing, limiting or dividing the authority granted the governor general under act No. 240 of the Sixty-fourth Congress, known as the Jones bill. This_recommendation, if carried out, would deprive the Filipino people of important participation in their local government. ‘It is a step backward, and would therefore be a serious violation of President Harding’s promise of “no backward policies.” 3. We recommend that in case of a deadlock between the governor general and the Philippine senate in the confirmation of appointments that the President of the United States be authorized to make and render the final deciston. ' X2 . This is_simply another step in the'dispossessing of the g;ople of the Philippine Islands of that measure of seli-government wi ich they now_enjoy. It is a part of the gencral plan outlined in the report of turning the wheels of Philippine government in a direction opposite from progress. 4. We recommend that under no dircumstances should the American . government permit to be established in the Philippine Islands a situation which would leave the United States in & position of responsibility without authority. . On the other hand, is the principle that ‘fovemmenu. derive their just powers from the consent of the ‘governec " to be_entirely ignored by the American Governor General in the Philippines? ¢ 1t is not the fault of thg Filipinos that the American flag flies over our land; for they resistéd American sovereignty for more than two years, mm] finally forced to yield to superior arms. v A The Filipino people have repeatedly asked to be alloweg to assume full responsibility as well as_full suthority. ks . Under recommendation No. 4 the United States could justify “taxa- tion without representation,” but not with honor to itself or ‘without reducmxnthe immortal Declaration of Independence to a-mere scrap of paper. And I know that this great Nation is not ready to do that.: REPORT ADMITS CHRISTIAN FILIPINOS WANT INDEPENDENCE. I desire now to take up in detail some of the general conclusions and recommendations of the report. One of the conclusions was: ‘Wo find everywhere among the Christian Flllalnol the desire for inde- pendence, generaily under the proteétign of the United States. The non- Christians and the Americans are £or contiguance of Amsrican control. Many Anmrican newspapers have comunented on this statement as will quote two of many comments that have come to my observation: . J o RFTSEMENT. - ADVERTISEMENT. “PEOPLE CAN NO1 " ACCEPT THE WOOD-FORBES REPORT ner From the Philippine Islands to the United States, in the House of Representatives, January 20, 1922. Record et Januwary 20, 1922.) ] [ * [From the Dallas (Tex.) News.] ! WHAT’S THE ANSWER? What inference are we to draw from the fact that the Christian F"l‘]finol (‘0.350.200) want us to ggt out and the pagans (540,054) all want us to stay? i« [From the Paterson (N. J.) Press-Guardian.] GEN. WOOD'S REPORT. Gen. Wood's report contains the following notable statement: “We find everywhere among the Christian, Filipinos (9:250.240) the desire for independence. * * ¢ The non-Christians (1,000,480) and Americans (6,931) are for continuance of American control.” This is a surprising situation. 1t would naturally be expected that the educated, property-owning and commercial classes would favor American control as providing greater safety, while the less intelligent classes would more generally respond to sentiment based on the love of liberty which is found among al} peoples, whatever their stage of civilization. Plainly, the educated Filipinos have confidence in their ability to sovern the islands. Other findings of the mission which have brought forth much criticism by the American press are: “We find that the government is not reasonably free from those underlying causes which result in the destruction of government. “We find there is a disquieting lack of confidence in the adminis- tratien . of justice, to an ecxtent which constitutes a menace to the stability of government.” - y ¥ The New York World answers this statement in the following editorials : s [From the New, York World.] THEY: MIGHT CONSULT MR. TAFT. It Is necessary In reading the report of Gen. Leonard Wood and W, Cameron Forbes on the Philippines to keep in mind that It is a backward country, where the enllghtened ideas of America make slow growth. Among other unfavorable opinions they say: “We find there is a disquieting lack of confldence in the administra- tlon of justice, to-an extent which constitutes a menace to the stability of the government.” Only a few days ago Mr. Forbes, who has just returned from the Far East, in speaking of the Philippines, said: “One of the principal things we found was that Justice was not satis- tactorily administered. The delay In getting decisions is very bad. There are a variety of causes—not enough judges and not always the right kind of judges. We found something like 50,000 pending cases, including those in the municipal courts. e shall have t6 do something drastic 10 meet that situation.” . What would Gen. Wood and Mr. Forbes have to say if in tHe course of their investigation they had come upon a case in the Manila courts Where two men arrested on the charge of larceny had appeared for trial 72 times, always to discover that the prosecution was too busy to proceed with their trfal? It was in New York city that this happened, and in dis- missing the bail bonds of the two men Judge Mulqueen in general sessions commented that he had never heard of a more ridiculous travesty op justige. ‘Some years ago an American of distinction, who, like My. Forbes, had been governor general of.the Philippines, later President 6f the United States, and {8 today Chiet Justice of the United States Supreme Court, spoke most unfavorably of th¢ administration of justice in the United States. William Howard Tatt was well qualified to pass judgment in the matter. In his reflection, which had no ulterior political purpose, on_ the maladministration of justice, legul delays and disadvantages suffered by poorer litigants he was unsparing. Conditions in the Philippines are probably no worse than in the United States generally or New York city locally, but Mr. Forbes, fresh from the insular possessions of the United States in the Far E~st, has decided “that we shall have to do.something drastic to meet that situation” in the Philip- pines. In the meantime, what are we doing at home to correct abuses long known and long tolerated? PHILIPPINES ONCE HAD A REPUBLIC. mission would have the reader infer the Filipinos have always been a subject people. In fact, the exact words on this subject are: “In considering the question of granting independence to the Philippine Islands it is of interest to note that they have n‘V’I'VI)‘S been a dependent group under the influence of a stronger power.’ 1 deny this statement as historically untrue. The whole world knows that in 1898 the Filipino people had succeeded in eliminating Spanish rule from the islands, and had established a Philippine Republic with a constitution, functioning like other republics. FRANCIS BURTON HARRISON STILL DEAR TO FILIPINOS. The report by innuendo criticises the administration of Francis Bur- ton Harrison, who was the American Governor General of the Philip- pine Islands for seven and a half years. No greater honor could befall me as a representative of the 10500000 inhabitants of the Philippine Islands than to be the Filipino to report to the Congress of the United States that Francis Burton Harrison has the reputation of being the most American American official that ever served in the islands. When Mr. Harrison went to the Philippines there was a very strained rela- tionship between Filipinos and Americans. ‘The present _cordial attitude of Filipinos toward Kmerica is due more to the administration of Mr. Harrison than any other one cause. By his gentlemanly conduct, his integrity, his‘efficiency, his human sympathy, and last but not least by his genuine Americanism, Gov. Harrison wot the love and confidence of the Filipino poeple not only for hupsdi but for the United States of America. His policies were: The Philippines for .‘hc Filipinos; teach the Filipnos to do things for themselves, self-determination, and the principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. I can sa¥ with pride to Francis Burton Harrison that his long service to the Filipino people is not unappreciated simply be- cause he has left our shores, perhaps never to return. We have not The report of the forgotten him. He has made himself immortal to the Philippine nation. (Applause.) DR. GUY POTTER BENTON ON FILIPINO CHARACTER. . I wish te allude also to another American who is rapidly winning the confidence of the Filipino people, Dr. Guy Potter Benton, former resident of the University of Vermont, and now president of th'c {'niversity of the Philippincs. Dr. Benton, upon concluding a year’s administration of our university, has signed up for ten vears. In his vecent inaugural address, speaking of Filipino character, he said: “For thirty years | kave had association with great crowds of young people, and I am able to testify, on the bases of experience and observa- tion, that | have never come in contact with a brighter, better, more eager, industrious, or promising company of young men lll.d women than the 4,000-who today compose the student body of the U:nversnty of the ‘Philippines. The Filipino as a race are not “born short,” either morally or mentally, and 1 wish I might give my words the voice of thunder and the wings of lightning to refute this vile slander against a people of proven character and ability, so that the repls'tnlon ‘might echo and reecho with convincing finality the world nrou_nd. AN APPEAL TO THE HEART OF AMERICA. Again, referring to the report of the mission, in concluding, allow me to say: . A In behalf of the people of the Philippine Islands, inheritors of centuries of struggle for liberty, I, one of those whom they have designated to speak for them, enter my most solemn protest against the report of the ‘Wood-Forbes mission. With all, earnestness, in all sobriety of thought and purpose, with all the respect and honor due from us to the great American nation, our benefactor, | protest against that report, because it is inaccurate, unfair, misleading, unrighteous, uninformed and un- enlightened. : : 1 protest against the conclusion it sometimes expresses and sormetimes insinuates that the people of the Philippine .lslmds are not fitted for self-government. I*deny that conclusion and repudiate it. I point to the overwhelming and unanswerable refutation of that conclusion contained in the records and facts of the last five years. Five years ago the government of the Philippine Islands passed ifito the hands of the people thereof. For these five years they have administered it. They have with their own selections filled ali but three of the high oches in the island government. Their legislature, elected by their suff-age, has made ail the laws that have been made. Their officers, chosen in accordance with their will, have directed and controlled all public affairs.. I submit that this test is sufficient. I submit that ft annihilates the disparaging intimations contained in thl:_ feport. And I submit that facts, records, statistics and observation will establish to any impartial tribunal that the government so con- ducted in the Philippine Islands compares fnvornh.ywltll the gov- ernment of any other democracy anywhere in this world for tht same period. p But I protest again that this report disingenuously and un- fairly evades the real issue. The Filipinos-have demonstrated their capacity for self-government by governing themselves, but that is not and can not be the question now. In the covenant entered into on August 29, 1916, between the people of the United 'States and the people of the Philippine Islands the people of the Unpited States pledged themselves to grant inde-. pendence to the Philippine Islands” as soon as a stable governs ment can be- established therein.” The -stable government bas Dbeen established; it has been subjected to five years of trial; the fact that it is stable has been daily demonstrated and is not ques- H ADVERTISEMENT. NOT ADVERTISEMENT. tioned. ‘The real issue, the only issue, the plain, direct question from which, people of America, this report seeks to divert your attention, is whether the United States will or will ot fulfill its sacred obligations. We have done our part; we have fulfilled to the letter our share of the terms of the contract. People of' America, will you fulfill yours? Great and powerful interests that derive a profit from the ex- isting status seek to becloud the issue and deceive you into com- mitting an act of bad faith and staining the proud American name with the blot of a broken promise. It is this power that furnishes the chief strength to the opposition to our just request; it is this psower alone that rejoices in this report. We earnestly beg you, people of America, our good friends and sympathizers, not to be misled by it. For ourselves we thrust it aside as irrelevant and immaterial and beg the se-ious heed of the American nation to the faith that this report impugns and dishonors. Americans, we seek the liberty your forefathers won to you. We declare to you on our solemn word of honor, in that plain fashion of man to man you justly prefer and practice, that the Philippine people will never accept anything else. We declare to you that we love erty with the same love that you have for it. We declare on our honor and faith and by the causes your own magnificent history has sanctified that we utterly reject the insinuation that you are willing to become the oppressors of a nation striving to be free. We say to you that we long for our country’s independence and we ask for it at your hands. And we say to you that anything else is as irksome to us as it would be to you. In the name of your own liberty, we ask you to break our bonds and to break them now. IMPORTANT ARTICLE BY MANUEL L. QUEZON. I desire to include in my remarks for preservation in the files of the Congressional Record an important article on Philippine independence by Manuel L. Quezon, president of the Philippine Senate, who is known personally to most of the Members of the House. # AMERICA’S PLEDGE TO THE PHILIPPINES. (By Manuel L. Quezon, president of the Philippine Senate. from Asia Magazine.) From the beginning of the American occupation the Filipino people have been assured by the highest representatives of the American nation that the fixed purpose of the United States was the ultimate independence of the islands. In August. 1916, Congress gave formal statement of that purpose in the Jones act, which solemnly pledged the faith of the people of the United Stutes to set the people of the Philippine Islands free as soon as they should prove their right to independence by the establishment of a stable government. The question is, then, have they succeeded in establishing such a government? The Jones act gave the Filipinos a very large sghare in their own government. It placed all of the important executive and administrative offices in the islands. with the exception of the governor generalship, the vice governor generalship, and the auditorship, in the. hands of native Filipinos. It created a popularly elected legislaturc, to which was committed the control of all the affairs of the island peoples, excepting only their relations with foreign countries and a few matters affecting their relations with the United States. Every member of this legislature is a native Filipino. For five years the government of the Philippines has been, in practi- cally all respects, native. Men chosen by the will of the people, de- liberately and freely expressed, have administered public offices, provincial. municipal and national. Though mistakes have been made by the Philippine government, as mistakes have bLeen made by other more experienced governments, it can safely be said that the people of the islands have managed their affalrs wisely and patriotically. Puplic order has been effectively maintained. Means of communica- tion have been improved and extended. Facilities for public educa- tion have bLeen increased. Measures for sanitation and health have been put into effect. The finances of the government have been man- aged under native direction as ably and successfully as they ever have been managed. Indeed, one great improvement in the handling of government finances has been made during the Filipino admi tion— the adoption of a budget system. similar to that which has only re- cently been put into effect for the United Stat. Under_ this system the secretary of finance (a Filipino) prepares, in comsultation with the heads of other departments (who, with the exception of the secre- tary of public instruction, are also Filipinos), the budget for the com- ing fiscal year; Including estimates of revenues and expenditures of the government. This budget is submitted by the secretary of finance to the legislature for consideration and action. Though the legisla- ture retains the power to accept, reject, or enmtirely ignore the budget as submitted, in practice it has never appropriated anything for purposes not recommended by the secretary of finance. Thus, the “pork barrel” has been completely done away with in the Philippines. In spite of reports to the contrary that have appeared in newspapers in the United States, the Philippine government is sound financially. For several years, at the end of every fiscal year, there has been a sur- plus in the insular treasury. In no case has the yearly expense of the government exceeded its revenue. That the Philipnine government has been embarrassed this year to the extent of having been compelled to reduce its expenses is due not to bad financing on the part of the overnment itself, but to the losses suffered by the Philippine National Bank and to the tving up of the bank’s funds in non-liquid securities. The ‘Philippine National Bank is the government’s depository, and the majority of its stock is owned by the government. It has, accordingly, been to the interest of the government to help the bank out of its rather difficult situation by withdrawing government deposits as slowly as possible. What happened to the Philippine National Bank was not any worse than what has happened to banks in the United States and in other countrfes. 1t has not been necessary to decree a moratorium in the Philippines. The Phiiippine bank has suffered as a result of the general business depression that has followed the war. It is true that some of its losses were due to mismanagement. but the officials of the Philippine government have long since corrected this evil by appointing as manager of the bank a competent banker from the United States. Though the business depression that marked the passing of the abnormal conditions attendant upon the great war has been world wide, it has perhaps affected ‘the Philippines rather more than some other regions, because the staple products of the islands were subject to a greatly stimulated war demand, which abruptly ceased with peace. Hemp, for instance, and coconut oil and sugar, of which the Philippines produce large quantities, fell in market value far below the lowest point reached under normal conditions. But business in the islands is steadily im- proving, and I can not help thinking that a country which has successfully nassed through a crisis such as the one the Philippines has just weathered has proved that it has not only a stable, but a manifestly capable government. - Many of those who are opposed to Philippine freedom say that for the United States to withdraw from the islands would be. virtually, to give them over to Japan. That possibility does not worry the people of the Philippines a_ bit. They believe that, even if Japan has designs upon the islands, she is wise enough to know that for her to take them over after they had been granted independence by the United States would do her more harm than good. Japan is suspected in many quarters of belng an aggressive and unscrupulous conquering power, and the Japanese people, aware of -this fact, are anxious to prove to the world that they are unjustly accused. They realize that nothing Japan could do would justify that suspicion.more than interference with an inde- pendent Philippine republic established by the United States. Such action would. be: resented by Great Britain, France and other powers with colonies in the Orient, as well as by the United States, not only because of its disregard of international law, but because of its menace to far eastern peace. : There are a few people who frankly advocate the reversal of the policies enugciated in the Jones act. They say that sincc' a Congress is empowered to amend or Tepeal any law enacted by {its predecessor, the promise of independence contained.in the act can properly be rejected. . Legally, they are right. Every Congress repeals and amends statutes that have been outgrown, but when a pronouncement by one Congress affects the interests of another people, who have accepted it 8s a pledge of faith, no subsequent Congress can repudiate it without placing the United States in the category with nations that disregard their treaty compacts. The effect of such a step upon the Filipinos ;would be to alienate their good will and good faith, which, after all, are the best assets the United States has in the far east. From what- ever point of view the possession of the Philippines by the United States may be considered, the good will of the people is of paramount Im- portance. Commercially the Philippines will be profitable to the United States only so long as the people of the islands are willing to co-operate with Amefican enterprises agd consume American products. Strateg- ically, the islands will be a source of strength only so long as the loyalty of their inhabitants can be depended upon. If the United States should hold the Philippines against the will of the populatien, they would surely prove @ liability instead of an Ssset. On the other hand, an independent Philippine government would be grateful to America: it would continue in its existing economic relationship:with the Tnited States to the mutual benefit of both part! concerged; it would grant to the United States the coaling stations .required for maintaining a strategic position in the Pacific. In short, the Filipinos could be relied upon to express their friepdship in tangible form.: . : I do not belleve that there will ever be the slightest serious move on the part of the United States toward departure from the Dlain terms of the Jones act.” °F think that the American people will abide by their promise to grant Philippine, independence. The time to_fulfill that | promise hab arrived. There has been established in the Philippines a/ stable government of and by and for Filipino# ' The Filipino people hdve their hearts set on indepéndence. Faithfully and’ completely they have carried out their part of the contract emhodied in the Jones act. They ask America to carry out its part. The Philippine ‘question is a. question of ethics and not,of. policy, a question of conscience and not of 3 expediency. 3 Reprinted . This.speech of Commissioner Gabaldon is published and | paid for by the Philippine Commission. of Independence, which 1 was created, provided with funds, and directed by the Philip. F ine legi , duly=elected by the Filipino people, to cam paign in America for Philippine’ Independence, and “to p: mote better understanding, greater confidence and closer eco- nomic relations bem‘emvlhé‘fhiited States and the Philippines.” Copies of this speech, in pamphlet form, and other infor- mafionpan th{; .ubjef:f:f the I;‘ahilip ines and Philippine Inde- ;demce. may be obtained free of,charge ad£using the hilippine Press Bureau, 550 Munsey bldg., Washingtou, D. C. oy o o wny it e Ba weoNLresas