Evening Star Newspaper, April 13, 1898, Page 9

QUITOR FIGHT oe tinued From First Page.) was thus proposed that, if given now. it would fall short of supplying the just requirements of the present situa- tion in the light solely of the interests of the United States. The recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba is justified and de- mended by the highest considerations of dvty. right and polic; The insurgents hold the eastern portion of the island, to the practical exclusion of pain. This possession extends over one dy of territory ccmprising fully one-half since b of the area of Cuba. ‘The extermination by Spain of the peace- ful inhabitants of the western portion of the island has so affected the balance of pepulation between these moteties of Cuba that the insurgents comprise in the eastern hiif nearly one-third of the population ef the island. That third of the population Pwys taxcs to them, serves in their armies, and in every way supports and is loyal to them. This situation has existed ever first few menths of the war. The Weyler and since the zrmies of Spain under Campes, ely have been repelled every invasion that they have attempted ern half of the island. se of Spain has continuaily grown and that of the ywn stronger The forme sbstantial effort for the recove lost provine inistration. bject them poliey om r been able dented and has unpre; nev oO he of concentration Her avmies have been more than ¢ ted in the attempt to subdue them. Two hun- d thousand of h liers have faile Le e few w sending to Cuba caused the ins she a tithe of ner los: and disease. control over the western portion of nd is dominance over a desolation self has created. Even there the territory ¢ ied by her cantonments and camps. Outside these the i e everywhere in presence. luce meats U re fer do not supply by batt! Her the F ef Cuba the native hort lerate in a very large propor- v »bably of 8 to 1. We have been as- ed Ly the most umimpyachabie authority wan Senators Froctor, Gallinger, rston and Money) that the nativ Cubans everywhere, even within the mili- y lines of Spain, are opposed to the par- ent state and are in sympathy with the in- surge We have also been assured by the same authority that the native Cubans by su- periority in education are better ¢ lified zhly ed ument of the Ubon the Spaniards,and are the to administer the gove The preceding observations have assum #& certam control and sovereignty by Sp: ue Western portion of Cuba. We he d its character. It mited | « | licat to scattered and fortified areas and it is not a civil sovereignty. It is merely a mili tary oceupation of fortified Even this deminion has been made pos: aud ccntinues enly by the infliction of a policy fer which the history of no people ( eepting possibly that of Spain herself) fu nishes any example. The werld knows what that policy is and all civiiiza e crates it. It consists in compelling under pena ef death the rural population of the western part of the to leave the: he s. their fie their stock and other chattels and ma themselves between the outskirts of « in designated towns and u military cordon intercepting their returr into the country. As they departed from u homes their houses were burned, the wth of their fields was trod ry, their agricultural imy and ut n gown + ments, fu: de vughout wic nsurpassed areas of a re- fertility, which had ly populated for more than two not one ‘living thing, brute not habitation, not one pro- field 1s to be For the miserable condition to w epiire population is reduced Spain has af- forded no substantial relief, and the evil istress have become so huge and her ial debility is so extreme e is to relieve, even if she could be sed to have the disposition to do so. result ha: n that over 200,00 of the subjects of § been killed by of that government, and 200,000 suffering from famine and diseas: has besn no distinction of sex or or ene seen. ic h an in this protracted and torturing mas- s The children of this ge 1 Starved sacre. eration h. to death, and the immolaiion “i has destroyed the possibility can be no doubt that the contriver Ss unexampled rocity i tended to depopulate, to the full extent of an ability u bly great in the concep- tion and perpetration of colossal crime, the 4 of its native pzople and to repeople it by natives of Spain. We can not consent upon any conditions depopulated portions of Cuba zed by Spain any more th © allowed to found a new colony in other part of this hemisphere or island of ther aet is regarded by the United States as dangerous to our peace and safety. That sovernmenf has violated the laws 1 warfare in the conduct of her Her troops have | red prison=rs after their surrender: » massacred the sick and wounded 1 1 their physicians and ytured hospit he > Civilization. nd jurists speak of :he nt of sovereignty of a parent state over people or a colony they mean that di- | rses in their ¢; An Affront n publicists a Vinely delegated supremacy in the exere of which man should show “lkest God. ‘They never mean that a usurpation of ciabe sm shall be sanctified upon the plea is sovereignty none the less than that of a well-ordered and humane govern- ment. Against such reasoning the moral laws pe speak ale end declare that the state which thus per- verts and abuses its power thereby for- feits its sovereignty. And this principle bas been the foundation of the repcaced interventions by the states of Europe in the affairs of Turkey, who, abominable and atrocious as her cruelty has been toward her subjects in Greece and in the northern vart of her dominiens in Europe, and in Armenia. has not approached the eminence at which Spain stands in solitary and an- ay preachable infamy. ‘The, recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba would not be a justi- fiable cause of war by Spain against the United States. Upon this principle the hest-esteemed authorities are agreed. Among their opinions the following Jecla- ration of Mr. Webster in his letter to Mr. liulsemamm stands pre-eminent: “If, therefore, the United States had gone se far as formally to acknowledge the in- dependence of Hungary, although, as the result has proved, it would have been a precipitate step, and one from which no benefi. would have resuited to either party, it would not nevertheless have been an act against tie law of nations, provided they togk no part insher contest with Austria If not an act against the lew of nations, it. of course, could not be a justifiable ground for war. The recognition of the independence of it of ture and of nati the people of Cuba entitles the United States to insist that the war shall be cén- ducted in accordance with those humane laws which have been ordained by the common consent of the civilized world, and which have done so much to mitigate the korrors of warfare. So long as this gov- ernment abstains from such recognition, Spain is entitled to imsist that we agree with her that the insurrection is merely & treasonable riot and not a forma! apd or- | Sanized rebellion, and that she is therefore | entitled to execute wpon the insurgents and upon American citizens, and all persons upon the island, the penalties of a demestic code which is an affront t6 civiltizatioii. The United States ‘has been in. this atti- tude of concurrence ever since the begin- ning of the war. It has, as = consequence, in a spirit of forbearanc:, submitted to many atrocities perpetrated by Spain upon our own citizens, which, undér ‘recognition, would have had no warrant in interna- tional law and would have afforded just gicunds of proceduré by this government under its acknowledged principl2s. Citizens of the United States have been condemned to death by military tribunals in violation of their treaty rights. The expostulations of this government have b:en in effect merely petitions for royal .clemency. The Competitor prisoners, captured under our flag. were imprisoned nearly sevent2en tronths, and were never brought to trial, though they were subjected to many harsh, illegal and degrading preliminary examina- tions. Th> entire proceeding against them was unlawful and in derogation of their rights and of our honor. But as they were technically, in the attitude which the Unit- ed States had assumed and had placed them in refusing recognition of belligerency or ind>p lence, merely ordinary criminals pre it by Spain under her domestic penal code, this government, it was logical- ly insisted by Spain, had no right to make the question one of international obliga- tion. It accepted royal clemency, and, in th» person of its citizens, received:a pardon for a crime instead of demanding repara- tion for a violated right. The United States has been compelled by its attitude of non-recognition to assist Spain by its execution of our neutrality statut If ther is no war and the in- surgents are merely an unlawful confed- eracy of common insurrectionists, they can have no legitimate commercial dealings with the citizens of the Untt=d States. Nor can the insurgents object to Spain having such dealings of every character, in- cluding the purchase of supplies, which, had recognition been accorded, would be contraband of war, and ther2fore not to be furnished except through breach of neutral- i The United States has therefore been an assistant of Spain. The supplies for that power have be=n largely purchased in this country. The unrecognized insurgents rave had no right to complain. On the other hand, they and their adherents have been prohibited from making such pur- chases and from =>xporting any supplies, however acquired. ‘There has, therefore, been ne real neutrality by this government throughout the entire busin ‘To th con- trary, Spain has been the customer of the people of the United States, who have soid her, with technical lawfulness, ev2rything that she has required to repress by such es as we have indicated a people ing against tyranny for their liber- ‘0 pr2vent the insurgents from buy- ing or exporting at all, while Spain has bought and exported to the extent of her r-quirements, the navy and revenue ves- sels of the United States have been dill- y and successfully employed. It has d, and we believe with entir> cor- that this vigilance and policing of eas by the Unit=d States in favor of is government more than $2,000,000, The Right of intervention. conflict of cpinion and definition ts upon the subject of in- terveniion is very great. Some of them de- its existence as a right under any cir- cumstances, excepting of self-defense against an immine! peril, while other wr of equal authority, maintain the validity its assertion as a right for h may be inconsistent with that great foundation principle of international Jaw. the equal and inviolable sovereignty of The extremes of these opinions are repre- sented by Guizot end Arntz. The former Ceclares that “no state has the right to mitervene in the situation or internal gov- ernment of another state, except only when the interest of its own s y renders such intervention indispensable.” Arntz maintains that the right of inter- vention ex “1. When the institutions of one state violate or threaten to violate the rights of another state. such violation is the of stitutions coexisi- sults theretrom. Wer ‘a government, acting entirely within the limits of its prerogatives of sov- rights of humanity s contrary to the inter- of otner . or by excess of, injus- tice and cruelty which deeply wounds pub- morals-and civilization. The right of intervention is a legitimate because, however important may be the rights of sovereignty and independence, there is one ching of still greater impor- and that is the law of humanity and n society, Which ought not to be out- whether by m Between these extremities of opinion the differences among the publicists are ex- ccedingly various and irreconcilable. Prof. Hail, in his work on International Law (3d . 288, note 1), in considering the opin- of medern international jurists who touch upon humanitarian intervention, says that “the treatment which the subject re- ceives from them is merely fragmentary, notice being taken of some only of its grounds, which are dsdally approved or disapproved without clear reference to a general principle.” Vattel (liv. 1, cb. iv, s. 56) considers it permissible to succor a people oppressed by its sovereign, but does not appear to sanc- tion any of the analogous grounds of in- tervention. Wheaton (Elem., pt. 11, ch. 1, 3). Bluntschli (s. 478), Mamiani (p. 86), give the right of aiding an oppressed race. Heffter (s. 46), while denying the right of intervention to repress tyranny, holds that so soon as a civil war has broken out a ign state may assist either party en- gaged in it. Calvo (s. 166) and Fiore (1, 416) think that states can intervene to put an end to slaughter. Vattel says (book 5 “As to those monsters who, under the title of sovereigns, render themselves the scourges and horror of the human race, they are savage beasts, whom every brave man may justly exterminate from the face of the earth. “All antiquity has praised Hercules for delivering the world from Antaeus, a Bu- siris. and a Diomede.” If these opinions state the correct rule, as we believe they do, the right of interven- tion by the United States in the present in- stance is indubitable. They are, however, controverted by other publicists of great eminence. It is possibly correct to say as to this conflict of opinion that this portion of international law is, though operative in certain cases, In that formative and progressive condition of development by which many benign principles, though for- merly contested, have at last become firm- ly_established. The following reflections of Mr, Pomeroy upon this subject (Int. Law, p. 242, et seq.) appear to be well considered: “How far the right of intervention legiti- mately extends, under what circumstances it may be invoked, to what extent it may be carried, are questions which have given rise to much discussion—questions that have never been authoritatively settled, and perhaps never will be settled. “Hardly a writer absolutely denies the existence of the right at all; it would seem to be unsafe to go to this length. On the other hand, it seems almost equally unsafe to admit the right to exist at all, for, as it is utterly impossible to. place any. ‘exact limits upon it, its very admission may open the door to vast and terrible abuses. . . ._ 2 © o> “While the fact Is as ‘stated that in- stances of intervention are and have been constantly occurring, I am of opinion that the whole subject does not so much belong to international law as to politics. : . OS eee cree ed “In short, I cannot think that the subject of intervention has been, or perhaps. can be, regulated by the positive law. It must be relegated to the domain of those high politics, those principles of chap. 4, top p. 15 expediency, which control the conduct, both domestic and foreign, of nations.” ‘The actual conduct and policies of nations give warrant to these observations. To sus- tain repeated intervention during the pres- ent century no law has been invoked. They have been acts of necessity or policy. This statement is corroborated by the creation and existence of two policies, one of Eu- Tope, the other of the United States, each of which is based distinctly upon the as- sertion of an intention to intervene under certain circumstances. We refer to the principle of the balance of power and to the Monroe doctrine.. Each is a distinct and arbitrary policy of intervention, to be ef- fected in certain contingencies in further- ance of national policies, and to justify which no canon of international law wa ever invoked. The former has profoundly affected the relations of the European states and the independence of many of those sovereignties. The latter has kept the powers of Europe out of the American continents ever since it was promulgated. It was a distinct an- nouncement that the United States would intervene, under certain expressed cir- cumstances, in the affairs of every Central American and South American state. ‘The United States did intervene by threat and show of force in the affairs of Mexico and France, and compelled the evacuation of that republic by a European power, whose own prior intervention in Mexican affairs had overthrown a republic and established @ monarchy upon its rufns. No publicist has ever asserted that either of these poli- eles is part of the law of nations. Justification for intervention is strength- ened in such cases as the present, where the oppressions by a state of its subjects have been so inveterate, atrocious and san- guinary as to require intervention by other nations in the interests of humanity and the peace of the world, for the purpose of overthrowing that government and estab- lishing or recognizing another in its place as the only means of extirpating an other- wige incurable and dangerous evil. The Case of Turkey. The conduct of the European powers re- specting Turkey has been pursuant to the policy which tmrels one nation to inter- vene in the affairs of another state to stop crtelty and massacre, and, if necessary, to Ccpose it from sovereignty. That state be- came a member of the commonwealth of European powers by the treaty of Paris of 1856. The integrity and sovereignty of the Ottoman empire were guaranteed. It has stcod ever since upon an equality with Spain in all respects. And yet Turkey has been the subject of repeated interventions since 1856, which have restrained her sov- ereignty, usurped her domestic administra- tion, repressed her cruelties and partially dismembered her empire. The people of her several Danubian pro- vinces oppressed by her misgovernment, rose in rebellion. A scene of massacre fo}- lcwed, which stoog without precedent un- til it was made to seem merciful by the atrocities perpetrated by Spain upon her subjects in Cuba. Europe protested at the conference of Constantinople and suggest- ed reforms and cencessions in favor of the oppressed people, which Turkey promised to grant in part, but vitiated that promisc by evasions and subterfuges as to some most material requirements. Upon this Europe ceased to represent, remonstrate and implore. Russia intervened by force. Her military successes produced the treaty of San Stefano between that power ant Turkey, which established the political status of the revolted province But, in the opinion of the other European powers, Russia herself had obtained too much un- der that treaty. The consequence was the interpositio: the great powers of Europe in the aff of Russia and Turkey. It was substantial- ly an intervention, though otherwise de- nominated, which compelled Russia and Turkey to take part in the congress of Berlin, held in 1878. They did so because they were constrained by the certainty of intervention by force in case they shoukl refuse. The result of that congress was the partial dismemberment of European Turkey, and the establishment of new states therein, some partially autonomous, others entirely independent. The cause of these great interventions was the cruelty of Turkey toward her own subjects. Th» result was that the interventions secured their indepeudence. é © cases of the Danubian provinces are so similar to that of Cuba as to be nearly identical. The fact that the wrongs were inflicted by Mohammedans upon Chris- tians does not mitigate the responsibility of Spain or make intervention as to her any less rightful. Surely Christian Spatn, from the fact that she is a Christian state, is not given greater warrant to extermin- ate her subjects than Mohammedan Tur- key possessed to extirpate hers. ireat Britain intervened as to Egypt vpcn financial grounds, and is now admin- istering the revenues and finances of that prevince. The recent intervention of the European powers in favor of Turkey and against Greece in her endeavor to assist the Cretan insurgents is familiar history. So, also, is the intervention of the same powers which checked the advance of the armies of Turkey into Greece. The United States’ Attitude. The attitude of the United States toward the present question has been based upon the right of intervention and the intention to exercise it in certain contingencies. President Cleveland, in his message of De- cember 7, 1896, declared that: “Whatever circumstances may arise, our policy and our interests would constrain us to object to the acquisition of the island or an interference with its control by any other power. “It should be added that it cannot be reasonably assumed that the hitherto ex- pectant attitude of the United States will be indefinitely maintained. While we are anxious to accord all due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we cannot view the pending conflict in all its features, and properly apprehend our inevitably close relations to it, and its possible results, without considering that by the course of events we may be drawn into such an unusual and unprecedented condition as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain to end the contest, either alone and in her own way, or with our friendly co- operation. “When the inability of Spain to deal suc- cessfully with the insurrection has become manifest, and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is 2xtinct in Cuba for all pur- poses of its rightful existence, and wi.en a hopeless struggle for its re-establishment has degenerated into a strife which means nothing more than th? useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situa- tion will be presented in which our cbiiga- tiors to the sovereignty of Spain will be supersed2d by higher obligations, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and dis- charge. Deferring the choice of ways und methods until the time for action arrives, we should make them depend upon th2 pre- cise conditions then existing; and they should not be determined upon without giv- ing careful heed to every consideration in- volving our honor and inter2st, or the in- ternational duty we owe to Spain. Until we face the contingencies suggested, or the situation is by other incidents imperatively changed, we should continue in the line of conduct heretofore pursued, thus in all cir- cumstances exhibiting our obedience to the requirements of public law and our icgard for the duty enjoinzd upon us by the posi- tion we occupy in the family of nations. “A contemplation of emergencies that may arise should plainly lead us to avoid their creation, either through a careless disre- gard of present duty or aven an undue gtimulation and ill-timed expression of feel- ing. But I have deemed It not amiss to re- mind the Congress that a time may arrive |,.when a correct policy and care for our in- terests, as well as a regard for the interests of other nations and their citizens, joined by considerations of humanity and a desir> to see a rich and fertile country, intimate- ly related tous, saved from complete de- vastation, will constrain our government to such action as will subserve the interests thus involved, and at the sam2 time promise to Cuba and its inhabitants an opportunity to enjoy the blessings of peace.” President McKinley, in his message of December 6, 1897, sald? “The instructicns given to our new min- ister = _— bere iso departure for his pest directs jm to impress upon that government the si wish of the Gaited States to lend its aid toward the ending of the war in Cuba by reaching a peaceful and lasting result, just and honorable alike to Spain and to the Cuban people. These instructions recited the character and-du- ration of the contest, the widespread losses it entails, the burdens and restraints: it upon us, with constant disturb- ance of national interests, and the injury resulting from an indefinite continuance of this state of things. It was stated that at this juncture our government was con- strained to serio inquire if the time was not ripe when in of her own voll- tion, moved by her own interests and every sentiment of humanity, should pu® a stop to this, - war and make pro- posals 5f of destructive: settlement honorable to herself and just to her Cuban colony. urged that Tt was SN W The bicycle has ‘world. It bas: produced ‘women. Wh? realize! at first. but they _ There rre many Ki LEWIS. _ Some Valuable Hints to Bicyclists For Bicycling is pleasant and agreeable, and for this very reascn is often dangerous. Recause it brings a strain which yon do not Im the pleasure and excitement of the action this strain is unnoticed. Those who ride, frequently ‘feel pains in the muscles, the Joins, and across the back, a strange wearl- ness, bearing down sensatioms, and other de- pressions. Now these feelings are the result of ‘over-exertion. You may not notice them ouf> unless checked. probably visit this country the present season. Among this number is Mr. Kendrick Lewis, champion cyclist of Australasia, who ts -cer- tainly a phenomenal rider. The Coming Season. made a revolution in the a new race of men and both male and female, | Cure while training. Mr. Lewis and other are certain to wear you noted bicyclists who will | number is Mr. W. W. N.C. use says: am ap athlete, Like all great cyclists, he knows the strains which training and constant work bring about, and in writ- ing upon the subject recently, he sai “Probaply I have fought as many stubborn contests in cycling competition as most cy- clists, and have achieved a Inrge measure of “I can truthfully state that some of my victories -vould have been turned into defeat had it not been for the use of Warner's Safe “I can confidently recommend this great remedy to sll cyclists, and I desire to bear testimony to the splendid hygienic aid War- ner’s Safe Cure is to all who use the wheel.” athletes generally in regard to the great benefit of Warner's Safe Cure. Hon. D. J. Broadhurst, Mayor of Goldsboro’, and of course in my exercises require the most exacting physical perfection. Safe Cure."" Many men and more women after retorn- ing from an energetic spin refresh themselves, and hence counteract the possible over-exer- tion, by a Grink of Warner's Safe Cure. is palatable, and, what is more import: prevents the possibility of apy injury from the effects of bicycling, and the coming on of kidney or other dangerous diseases. When great athletes who are in constant training every hour of their lives find 80 cyclists agree with much benefit in its use, do Among the | you, reader, who perhaps Broadhurst, son of 80 useful to greater strain than have you? ae It is sometimes the case that after severe exertion I have headaches or pains in the back, resulting from a strain upon the system, and I have found that there is no re.nedy on earth so good as Warner's strength unintentionally, may find health by the use of this great remedy, which has been those who have been under It keeps you in good health, It yon think that overtax your large interests in Cuba, we could be re- quired to wait only a reasonable time for the mother country to establish its au- thority and restore peace and order within the borders of the island; that we could not contemplate an indefinite period for the accomplishment of this result. ‘No solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to Spain could attach, and, indeed, precise proposals were withheld to avoid embarrassment to that government. All that was asked or ex- pected was that some safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peace re- stored. . . . . . . . “Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the government will continue its watchful care over the rights and property of American citizens, and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by reaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty im- posed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity to Intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part, and only because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world.” Autonomy Specious and Illusory. These declarations more than implied that this government. would interpose in the event of faifure within a reasonable time to conquer the insurgents or to induce them by concessions*of home rule to lay down their arms. .They, have not been sub- dued. The autonomy proffered was spe- cious and illusory. Ith¥s been rejected by the Insurgeats not because it was specious and illusory, but betause they will accept nothing short of cgimpiete national inde- pendence. The suggestion of a more com- plete autonomy has aise been rejected by them. They declare,to,the United States and Spain alike that ne\terms short of in- dependence, which those powers may at- tempt to preserfbe to them, will be ac- cepted. Spain refuses to grant indepen- Gence. woot "The war, then, must go on, and the mis- ery which has shocked ‘the civilized worl1 must continue and increase unless it is terminated by the, triumph of Cuba or Spain, or by the intdrpogition of the United States. ue ‘Time to/Interfere’Has Arrived. It is the opinion of this committee that the time to interposé has arrived; that in- tervention which will stop the war and se- cure the national independence of Cuba should at once take place. If, under all the circumstances, Spain shall choose to regard such action by this government as a cause of war, that consequence, however deplor- able, will be accepted by the American peo- ple with all the fortitude that pouldence in the justice of their action can inspire. Such arecvention is justiiable and neces- sary for the following reasons: The pres- ent situation in Cuba has become a menace to the peace of the world, and especially to the peace and safety of the United States. Spain has bid for European intervention, thus far apparently without success, but the conditions which make such interven- tion possible should be removed at oncé. For nearly three years the hostilities in Cuba and the Spanish administration of that island have involved this government in perilous relations with Spain and raised questions of right and responsibility of which no prospect of settlement is appar- ent. So long as these conditions are al- lowed to remain unsettled they will in- crease an Irritation which has already be- come intolerable, and which will inevitably ultimately require adjustment by measures much more vigorous than now seem ade- quate to compose existing difficulties. Spain has failed to perform her treaty obligations and other international duties toward the United States. To give a mi- nute specification of these derelictions would unnetessarily extend this paper. They are the familiar matters of current history. American citizens haye been seized and im- prisoned without shadow of right, and have been proceeded against by violent and ir- regular forms in violation of treaty obli- ions. : ithe assassination of Rulz, an American citizen, was the act of the Spanish officials who held him in a custody unwarranted by his tréaty rights. No reparation has been made for this act, although it has been demanded by thig government. A justifiable cause for intervention has been afforded by the barbarity with which Spain has cdnducted her military opera- tions; by her slaughter of captured insur- geut soldiers, and by her extermination of not less than 200,000 of her own non-com- batant subjects—men, women and children —by driving them from their homes into places of concentration and pees EES them to die of starvation an 2. In 1893 there were $50,000,000 of property in the Island of Cuba belonging to the citizens of the United States. Much ofthis has been destroyed, and much of that de- struction has been by the acts of Spain. The destruction of ae Gee hes been unable or unwilling to prevent. ‘The claims on file in eS Depaptaant of State against Spair for inde: Teaisoyed property’ atle-about $16,000,000 in amount. Dns ; Her military officers.have levied ponies a butions upon American planters as the price for the preservation of their estates and the continuance of their agricul-ural 8. be or 1800 the commerceiof the United States with Cuba had. reaohedthe annual sum of nearly $10,000,000, :Since that time it has been substantially annihilated by the meth- ods of Spanish milHary. and civil maiad- ministration. Certainwsworn statements made before the committee and other ae uments are herewith submitted as part o! siete one” Sominittcn reeommend the adoption of the accompanying qeaolution, Nominatiofis “Comairmed. . The Senate yesterday, afternoon contirm- ed these nominationg:,, . » C. T. Tyler, receiver of putiic moneys at Seattle, Wash.; W. H. Dunbar, register of the land office at Vancouyer, Wash.; J. H. ‘Postmasters) New -York—F. E. Payne, Clinton; James Ross, New Rochelle. Virginia=Stith Bolling, 1 MR. BRYAN'S REPLY President of Telephone Company Answers House Committee. SHOWING OF ANNUAL EXPENDITORES The Cost of Actual Construction in the District. REPORT IN DETAIL The subcommittee of the House appro- priations committee, charged with the tele- phone investigation, has received from President Bryan of the Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company a further statement of the financial operations of that company. The additional statement covers four years, ending December 31, 1897, and shows expenses and earnings, income account, profit and account, earnings and ex- Penses per telephone; actual cost of con- struction to December 31, 1897; amount ex- pended for construction from the date cf pyrchase, August 1, 1883, to December 3), 1897, in detail; sources from which the mcney expended for construction was ob- tained; consideration for which the $750,- 000 of capital stock was originally issued; surplus account, in detail, for the years 1891 to 1807, both inclusive; dividends paid the American Bell Telephone Company from 1883 to 1897, both years inclusive, on their stock holdings, and the number of shares so held; rentals and royalties paid the American Bell Telephone Company for the years 1591 to 1897, both inclusive; tele- phones in use and under contract December 31, 1897, showing rates and classifications, and rates of rental, per telephone, paid the American Bell Telephone Company, in ef- fect December 31, 1807. The Accountants’ Letter. The letter of the expert accountanis to President Bryan, says in part: ‘Ihe receipts from exchange service, as shown by exhibit D, have averaged for the pest four years $10,622.74 per annum, or $28.06 per telephone, and the total expenses of the exchange service have averaged dur- ing the same period $129,015.50 per annum, or $70.04 per telephone. Other income, such as private line rentals and extra- territorial and miscellaneous revenue, aver- ages for the period $16,101.54 per annum, making the total average receipts $116,- 724.28 per annum, cr an average of $106.50 per telephone. The expense of the business outside of the exchange service, to wit, private line expenses, rentals and royalties, royalty on extra-territorial business, mes- sages handled for the Western Union Tele- graph Company, and the proportion of all other expenses,’ based on the proper per- centage referring to this outside business, average $7,280.44 per annum, making the total expenses for the entire business of the Washington plant average for the four years, $136,304.94 per annum, or $74 per telephone. Earnings and Expenses. Earnings for the four years ending De- cember 31, 1897: Rentals from exchange subscriptions, $711,403.56; receipts from lo- cal pay stations, $11,087.41; commissions on long distance business, $1,920.02; commis- sions on messages collected for the West- ern Union Telegraph Company, $199.66; re- ceipts from toll service, $1,231.05; extrater- ritorial revenue, $26,402.96; private lino rentals, $23,856.83; messenger service, $41.80; Teal estate, $700; commissions on messages distributed for the Western Union Tele- graph Company, $35.27; loop rentals, care batteries, etc., for the American Telephone and Telegraph Company, $3,159.47; rental of attachments on poles and underground con- dutts, $401.61; moving telephones, $3,240.60; profit on labor and material sold, $3,216.89; total gross earnings, $786,897.13. Epenses for the year ending December 31, 1897: Maintenance—Salaries and wages, $118,- 505.11; rent, light and heat, $5,542.25; ma- terial, $110,415.94; traveling, $6,775.12; con- uit, pole and roof rental, $676.58; insur- ance, $1,014; damage and pensation, $788.96; incidental, $4,272.70. Total main- terance expenses, $247,900.66. Operating—Salaries and wages, $54,382.08; rent, light,and heat, $8,896.37; incidental, ae otal operating expenses, $65,- General—Salaries and wages, $48,271.03; rent, light and heat, $3,696.26; real estate, $1,208.83; traveling, $5,573.48; postage, print- ing and stationery, $8,398.78; legal, $14,- 553.19; incidental, $6,649.53. Total general expenses, $88,346.10. anomalies and royalties—Instrument rental, erican ‘elephone Company, ex- change, $53,151.26; instrument rental, Amer- ican Bell Telephone Company, private line, $5,019.11; royalty on extraterritorial busi- ness, $3,451.98; royalty on messages han- died for the Western Union Telegraph Company, $98.51; royalty on switch board, $6,610.33. Total rentals and royalties, $68,- 481.17. Total expenses, $470,172.96; taxes, cent on $750,000, 3 per cent on $750,000, 4 per cent on 000, 2% per cent on $750,000, $82,500. Surplus, $106,231.82. “i Washington Plant. The Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company, Washirgton plant, actual cost of construction to December 31, 1897—Au- gust 1, 1881, amount expended by the N: tional Telephore Company of New York for plant constructed to date (not includ- ing franchises, licenses, good will, &c.), $32,549.51; July 31, 1883, amount expended by the National Telephone Company of West Virginia in actual construction from August 1, 1861, to date (not including fran- chises, licenses, good will, &c.), $58,580.40; August 1, actual cost of constructed plant to this date, $91,130.21. The plant sold to the Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company, together with franchises, licenses and right of way, valued at $425,160.21, and cash, material and supplies and accounts receivable, amounting to $92,448.25, for $750,000 in stock of the new company and the assumption by the new company of $15,113.32 of debts. December 31, 189 amount expended by the Cnesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company in actual con- struction from August 1, 1883, to December 31, IR9T, $441,426. tal €ost of Washing- ton plant to date, 52,556.76. Amount ex- pended by the Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company for real estate from December, 1890, to December 31, 1897: Lot 32, square 220, $30,044.50; lots 40, 41 and 42, square 202. $6,109.89; $36,154.39. ‘Total construction expenses at Wash- ington to date, $568,711.15. Working assets: Cash, average monthiy balance, $8,815, of which two-fifths on the basis of receipts and expenses is appli- cable to the Washington plant, $3,526; ma- terial and supplies, $15,500; total, $22,026; total investment, not including any charee for franchises, licenses, right of way or good will, $590,737.15. Capital obligations: Capital stock issued for Washington plant, $750,000, Bonded debt: Total issue, $500,000; less bonds in the treasury and in the sinking fund, $127,000; outstanding, $373,000; two- fifths applicable to Washington plant, said two-fifths being the proportion which the amount expended for construction in Washington bears to the total amount ex- pended for construction purposes by th company, $149,000; total capital outstand- ing, $890,200; actual cost of investment, as above, $590,737.15; leaving for cost of fran- chises, licenses, right of way, good will, etc., $308,462.85. Net amount expenfied by the Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company for actual construction of telephone plant in District of Columbia from August 1, 1883, to Decem- ber 31, 1897, $441,426.55; total construction expenses to December 31, 1897, $477.580.4. Sources from which the money expended for construction was obtained—August 1, 1803: From the original issue of $750,000 of capital stock there was realized, cash and cash assets, $77,234.93. June 9 and 10, 1894: Amount contributed out of proceeds of sale of mortgage bonds, $360,000; Washington proportion, two-fifths, $144,000 ($400,000 of bonds sold at 90 per cent; the discount, $40,- 900, was charged to the surplus account). December 23, 1897: Amount contributed out of proceeds of sale of mortgage bonds, $103,000; Washington proportion, two-fifths, $41,200 ($100,000 of bonds sold at 103 per cent; the premium, $3,000, was credited to the surplus account). Amount contributed out of earnings of the company, $215,146.01. Total, $477,580.94. Consideration for which the $750,000 of capital stock was originally issued—$750,000 issued August 1, 1883,-for the following consideration: Cash, $79,801.79; accounts receivable, $9, 22; supplies, $3,618.24; stock, National ir Association, 1 shai $100; total, $92,448.25; less accounts pay ble, $15,113.32; net cash assets, $77,334.03: cest of actual construction of plant prior to August 1, 1883, valued at $118,580.40 on old company’s books, $91,130.21; franchises, licenses, right of way, etc., valued at $425, 160.21 on old company’s books, $581,534.86; total, $750,000. The Dividen Dividends paid on Washington, D. C., ‘ion sf ca stock of the Chesapeake and Potomne ‘el one Company, since crganization of com- pany, July 3, 1883. (7,500 shares, at $100 each, $750,000.) ~ Amount Rate. dividend. Watved, Year, paid. Per cent. 1% $11,250.00 $4,998.60 0251-40 _ 3 22,500.00 7,872.15 14/627-85 jone. . Pa o- None, 25,464.20 37,500.00 37,000.00 37,000.00 26,500.09 22'500.00 18,750.00 15,000.00 15,000.00 15,000.00 22,500.00 30,000.00 ‘Total dividends paid in 14% years... .$323,843.00 Total percentage of payments to capital - Stock, = seeee 48.179 An average percentage per year of. + 2978 Statement of the surplus account result- ing from the business of the Washington plant for the years 1891 to 1897, inclusive: 1891. Earnings and miscellaneous income, $157,851.52; expenses, $107,703.92; dividends, $22,500—$130,203.92. Surplus for year 1891, 1892. Earnings and miscellaneous income, $180,083.76; expenses, $107,026.33; dividends, $15,000—$122,026.33. Surplus for year 1992, $58,007.43. and miscellaneous 1893. Earnings income, $195,585.94; expenses, $120,445.86; dividends, $18,750—$139,195.86. Surph 1893, ey lus for year , persons in the efmploy, in any Capacity, of the company. in connection with fits busi- ness in the District of Columbia, from the highest officer to the lowest-priced laborer, with a general statement of the nature of the employment of each and the compensa- ticn paid to each. This list may be sum- marized as follows, the amounts given be- irg the yearly wages: President and gen- eral manager, $8,000; secretary to presid-nt and general manager, $1,509; stenographer, $600; ‘Veasurer, $5,000; clerk, $1.200; secre? tary and purchasing agent, $2100: clerk, $600; acting auditor, $1,500; clerk, Sang clerk, $800; clerk, $800: $600; clerk, $520; clerk, $520; general supere intendent of construction, $1,800: elece trician and superintendent’ of i aS lent of equipment clerk, $700; clerk, Reports to Stockholders. a2 Be) ? ea a E 23) = i Fi] | $ 5 55 : 2 | = Ht > ips | | “eR vA UaYOLq 219M O4OY] BY 01 snofAod DU SUM Jf JMOUTE;RIs Sy. SupyBuL uy ‘IBad AMpuETVS O47 se oUIWA OY) IBAA TeosY ot OFVUT 0} papjoop OM 7BY) HBRT [NUN ou svar a} PUR ‘AUTdUIOD ISMOTIOS ‘OATENIOU] ‘LER OF HEAT Woy AWOA YOWO 403 S1oployyooys 07 opera sysodos [WNUUE Uy prdjejuoo seANsy oq) FusMOYS juoMIAITS — R9° FRE LOE OM] 919M 9104) SB YonUSTUy ‘sai Te'ees ‘OS8E JO HOVG OF OF [eM FYRNOY) OF aeu'RTs The amount of the annual salaries of the above mentioned officers and employes is $26,940, and of this sum the proportion Properly chargeable to the District of lumbia is $10,835.27 Miscellaneous employ: Contract clerk, $1,200; storekeeper, 20; Messenger boy, $156; assistant stenographer, $364; assistant stenographer, $520; office boy, $200; office boy, $364. Office of electrician and superintendent of equipment and custcdian of building: Clerk, $600; chief inspector, $1,200: switch- board man, $720; second assistant test operator, $416; test operator, $1,200; assist- ant test operator, $810; inspector, $1,0(W inspector, $720; instrument man, $468; bate tery man, $600; engineer, $900; ‘night fire- man, $540; janitor, $520; elevator boy. $4 special inspector. $900; inspector, $720; in- strument man, $720; inspector, $720: instru ment man, $468; four instrument men, at $624; instrument man, $468; apprentice, $260; carpenter, $936. Operating department: Co- Chief cperator, $1,200; night operator, $480; night operator, $364; night operator, $364; three operators, three at $325: eleven #299; three at $273; two, at $247; eight at janitress, $260: ‘collector, $1,144; assistent collector, $600; canvasser, $600} canvasser, $520. Construction department: Clerk, $720; cierk, $260; drafteman, $1,040; cable inspecs tor, $1,000; foreman, $1,000; foreman, $1,000: two line inspectors, $702; four linemen, at $702; twenty-one linemen, at $624; nine- teen helpers, at $4€8; nine helpers, at $390; water boy, $187; storekeeper, $468. A note follows to this effect: “This total varies somewhat from and is considerably in excess of the actual amount expended for the District of Columbia por. tion of the service during the year 1 for the reason that many of the employes, whose annual pay in this statement has been reckoned according to the daily-wage Pay, naturally lose a large amount of time uring the year by reason of iliness or in- ability to work due to inclemency of the weather, and, pending such’ illness or in« clement weather, their wages stop.” A Peare Suggestion. erence to an “alternative,” which as yet has not been considered. It is one which might not prove more expensive than war and would involve no bloodshed on the part of our patriotic sons. Since it is the policy of this government to avoid intermeddling in the affairs of s