Evening Star Newspaper, April 11, 1898, Page 1

THE EVENING STAR. PUBLISHED DAILY EXCEPT SUNDAY, AT THE STAR BUILDINGS, 11€1 Fenzeylvazia Avenue, Cor. 11th 8, by The Evening Star Ne Company NN, Pres’t. Kew York Oflce, 49 Potter Buildins. ‘The Evening Star is served to subscribers in the erty by crrriers, on thetic own account, at 10 cents ber week, cr 44 cents per month. Copies at the cetnter 2 certs each. By matl—anywhere in the Cnited States «r CanaGa—postage prepald—to cents per month. Saturday Quintuple Sheet Star, $1 per year, with foreign postage $3.00. (Entered at the Pot Gffice at Washington, D. ©. 8 second-class mal matter.) E> All mail subscriptions must be paid in advance. Rates of advertising made known on applicetior: che #ye No. 14,075. WASHINGTON, D. 0. MONDAY, APRIL 11, 1898. EXTRA! 12:25 O'CLOCK P. M. FORCIBLE INTERVENTION The One Point Strongly Uroed in the Message, PRESIDENT MCKINLEY TO CONGRESS The Destraction of the Maine Vigorously Treated. SPAINS INCOMPETENCY IN CUBA PROVED Latest Propositions Su ernment Referred to. NO CHANGE ‘The President sent the following message today: To the Congress of the United States: Obedient to that precept of the Constitu- tion which commands the President to give from time to time to the Congress informa- tion of the state of the Union, and to rec- ommend to their consideration such mgas- ures as he shall judge necessary and ex- Pedient, it becomes my duty now to address your body with regard to the grave crisis that has arisen in the relations of the United States to Spain by reason of the warfare that for more than three years has Faged in the neighboring Island of Cuba. I do so because of the intimate connec- tion of the Cuban question with the state of our own Union and the grave relation the course which it is now incumbent upon the naticn to adopt must needs bear to the traditional policy of our government if it is to accord with the precepts laid down by the founders of the republic and relig- jously observed by succeeding administra- tions to the present day. The present revolution is but the succes- sor of other similar insurrections, which have occurred fn Cuba against the domin- fon of Spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century, €ach of which, dur- ing its progress, has subjected the United States to great effort and expense in en- forcing its neutrality laws, caused enor- mous losses to American trade and com- merce, caused irritation, annoyance and disturbance among our citizens, and, by the exercise of cruel, barbarous and un- civilized practices of warfare, shocked the sensibilities and offended the humane sym- pathies cf our people. Since the present revolution began in February, 1595, this country has seen the fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by fire and sword in the course of a strug- gle unequaled in the history of the island and rarely paralleled as to the number of the combatants and the bitterness of the contest by any revolution of modern times where a dependent people siriving to be free have been opposed by the power of the sovereign state. Our people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced to comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed, tts exceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid waste, its mills in ruins, and its people perishing by tens of thousands from hunger and destitution. We have found ourselves constrained, in the observ- ance of that strict neutrality which our laws enjoin and which the law of nations commands to police our own waters and watch our own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in ald of the Cubans. Our trade has suffered; the capital in- vested by our citizens In Cuba has been largely lost, and the temper and forbear- ance of cur people have been so sorely tried as to beget a perilous unrest amongq our own citizens, which has inevitably found its expression from time to time in the national legislature, so that issues wholly external to our own body politic engross attention and stand in the way of that close devction to domestic advance- ment tnat becomes a self-contained com- monweaith, whese primal maxim has been the avoidance of all foreign entanglements. All this must needs awaken, and has, in- deed, aroused the utmost concern on the part of this government, well during my predecessor's term as in my own. In April, 1896, the evils from which our @ountry suffered through the Cuban war became so enormous that my predecessor made an effort to bring about a peace bmitted to This Gov- OF PROGRAM of the insurgents to the mother country, and then only on such terms as Spain her- self might see fit to grant. The war con- tinued unabated. The resistance of the in- surgents was in no wise diminished. The efforts of Spain were increased, both by the dispatch of fresh levies to Cuba and by the addition to the horrors of the strife of a new and inhuman phase hap- pily unprecedented in the modern history of civilized Christian peoples. The policy of devastation and concentration, inaugu- rated by the Captain Gcneral’s bando of October 21, 1896, in the provines of Pinar del Rio was thence extended to embrace all of the islands to which the power of the Spanish arms was able to reach by oc- cupation or by military operations. The peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural interior, were driven into the garrison towns or tsolated Places held by the troops. Zz The raising and movement of provisions of all kirds were interdicted. The fields were laid waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, milis destroy2d and, in short, every- thing that could desolate the land and ren- der it unfit for human habitation or sup- Port was commanded by one of the other of the contending parties and executed by all the powers at their disposal. By the time the present administration ‘teok office a year ago, reconcentration—so called—had been made effective over th better part of the four central and west- ern provinces, Santa Clara, Matanzas, Ha- vana and Pinar del Rio. The agricultural population, to the esti- mated number of 300,000 or more, was herded within the towns and their immedi- ate vicinage, deprived of the means of sup- port, rendered destitute of sbelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to the most un- sanitary conditions. As the scarcity of food increased with the devastation of the de- populated areas of production, destitution and want became misery and starvation. Month by month the death rate increased in an alarming ratio. By March, 1897, ac- cording to conservative estimates from offi- cial Spanish sources, the mortality among the reconcentradoes, from starvation and the diseases thereto incident, exceeded 50 per centum of their total number. No practical relief was accorded to the destitute. The overburdened towns, al- ready suffering from the general dearth, could give no aid. So-called “zones of cul- tivation” established within the immediate erea of effective military control about the cities and fortified camps proved fllusory as a remedy for tie suffering. The unfor- tunates, being for the most part women end children, with aged and helpless men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, could not have tilled the soil, withcut tools, seed or shelter, for their own support or for the stpply of the cities. Reconcentration, adopted avowedly as a war measure in créer to cut off the resources of the insur- gents, worked its predestined result. As I said in my message of last December, it was not civilized warfare; it was extermi- nation.” The only peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the grave. Meanwhile, the military situation in the Jeland had urdergone a noticeable change. The extraordinary ectivity that character- ized the second year of the war, when the insurgents invaded even the thitherto un- harmed fielis of Pinor del Rio and carried havoc and destruction up to the walls of the city of Havana itself, had relapsed into a dogged struggle in the central and eastern provinces. The Spanish arms re- through the mediation of this government im any way that might tend to an honor- able adjustment of the contest between Spain and her revolted colony, on the basis of some effective scheme of self-govern- ment for Cuba under the flag and sover- egnty of Spain. It failed, through the re- fesal of the Spanish government then in power to consider any form of mediation or, indeed, any plan of settiement which id not begin with the actual submission In this state of affairs, my administra- |: gained @ measure of control in Pinar“ del Rio and parts of Havana, but, under the existing conditions of the rural country, without immediate improvemdnt of thelr A Grave Problem of Duty. | tion found itself confronted with the grave problem of its duty. My message of last December reviewed the situation, and nar- rated the steps taken with a view to re- lieving its acuteness and opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. ~The assassination of the prime minister, Cano- vas, led to a change of government in Spain. The former administration, pledged to subjugation without concession, gave place to that of a more liberal party, com- mitted long in advance to a policy of re- ferm involving the wider principle of home rule for Cuba and Puerto Rico. ‘The overtures of this government, made through its new envoy, General Woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective arrelioration of the condition of the island, although not aceepted to the extent of ad- mitted mediation in any shape, were met by assurances that home rule, in an ad- vanced phase, would be forthwith offered to Cuba, without waiting for the war to end, and that more humane methods shoud thenceforth prevail in the conduct of hos- tilities. Coincidentally with these declara- tions, the new government of Spain con- tirued and completed the policy already Begun by its predecessor, of testifying friendly regard for this nation by releasing American citizens held under one charge or another connected with tlie insurrection, so that, by the end of November, not a sin- gle person entitled in any way to our na- tienal protection, remained in a Spanish prison. While these negotiations wer2 in progress, the increasing destitution of the unfortu- nate reconcentrados and the alarming mor- tality among them claimed earnest atten- tion. The succ-ss which had attznded the limited measure of relief extended to the suffering American citizens among them by the judicious expenditure through the con- sular agencies of the money appropriated expressly for their succor by the joint reso- lution approved May 24, 1897, prompted the humane extension of a similar scheme of aid to the great body of sufferers. A sug- gestion to this end was acquiesc2d in by the Spanish authorities. On the 24th of De- cember last, I caused to be issued an ap- peal to the American people, inviting con- tributions in money or in kind for the suc- cor of the starving suff2rers in Cuba, fol- lowing this on the 8th of January by a similar public announcement of the forma- tion of a central Cuban relief committee, with headquarters in New York city, com- posed of three members repres2nting the American National Red Cross and the re- ligious and business elements of the com- munity. The efforts of that Committee have been untiring and have accomplished much. Ar- rangements for free transportation to Cuba have greatly aided the charitable work. The President of the American Red Cross, and representatives of other contributory organizations have generously visited Cuba. and co-operated with the Consul General aud the local authorities to make effective distribution of the relief collected through the efforts of the Central Committee. Near- ly $200,000 in money and supplies has al- ready reached the sufferers, and more is fcrthcoming. The supplies are admitted duty free, and transportation to the in- terior has been arranged, so that the relief, at first necessarily contined to Havana and the larger cities, is now extended through most, if not all, of the towns where suf- fering exists. Thousands of lives have been saved. The necessity for a change in the condition of the reconcertrados is recognized’ by the Spanish government. Within a few days past, the orders of General Weyler have been revoked; the reconcentrados are, it is said, to be permitted to return to their hcmes, and aided to resume the self-sup- porting pursuits of peace; public works have been ordered to give them employ- mert, and a sum of $600,000 has been ap- Propriated for their relief. The war in Cuba 1s of such a nature that shert of subjugaticn or extermination a final military victory for either side seems in.practicable. The alternative lies in the physical exhaustion of the one or the other perty, or perhaps of both—a condition which in effect ended the ten years’ war by the Truce of Zanjon. The prospect of such a protraction and conclusion of the present strife is a contingency hardly to be ccntemplated with equanimity by the civ- ilized world, and least of all by the United States, affected and injured as we are, deeply and intimately by its very existence. An Inmediate End of the War. Realizing this, it appeared to be my duty, in a spirit of true friendliness, no less to Spain than to the Cubans who have so much to lose by the prolongation of the struggle, to scek to bring about an imme- diate termination of the war. To this end I submitted, on the 27th ultimo, as a result of rauch representation and correspondence, through the United States minister at Madrid, propositions to the Spanish gov- ernment looking to an armistice until Oc- tober first for the negotiation of peace with the good offices of the President. In addition, I asked the immediate revo- cation of the order of reconcentration, so as to permit the people to return to their farms and the needy to be relieved with provisions and supplies from the United States, co-operating with the Spanish au- thorities, so as to afford full relief. The reply of the Spanish cabinet was re- ceived on the night of the Sist ultimo. It offers, as the means to bring about peace in Cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular parliament, inasmuch as the concurrence of that body would be necessary to reach a final result, it being however, understood that the powers re- served by the constitution to the central government ai, .ot lessened or diminshed. As the Cuban parliament does not meet until the 4th of May next, the Spanish government would not object, its part, to accept at once a suspension of hostili- ties if asked for by the insurgents from the general-in-chief, to whom it would pertain, in such cases, to determine the duration and conditions of the armistice. The propositions submitted by General Woodford and the reply of the Spanish Government were both in the form of brief memoranda, the texts of which are before me—and are substantially in the language above given. The function of the Cuban Parliament in the matter of “preparing” peace and the manner of its doing so are not expressed in the Spanish remorandum; but from General Wovdford’s explanatory reports of preliminary discussions preced- ing the final conference it is understood that the Spanish Government stands ready to give the insular Congress full powers to settle the terms of peace with the insur- gents—whether by direct negotiation or in- directly by means of legislation does not appear. o ‘With this last overture in the direction of TWO CENTS. . If you want to buy, sell or exchange anything, lease property or rent _ Fooms, want a situation or want help, it will pay you to announce the fact in the advertising columns of The Star. They are closely studied by more than three times as many people as read any other paper. \ ence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing @ fational compro- mise between the contestants, and inter- vention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal ag- Grant’s Words im 1875. Thereupon I reviewed these alternatives, in the light of President Grant’s measured words, uttered in 1875, when after seven years of sanguinary, destructive and cruel hostilities in Cuba he reached the conclusion that the recognition of the Independence of Cuba was impracticable and indefensible; and that the recognition of belligerence was not warranted by the facts according to the tests of public law. I commented especially upon the latter aspect’ of the question, pointing out the inconvenience and positive dangers of a recognition of belligerence, which, while adding to the already onerous burders of neutrality within our own juris- diction, could not in any way extend our influence or effective offices in the territory of hostilities. z Nothing has since occurred to change my vizw in this regard—and I recognize as fully now as then that: the issuance of a proclamation of neutrality, by which pro- cess the so-called recognition of belliger- erce is published, could, of itself and un- attended by other action, accomplish noth- img toward the one 2nd‘for which we la- bor, the instant pacification of Cuba and the cessation of the misery that afflicts the island. bi Turning to the question of recognizing at this time the independence of the pres2nt insurgent government in Cuba, we find safe precedents in our history from an early cay. They are w2ll summed up in Presi- dent Jackson’s message to Congress, De- cember 21, 1836, on the subject of the rec- ognition of the independence of Texas. He said: “In all the contests that have artsen out of the revolutions of France, out of the disputes relating to the Crowns of Portugal and Spain,; out of the sep- aration of the American possessions of .both from the European Gover ats, and out of the numerous and co. atly oc- curring struggles for dominion in Span- ish-America, so wisely Consistent with our just principles has been the action of our Government that we have, under the most critical circumstances, avoided all censure, and encountered no other evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good will in those against whom we have been by force of evidences compelltd to de- cide. It has thus made knewn to the world that the uniform policy and practice of the United States is to avaid all interference in disputes which merely relmte to the in- ternal government of other nations, and eventually to recognize the authority of the prevailing party without reference to our particular interestg and views or to the merits of the original centroversy. But on this, as on every other trying occasion, safety is to be found in a rigid adherence to principle. In the contest betweem'Bpain and the re- volted colonies we stood aloof, and waited not only until the ability of the new states to protect themselved- was iully estab- lished, but until the danger of their being again subjugated had entirely passed away. Then, and not until then, were they recog- nized. ‘ Such was our course in regard to Mexico herself. * * * It is true that with regard to Texas the civil authority of Mexico has been expelled, its invading army defeated, the Chief of the Republic himself captured, and all present power to control the newly organized government of Texas annihiliat- ed within its confines. But, on the other between the insurgent province and its former sovereign. I sald in my mcssage of December last: “It is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of Statehood which alone can demand the recognition of bellig- erency in its favor.” The same require- ment must certainly be no less seriously considered when the graver issue of recog- nizing independence is in question, for no less jositive test can be applied to the greater act than to the lesser; while, on the-other hand, the influences and conse- quences of the struggle upon the internal policy of the recognizing State, which form important factors when the recognition of belligerency is concerned, are secondary, if not rightly eliminable factors when the real question is whether the community claiming recognition is or is not indepen- dent beyond peradventure. No Cuban Independence. Nor from the standpoint of expedience do I-think it would be wise or prudent for this government to recognize at the present time the independence of the so-called Cu- ban republic. Such recognition is not nec- eseary in order to enable the United States to intervene and pacify the island. To ccmmit this country now to the recognition of any particular government in Cuba might subject us to embarrassing condi- ticns of international obligation toward the organization so recognized. In case of intervention eur conduct would be subject to the approval or disapproval of such government; we would be required to sub- mit te its direction and to assume to it the mere relation of a friendly ally. When it shall appear hereafter that there is within the island a government capable of performing the duties and dis- charging the functions of a separate na- tion, and having, as a matter of fact, the proper forms and attributes of nationality, such government can be promptly and readily recognized, and the relations and interests of the United States with such nation adjusted. There remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the war, either as an impartial neutral by imporing a rational compromise between the contestants, or as the active ally of the one party or the other. 2 As to the first, it is ‘not to be forgotten that during the las: few months rela- tion of the United Stazes has virtualiy been one of friendiy intervention in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all tending to the exertion of a potential in- fivence toward an u-timate pacific result just and honorable to all interests concern- ed. The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba, untarnished by differences between us and Spain and un- stained by the blood of American citizens. The forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral, to stop the war, accord- ing to the large dictates of humanity and following many historical precedents where neighboring states have interfered to check the hopeless sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts beyond their borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. It involves, however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement. — s GROUNDS FOR INTERVBEATION. The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized as follows: First. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starvation and horrible miseries now exist- ing there, and which the parties to the con- flict are either unable or unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is, therefore, none of our bus- vote of the Spanish minister at Washing- ton of the 10th instant, as follows: As to the question of fact which springs from the diversity of views between the report of the American and Spanish boards, Spain proposes that the fact be ascertaincd by an impartial investigation by experts, whose decision Spain accepts in advance. To this I have made no reply. President Grant, in 1875, after discussing the phases of the contest as it then ap- Peared, and its hopeless and apparent in- definite proiongation, eaid: { “In such evt, I am of opinion that other nations will be compelled to. assume the responsibility which devolves upon them, and to seriously consider the only remain- ing measures pussible, mediation and inter- vention. Owing, perhaps, to the large ex- panse of water separating the island from the peninsula, * * * the contending par- ties appear to have within themselves no depository of common confidence, to sug- gest- wisdom when passion and excitement have their way, and to assume the part of Peacemaker. In this view, in the earlier days of the contest the good offices of the United States as a mediator were tendered in good faith, without any selfish purpose, in the interest of humanity, and in sincere friend- ship for both parties, but were at the time leclined by Spain, with the declaration nevertheless that at a future time they would be indispensable. No intimation has been received that in the opinion of Spain that time has been reached. And yet the strife cqntinues with all its dread horrors, and all its injuries to the interests of the United States and of other nations. « Each party seems quite capable of work- ing great injury and damage to the other, as well as to all the relations and interests dependent on the existence of peace in the island; but they seem ircapable of reach- ing any adjustment, and both have this far failed of achieving any success whereby one party shall possess and control the island to the exclusion of the other. Under the circumstances, the agency of others, either by mediation or by intervention, seems to be the only alternative which must, sooner or later, be invoked for the termination of the strife.” His Last Annual Message. In the last annual message of my prede- cessor, during the pending struggle, it was said: “When the inability of Spain to deal suc- cessfully with the Insurrection has become manifest, and it is demonstrated that her scvereignty is extinct in Cuba for all pur- poses of its rightful existence, and when" a hopeless struggie for ‘ts re-establishment has degenerated ‘nto a strife which means nothing more than the useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situation will be presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain wili be superreded by higher obligations, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and discharge.” In my annuzl message to Congress, De- cember last, speaking to this question, I said: “The near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the Cubans and to Spain as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in the wel- fare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and other ac- tion by the United States will remain to be taken. When that time comes that ac- tion will be determined in the line of in- disputable right and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy in the light of the obligation this government owes hand, there is, in appearance at least, an] iness, : itself, to the people who have confided to immense disparity of physical force on the] yt ig spscifically our duty, for it is right | it the protection of their interests and side of Texas. Tho Mexican republic, un-| at our door. honor, and to humanity. der another executive is rallying its forces under a new leader, and menacing a fresh invasion to recover its lost dominion. Upon the issue of this threatened inva- sion the independence of Texas may be considcred as suspended; and were there nothing peculiar in the relative situation of the United States and Texas, our acknowl- edgement of its independence at sych a crisis could scarcely be regarded as con- sistent with that prudent reserve with which we have hitherto he!d ourselves bound to treat all similar questions, The Case of’ Texas. Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that there might be im- puted to the United States motives of selfish interest in view of the former claim on our part to the territory of Texas, and of the avowed purpose of the Texans in seeking recognition of independence as an incident to the incorporation of Texas in the Union, concluing thus: “Prudence, therefore, stems to dictate that we should stili stand aloof and main- tain our present attitude, if not until Mexi- co itself, or one of the great foreign powers shall recognize the independence of the new government, at least unti] the lapse of time or the course of events shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to uphold the goy- ernment constituted by them. “Neither of the contending parties can justly compiain of this course. By pursu- ing it we are but carrying out the long-es- tablished policy of our government, a pol- icy which has secured tg us respect and in- fluence abroad and inspired confidence at home.” é ‘These are the words of: the resolute and patriotic Jackson. They are evidence that the United States, in addition to the test imposed by public law-ag the condition of the recognition of indepandence by a neu- tral state (to wit, thatithe revolted state shall “constitute in fact‘ body politic, hav- ing a government in sulstance as well as in name, possessed of the ¢lements of sta- bility,” and forming de facto, "if left to it- self, a state among the nations, reasonably capable of discharging the duties of a state”), has imposed for tts own govern- ance in dealing with caseg like these the further condition that recognition of inde- pendent statehood is not due to a revolted dependency until the danger of its being again subjugated by the parent state has entirely passed away. : This extreme test was, in fact, appiied in the case of Texas.: ‘The Congress’ to whom President Jackson referred the ques- tion as one “probably leading to war” and therefcre a proper eubject for “‘a previous undersianding with that body by whom war Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the government will continue its watchful care over the rights and property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civiliza~ tion and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world.” The long trial has proved that the ob- ject for which Spain has waged the war cannot be attained. The fire of insurrec- tien may flame or may smolder with vary- ing seasons, but it has not been and it is plain that it cannot be extinguished by present methods. The oniy hope of relief and repose from a condition which can no longer be endured is the enforced pacifica- ton of Cuba. In the name of hymanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of en- dangered American interests which giva us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. Asks Power to End Hostilities. In view of these facts and of those con- siderations, I ask the Congress to author- ize and empower the President to take measures to secure a full and final ter- mination of hostilities between the govern- ment of Spain and the peopie of Cuba, and to secure in the Island the establishment of a stable government capabie of maintain- ing order and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquilizy -and the security of {ts citizens as well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for those purposes. And in the interest of humanity and to aid in preserving the lives of the starving people of the island J] recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be con- tinued, and that an appropriation be made out of the public treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens. The issue is now with the Congress. It is a solemn responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the intolerable con- dition of affairs which is at our doors. Prepared to execute every obligation im- posed upon me by the Constitution and the Jaw, I await your action. Second. We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that protection and indem- nity for life and property which no govern- ment there can or will afford, and to that end to terminate the conditions that Jeprive th2m of legal protection. Third. The right to intervene may be jus- tified by the very serious injury to the com- merce, trade and business of our people and by the wanton destruction of property and d2vastation of the island. Fourth, and which is of the utmost im- portance. The pres2nt condition of affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace, and entails upon this government an enor- mous expense. With such a conflict waged for years in an island so near us and with which our people have such tradz and busi- ness relations—when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in constant danger and their property destroyed and themselves ruined—where our trading vessels are liable to seizure and are seized at our very door, by warships of a foreign nation, the expe- ditions of filibustering that we are power- less to prevent altogether, and tha irritat- ing questions and entanglements thus aris- ing—all these and others that I need not mention, with the resulting strained rela- tions are a constant menace to our peace and compel us to keep on a semi-war foot- ing with a nation with which we are at peace, Destruction of the Maine. These elements of danger and disorder ‘already pointed out have been strikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has deeply and justly moved the American peo- ple. I have already transmitted to Con- gress the report of the Naval Court of In- quiry on the destruction of the Battle- ship “Maine” in the Harbor of Havana during the night of the 15th of February. The destruction of that noble vessel has filled the national heart with inexpressible horror. Two hundred and fifty-eight brave sailors and marines and two officers of our navy, reposing in the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to death, grief and want brought to their homes and sorrow to the Nation. The Naval Court of Inquiry, which it is needless to say commands the unqualified confidence of the Government, was unani- mous in its conclusion that the destruc- tion of the “Maine” was caused by an ex- terior explosion, that of a submarine mine. It did not assume to place the responsi- bility. That remains to be fixed. In any event, the destruction of the iii ——E—E— GEN. LEE SORE AT BLANCG Resents the Snub He Received on Leaving, Regarding Maine Disaster. Special Dispatch to The Evening Star. KEY WEST, Fia., April 11.—The squad- ron here is ready to follow up the Presi- dent's message. That is all there is to the naval situation. Consul General Lee is returning to Washington, hoping that in the event of war he will be given a com- mand. It is his ambition to return to Cuba at the head of American troops and with no Spanish flag to salute. The action of Captain General Blanco in refusing to see him when Lee called at the palace to take leave and the subse- quent scenes in the harbor when the Span- ish il feeling was shown by overt acts, rankle with the consul general. Lee's statement that he had a report to make to the President, but had no addi- tional evidence to present regarding the Maine disaster is a diplomatic one. He can give the committees of Congress supplemental information of value. The understanding that Lee has the original of the Weyler letter about mines in Havana hartor, and the plans of those mines, is probably correct. The last American ship to leave Havana will probably be the Seneca, which was to sail this morning. She will not touch at Key West, but will proceed direct to New York. If any Americans re- main there now and danger arises their peril is of their own seeking. Warning was given them in good time and ample oppor- tunity afforded them to leave. The prob- ability is that Blanco will suppress the most disagreeable part of the President's message and keep the people in ignorance for several days. PEPPER. ——— GEN. BLANCO'S PROCLAMATION. Order Issued for the Cessation of Hostiiities. The State Department today recelved General Blanco’s proclamation ordering & cessation of hostilities in Cuba. It was cabled to the Spanish minister here and by him delivered to the department. The proclamation is as follows: “His majesty’s government, yielding to the reiterated wish expressed by his holi- ness the pope, has been pleased to decree a suspension of hostilities, with the object of preparing and facilitating the restora- tion of peace on this island, in virtue whereof I believe it convenient to order: “Article 1. From the day following the receipt in each locality of-the present proc- Jamation hostilities are ordered to be sus- pended in all the territory of the Island of Cuba. “The details for the execution of the above article will be the object of special instructions that will be communicated to the several commanders-in-chief of the army corps for the easy and prompt exe- cution according to the situation and cir- cumstances of the case. (Sig.) BLANCO.” TRIBUTE TO ENGINEER MERRITT. Memorial Services Held at Red Oak, Iowa, Yesterday. RED OAK, Iowa, April 11.—Memorlal services to Assistant Engineer Darwin R. Merritt of the battle ship Maine, postponed from an earlier date in hope of the body being found and sent home, were held Sun- day afternoon in the armory. The G. A. R. post attended in a body, also the militia company. Addresses were made by Rev. C. F. Moulton, 8. McPherson, Chief Justice Deemer of the supreme court and C. E. Richards, and appropriate resolu- tions were adopted. —_>—_—_ ANACOSTIA HAPPENINGS. Commissioner Wight Makes Official Visit—Other Events. Commissioner Wight was in Anacostia Saturday evening and inspected the Ana- costia fire engine house and the local police station. In regard to the latter, it is said the chances of securing an appropriation from the present Congress for a new build- ing are poor. Commissioner Wight is in favor of providMg adequate police facili- ties, however, and some improvements in the present quarters are looked for. Mr. Walter French, who is attending col- lege in Philadelphia, is visiting his parents. ‘This morning the Anacostia fire engine arrived and was installed in its quarters in the new engine house. The building is completely furnished, and the members of the company will take possession atvonce. Today egg rolling has been indulged in largely by the little ones hereabouts. The hills and meadows about old Fort Stanton were the scenes of the merrymaking. —_—_— Without Authority to Cancel. A protest was recently filed with the Di trict Commissioners by Messrs. B. H. War- ner & Co. on behalf of Mr. John R. McLean against the enforcement of an order to place fire gongs and red lights in the hall- ways designating cxits to fire escapes in the Frederick and the Gramercy apartment houses. In-reply the Commissioners hold that the premises 1cterred to are covered by the act of January 26, 1897, providing for the protection of property from fire in the District of Columbia. ‘This act requires the placing of fire escapes and certain lights and gongs in buildings of a certain character, and the requirement being statu- tory, the Commissioners state they are without authority to cancel the order. po haem lenetin Diamond Pin Stolen. ‘There was a professional thief in a Capi- tal traction @ar Saturday who succeeded in relieving Mr. George E. Winters of a dia- mond stud worth $200. Mr. Winters, who lives at 132 C street southeast, is employed as conductor of an slevator in the Capitol. He was on his way down town Saturday, g hilly i i |