Evening Star Newspaper, October 23, 1896, Page 13

each in Floyd and Montgomery, while all the other counties have sound money con- tingents. will prevail in the ninth. Big Republican District. The eleventh was formed in order to see how much republican majority could be thrown into ene southern district. It ex- tends from the east border of Metcalfe county to the Virginia line, upward of 150 miles as the crow files, and from Casey and Owsley counttes (both inclusive) on the north to the Tennessee line, 100 miles. It contains seventeen countiés, has a popu- lation of 187,481, and in 1885 gave a re- publican majority of 12,197, every county in the district giving Bradley a majority. This year McKinley's majority in the elev- enth will be at least 15,000, and may be 18,000, -and Colson Se ae Ceorgress by at least 10,000. He has = test in tie: courts with John D. White for @ place on the official ballot, under the re- publican device. There are very few popu- lists In the eleventh. In 18% the following democratic leaders were for Hardin, most of them on the stump for him: Simon Bolivar Buckne-, Senator Lindsay, W. C. P. Breckinridge, Basil W. Duke, W. W. Dickerson, R. T. Tyler, James R. Hindman, C. R. Long, J. Cc. Sims, Alex. P. Humphreys, Rodney Hag- gard, James M. Helm, George M. Davis, A. J. Carroll, State Senators Stephenson, tin, Salyars and Haywood; Represent: Speight and Violet, Col. T. P. Hill, Col. Thos. W. Builitt, Helm Bruce, Frank Ha- gan and many others. Now they are op- posirg Bryar, along with such men as Hetry Watterson, Cassius M. Clay, jr., Judge Quincey Ward, Wilbur Browder, C. W. Millikin, J. W. Lockett, John M. Ath- erton, T. G. Watkins, E. G. Logan, J. W. Hopper and many others. These are ali men of influer.ce, all men with a following, men of pronounced inde- penderce and individuality of character. There are also twenty-three newspapers in the state that supported Hardin last year, who was beaten, though the vote was the greatest ever cast, that are now opposing Bryan, and among them is the Courier- Journal, the most influential paper in the state—in the whole south. The silver democratic committee give out that there are exactly 14,741 gold standard democrats in the state. There are nearly ‘that number in Jefferson county, and the city of Louisville; there are 1,200 in Fayette and the city of Lexington; there are 1,500 in the counties of Franklin and Kenton and the cities of Frankfort and Covington. Logan county has 600 sound money dem- oerats and Warren has as many; Bourbon has 500 and Meason and Boyd as many. Boyle county gave Cleveland 100 majority in 1892, and will give McKinley four times as many in 1596 as it gave Bradley in 1% Campbell county has 500 anti-Bryan dem- ccrats and Daviess has 7), including the city of Owensboro’. Grant’ county gave Hardin 400 majority, it will not give Bryan 200. Hardin carried Marion by 300, it will not give Bryan half that number. Harri- son county gave Hardin 700 majority, and will not give Bryan 300. Hardin carried Shetby by 600. Bryan will not carry Shelby at all. There are 700 anti-Bryan democrats in Henderson county, and Woodford, that gave Hardin 300, in 189%, will go for Mc- Kinley in 1896, and Senator Blackburn lives there at that. Nine Republican Congressmen. This is the situation as it stands today. What it will be when Secretary Carlisle comes to Kentucky and makes a series of speeches no one can tell exactly, but that his tour will add at least 10 per cent to the sound money democratic strength is absolutely certain. The silver democrats claim that there are exactly 13,340 free silver republicans in Kentucky. That may be, but at the least 10,000 of them will vote for McKinley. In July there was what appeared to be an alarming revolt in the republican ranks; now that revolt will not have an appre- clable effect on the result in a single coun- ty of the 119 in the state. No man who knows anything about the situation will candidly say that Bryan stands any chance to carry Kentucky. Governor Bradley says McKinley's plural- ity will reach 20,000; Senator Lindsay is reported as saying it will be 30,000. Sam- uel Roberts, the chairman of the republi- can state committee, says it will be the republican plurality In the fifth congres- sional district, which is composed of Louis- ville and Jefferson county, and that means from 10,000 to 18,000. Bradley 1s nearest right. McKinley will carry Kentucky by 20,000, and the con- gressional delegation will probably consist of nine republicans, one silver democrat and one sound money democrat. ———__ BRYAN AMONG HIS FRIENDS. The Democratic Candidate siastically Greeted. The trip of William J. Bryan through Indiana yesterday was of interest not only because of the enthusiastic crowds encoun- tered at nearly every stop, but because of the aggressive nature of his speeches. At Delphi he denied the charge of ex-President Harrison that when he spoke of those who had been saving the country for thirty years at so much per save he referred to the old veterans. On a platform erected within a few yards of the home of General Lew Wallace he replied in vigorous lan- guage to the author of “Ben Hur,” who in @ speech made some time ago referred to Mr. Bryan as an anarchist. At Lafayette he denied the statement of ex-President Benjamin Harrison made at Salem, that “the present conditions aré that we are a bimetallic country.” He said that that statement meant that, having been defeated in this campaign on a gold standard, the republicans are trying to get under the cover of bimetallism and claim that their platform is a fraud. There was a greater absence of yellow badges in all the crowds yesterday, and at every place where the candidate spoke he had large and enthusiastic audiences. The sume trouble was experienced as was en- countered before in regard to the delaying of the train at different places, and the re- sult was that when Terre Haute was reach- ed the train was nearly two hours behind schedule time. Frankfort turned out a large crowd, and it_was simply a repetition of the scene aicng the road. The crowds at Lafayette were enormous and were euthusiastic to a great extent. Mr. Bryan's appearance on the balconies of the court house was the signal for wild cheering. Here he spoke from three sides of the court house, and at each side the streets were packed. it was at Crawfordsville that Mr. Bryan made his declaration that he was willing to put his patriotism against the patriotism of eny other man on earth who indorses the republican platform. A short stop of ten minutes was made at Ladoga and at Roachdale, and the nominee appeared on the back platform and ex- cused himself from making a speech by saying that the nominee for Congress, Mr. Ridpath, had spoken during the day and ecnsequently it was not necessary for him to speak. At Greencastle, the rext stop, Mr. Bryan was received by a crowd of several thous- nd people. The enthusiasm was great, especially when he mentioned the name of the historian and nominee for Congress, Mr. Ridpath. At Brazil there was the usual large crowd and it was simply a repetition of what had taken place during the day. The enthusiastic meeting of the evening at Terre Haute was a fitting close for the day. The reception was one of the great- est, if not the greatest, df the day, and the ovation given the candidate was flattering im the extreme. He was met at the depot by members of the Jackson Club, and when he reached his carriage that organization acted as a guard of honor in the proces- sion which followed. Mr. Bryan addressed two meetings last night in Terre Haute. The first was from a platform erected from the entrance of the court house, and here the larger crowd of the evening was assembled. It ap- plauded and cheered at every opportunity. At the second meeting, back of the Terre Haute Hotel, the candidate spoke to an- other large crowd. The chairman of the meeting read the letter from Daniel W. Voorhees expressing his regrets, and that epistle was cheered abundantly. Then Mr. Bryan was presented with the last part of the equipment for the signing of the free silver bill, provided he does sign one. It was a silver blotting pad, presented by the “Progressive Workingmen of Terre "* In his speech the candidate paid @ tribute to the senior Senator of the state, Mr. Voorhees, and then thanked organized labor for the token of their confidence and respect. ———_-2+____ A Versatile Man. S. K. Adams of Yoncalla, Ore., is a man of much versatility. He is a furniture deal- er and undertaker. He makes harness and has a shoe shop. He deals in books and stationery, sells flour and meat and pro- duce, and he fs a telegraph operator. Then be is the leader of the Yoncalla Band. Enthu- THE EVENING STAR, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1896-SIXTEEN PAGES. IF BRYAN WINS Effect on Business of a Silver Victory at the Polls, © THE VALUE OF SILVER DOLLARS How the Farmer Would Suffer With Depreciated Currency. HARDSHIPS FOR THE POOR To the Editor of The Evening Star: 3 If Mr. Bryan is elected have you weighed what the results will be? At Paterson on September 28 he sald: “I say to you now that my election means that this nation shal lopen its mints to the free coinage of both metals at the earliest Possible moment. Not only that, but my election means that this nation shall treat the silver dollar just as it treats the gold dollar, and that we shall not issue bonds to buy gold.” If the treasury gold reserve is not to be replenished by bond sales we all know it can’t last long. Foreigners would immedi- ately call for their loans and balances here, and holders of the $338,000,000 of outstand- ing greenbacks and treasury notes (ac- cording to the United States treasury state- ment of October 1, 1896) would quickly withdraw the $123,000,000 of gold now in the treasury, to either export or hoard it, and leave the holders of the remaining $200,- 000,000 to take their pay in silver. That this gold will almost immediately be exported Mr. Bryan admits. On Sep- tember 2) at Tammany Hall he said: “You know that with gold as our only primary money, and the fact that the little quantity of gold can be drained away at a moment’s notice by foreign creditors, it leaves us, ete.” As all our national bank notes are re- deemable in greenbacks, they too would fall with them to a silver basis. In short, Mr. Bryan’s election would, as soon as the present gold in the treasury is exhausted, put our currency on a silver basis, and all debts, except where other- wise expressly stipulated, would be paid in silver. It will be observed that this would all happen, even if no free silver coinage act should ever be passed. As interest on government bonds would henceforward be paid in silver, and also all dividends on stocks, foreign capitalists would dispose largely of their holdings in these, and thus necessitate further large remittances of gold. Their correspondents here and borrowers of foreign money, being called on to pay up, would be compelled to call in their loans, and draw their balances out of bank. The Immediate Effects. All creditors in this country who prefer gold to silver dollars (which includes the bulk of them) would demand all debts due them paid, and getting greenbacks or treas- ury notes for their bank balances, woul] present them at the treasury for gold be- fore it was too late. If impossible to get gold they would buy sterling exchange, or exchange on Canada. The Herald reports that prior to October 1 over $6,000,000 in gold had alreacy been deposited in Cana- dian banks to avoid the risk of the coming election. ‘s ? In short, every man who had a dollar coming to him weuld want that dollar paid him while it was still worth 100 cents, and before it got to be worth but 53 cents. Tne business hovses and other debtors called on to pay up would be compelled to call on their debtors, and thus all the debtors in the country would be called on to pay up immediately. The demands on the banks would compel them to calf in their loans, and if not paid, to sell or try to sell collaterals. Debtors wouid be compelled to sell their property at any price, and where all debt- ors were sellers at once, the declines would be such as we have never seen before, be- cause theré has meyer before been such a wholesale calling In of debts, and conse- guently sclling, a¢ ‘this: would cavse. Business houses the country over, being unable to collect balances ‘due them, or to realize on their stock, except at ruinously low prices, if at all, must fail. Nothing could save them. Small depositors, nervous and following the larger ones, would draw their balances and runs on banks would become general. With these runs upon all the banks, they must either break or suspend. In the cities the stronger ones could combine and suspend, but the weaker ones, left out of the combination, and all country banks, would fail. The panic and ruin would far exceed that of 1873 or of 1893, the latter of which, call- ed the “silver panic,” was caused by the apprehension only of going on a silver ba- sis. This panic would be caused in part by actually going on that basis. Mr. Bryan admits this. In the Chicago convention he said: “When you come be- fore us and tell us that we shall disturb your business interests, we reply that you have disturbed our business interests.” And the St. Louis Globe-Democrat reported his saying: “I think it (meaning the victory of the free coinage moverrent) will cause a panic. But the country is in a deplorable condition, and it will take extreme meas- ures to restore it to a condition of pros- perity.” The Scramble for Gold. In the general scramble of foreign and home creditors for gold, as there is not enough to go round, it would necessarily go to a premium, with the inevitable result that the $517,000,000 of gold now in circula- ticn In the United States (according to the United States treasury circular of October 1, 1896) would be exported or hoarded. As the total circulation of gold, silver, greenbacks, treasury notes, bank bills, sil- ver certificates and all other kinds of mon- ey in the United States was on October 1, 1896, $1,582,000,000, forcing $517,000,000 of gold out of circulation would reduce the money in circulation about one-third. That is to say, where there are now $8 of money in circulation, then there would be but $2. Such a radical and sudden contraction of the currency would of itself alone, and en- tirely apart from any panic on account of the depreciation of the currency, cause a stringency and panic such as we have never known. But coming on top of the other panic, the ruin it would spread would be difficult to describe. Thus railroad stocks with gold mortgages ahead of them (as gold must be bought to pay interest, thus increasing if not dou- bling this fixed charge, and to that extent diminishing or entirely> wiping out the net earnings applicable to @ividends) with earn- iugs diminished by the business collapse, would in the generdlpanic become abso- lutely unsalable. The’bottom would have dropped out éf them! Banks, therefore, would become'absolutély unable to realize on their collatéral, an@ though a combina- tion might save the strongest for a time, ultimately they, too, must go to the wail. The demoralization would be complete. In this general crash all factories, mills, building operations, &c., would shut down, and all classes of workmen, mechanics and laborers except farm hands be generally thrown cut of employment. Under the keen competition of this mass of unemployed for the little work left, it is clear that wages, instead of rising, must in the near future fall, even though paid for in depreciated dollars, because of the many who want employment, and must take it at any price to save themselves and their families from starving. ‘With no wages, the unemployed laborers could buy neither food nor clothing, and the’ diminished demand would cause the. prices of grain, cotton and all farm pro- ducts to fall, as is always the case, even in small panics; and such want, suffering and misery would be entailed upon the laboring classes as we never have known before. Of course, all mortgages, past due or in default, would be immediately called in, and, jf not paid, foreclosed, and the mort- gagors largely wiped out. It is needlese to say that there would be absolutely no money whatever to loan, for who would lend a hundred cents, or even 95 or 90, in order, later on, to get back ot ey he does not believe the Mr. an Says no silver dollar would depreciate to 58 cents, or at all, but would continue to be worth 100 cents in gold, as now. Is this view sound? If the silver dollar under free coinage is to remain worth 100 cents in gold, it is ap- parent that silver bullion must become worth $1.29 an ounce, for if worth less bul- Hon ‘holders would coin it for the profit, and this process would continue until no profit remained; that ts, until the value of the silver dollar was just the same as the value of the bullion im it. If, on the other hand, the price of silver bullion is not raised to $1.29 an ounce, it must inevitably draw tLe value of the silver dollar down to the value of the bullion in it, as bullion ‘would be coined until the two values met. To reise the value of silver bullion it is nec to raise the value of the whole world’s stock of silver, which exceeds four thousand millions of dollars, from 65 cents, its present price, to $1.29 an ounce. Mr. Bryan admits this. In his speech of acceptance he said: “We contend that free and unlimited coinage by the United States alone will raise the bullion value of silver to its coinage value, and thus make silver bullion worth $1.29 per ounce in gold throughout the worid.” ‘The Price of Silver. The question therefore resolves itself into this: Would the demand in the United States for silver dollars over and above the present stock of 437,000,000 of them (treas- ury statement of October 1), which we al- ready have on hand, be sufficient to double the valu of the world’s stock of silver? Mr. Bryan says it will, but admits ke can't prove it, adding, neither can you Prove that it won't. That is his argument. He gives you his claim and belief, and says that is just as good as what all the financiers claim and believe, as neither can be proved; and it is en this showing, and on this showing alcne, that he asks the American people to elect nie, and to see if his belief won't come rue. In Brooklyn, on September 24, he said: “You cannot prove by mathematics that we can maintain a parity, neither can you prove that we cannot.” Fortunately we are not remitted to Mr. Bryan’s belief alone for our guidance. The United States has had some experience in trying to raise the price of the world’s stock of coin above its: market value. In 1860 the bullion in a silver dollar was worth $1.03 in gold, and the gold dollar, measured by silver, was depreciated 3 per cent. Our mints were open to the free coinage of gold as well as of silver. Did that raise the price of gold to par with silver? Not at all. Although the world’s stock of gold is much smaller than its stock of silver, and although it was only neces- sary to raise its price 3 per cent, we could not accomplish it. This lasted from 18%4 to 1860 and down to 1873. The price of gold bullion was not raised the 3 per cent, and being the cheaper currency, it drove the silver out of circula- tion. And 4s no silver had been in circu- lation for over thirty-five years, in 1873, after full debate, this coin was omitted from our coinage list. In 1792, under the ratio of 15 to 1 (in force at that time), the bullion in a gold dollar was worth 3 cents more than the silver dol- lar, and the silver dollar, measured by gold, was depreciated 3 per cent. Silver being the cheaper, drove gold entirely out of cir- culation for more than forty years, 1. c., until 1834, when the government changed the ratio from 15 to 1 to 16 to 1, with the effect seen above. In 1860 we were a nation of over 30,000,- 000 of pesple, and had no silver on hand. Now we are a nation of about 70,000,000 of people, but have 437,000,000 of silver dol- lars on hand. If, with all our power in 1860, we were unable to raise the bullion value of gold but $ per cent, how can we expect to raise the bullion value of a stil larger quantity of silver not merely 3 per cent, but more than fifteen times three, L.e., 47 per cent? If, wich over 30,000,000 of people in 186) we had been able to raise the bullion value of gold just 3 per cent to par, then, being two and one-third times as great a people now as we were then, we might expect to raise the bullion prices of silver two and one-third times as high, that is, 7 per cent, but how could we expect even then to raise its price not 7 cents alone, but more than six times seven, that is, 47 cents? especially when the only power we have to raise it with is our demand for silver dollars, and that demand is alceady supplied to the ex- tent of $437,0v0,0007 Yet unless the price of the world’s stock of silver is nearly doubled, the price of bullion must, as we have seen, inevitably pull the value of the silver dollar down, as bullion would be coined as long as there was a profit, i.e., till the values met. Mr. Bryan has presented his beliefs on this subject. Opposed to them stand facts and history. And noi merely history of this country alone, but of all countries. When the mint was first opened the in- creased demand would undoubtedly raise the price of silver bullion somewhat, but when this demand was supplied (the valuc of the silver dollar having been brough down to its bullion value) it is evident that with the continued supply and diminished demand the price must fall off again. But it is to be noted that even if the sil- ver dollar did not depreciate, we would not escape the panic, as foreign and domestic creditors alfke believe it would, and they consequently would call in debts and force sales just the same. * This panic, as we have seen, Mr. Bryan fully admits must occur. ‘Therefore, the consequences of that panic are confessedly sure to happen if he is elected. Mr. Bryan is very fond of insisting it is inconsistent to assert that the silver mine owner would make a profit in coining sil- ver, and also that dollars would be worth only 50 cents. It is not claimed that silver dollars will go to 50 cents the day the mint is thrown open, but decline gradually, and at first the silver mine owners could evidently make a large profit. When, by the coinage of his bullion, they had depreciated to 50 cents, his profit would cease; so that at One time he could make a profit, and at another time we could and would have 53- cent dollars. A little thought solves Mr. Bryan's dilemma. The Farmer and the Fifty-Three- Cent Dollar. The farmer hopes to profit by a 53-cent dollar to pay off his mortgage at half its face. How will this work? On the 5th of November next there would be no more silver dollars in circulation than today, nor on the 5th of March next, since no more could be coined until after @ free coinage act had be2n passed. Such a law could not be passed without the most desperate fight by the opponents of free silver. The fight against the Wil- son tariff lasted all summer (till August 28, 1894), and we could not reasonably ex- pect this to be less determined, or that the bill would become a law before about Sep- tember 1 next. Then, to coin $517,000,000 silver ‘ollars to replace that number of gold dollars driven out of circulation would require over ight years. If the printing press was resorted to, as the populists suggest, it would re- quire, at the present rate, for treasury notes, on the special paper required there- for, of $1,260,000 a day, over six weeks, which would bring it to the middle of Oc- tober, and these could not be issued till $517,000,000 of silver had been deposited in the treasury, which would require some time, and bring it to about November 1, or about a year after Mr. Bryan's election. Now, as the gold would have been driven out of circulation, it is evident that until the coinage bill e a law, or until September, 1897, or for ten months after Mr. Bryan’s election, we would have only two-thirds as much money as now, and at the end of the year no more than now. During all of this terrible year we would be suffering from such stringency, panic and depreciation of values as we have never seen before, and the prostration and dry rot following the panic would continue for several years afterward. Business ac- tivity would not return at once with re- stored currency, as credit is a creature of slow growth. It tock six years to recover from the panic of 1873, and would probably require ten years or more to recover from this one. With new corn at 18 cents a bushel In Il- linois, and 15 in Kansas and Nebraska, and with those prices to be still further re- duced by the panic, the enforced idleness of the laboring classes, and the consequent- ly diminished demand, to from 10 to 15 cents a bushel, after the laborer has been paid and the farmer’s store bills settled, how much would be left for tax2s and interest on his mo! 2 And if he defaults in either, will not the mortgagee want his 100 cents instead of 58, and foreclose? Al- though foreclosure takes from one to two panic would still continue, there could be but one result, the farmer must lose his farm and become a renter. The outcome, therefore, for farmers in debt must inevitably prove disastrous. ‘The foregoing are the tmmediate effects. In from five to ten years hence, after business and credit were restored, real es- tate and labor today worth $1 in gold would again be worth that, and, if silver dollars were worth but 50 cents in gold, they would be worth $2 in silver, just as they are worth about $2 today in silver bul- lion. But those silver dollars would not be the silver dollars of today, because not in- terchangeable with gold as ours are, They would only be worth half as much, and henee be different because depreciated. As well might they think to profit by sell- ing their farm or labor for’ francs-instead of dollars, it takes five francs to ‘make a dailar, they would consequent- ly get five time! many of them, as that by selling for silfer dollars, two of which make a’ ‘gold » they could make a profit. All expenses lving would meantime have doubled, and as these advance faster than labor or real estate (which always rise last of aH—commodities) even after work was found wages would not buy as much as they do today. Hence, after se- vere suffering in the start, and after low wages and high-prices for many years, the laborer would be no better off in the end. And how wo! the farmer be benefited, if, starting in debt, he had in the process lcst his farm? aff Mr. Bryan claims it is inconsistent to say that free sHver coinage will cause dis- aster and also that it will double prices. Buta little rMfiéction will show that first we would have a panic, which he admits, nee ermace Prices. would be doubled (in silver). 3 in this great ‘disaster capitalists could save themselves by buying exchange or foreclosing. The hardships and misery would fall upon the laborer, and those in debt—that is, upon the mass of our people. and make the rich richer and the poor Poorer. Crime and lawlessness would necessarily increase, and, driven by hunger and de- spair, become rampant. Instead of more money, which Mr. Bryan Promised us, we have seen that his-election Means a mceney famire for a year and more, ard instead of “prosperity for the producers of wealth,” there would be but lesscs, hardships and suffering. In view of these inevitable, and many of them conceded, consequences of Mr. Bry- an’s election, is it wise to put him in? J. B. MURRAY. ——>.—— ALABAMA IS BRYAN’S There is Said to Be No Doubt About the Re- sult There. The Congressional Delegation Will Be Mainly Democratic and With Fusion Might Have Been Solid. Special Correspondence of The Evening Star. MONTGOMERY, Ala., October 19, 1896. In the August election, this year, Joseph F. Johnston, the democratic candidate for governor, carried the state against A. T. Goodwyn, populist, by a majority of about 40,000, in round numbers. Goodwyn had the indorsement of the republicans, but he did not have their hearty support, and the result was that he did not make as good showing in the “white counties of the state as Kolb, the populist candidate, did in 1894. A large number of the populists who in August voted for Goodwyn will in Novem- ber vote straight for Bryan and Sewall. The number who will do so it is hard to es- timate, but they will largely exceed, prob- ably three or four times, the sound money democrats who in August voted for John- ston, but will in November vote for Palmer and Buckrer or straight for McKinley and Hobart. This is admitted by every one at all familiar with Alabama politics, who will divorce the wish from the thought, and give the situation his cold, deliberate judg- ment. st There is no quéstion at all about Alabama going for Bryan and Sewall, and the pre- sumption that #t ‘will go by a larger plu- Tality than the‘itiajority received by John- ston in August*fs entirely reasonable, so the only questiohat all about the Novem- ber election in Alabama is on the election of Congressmen, &nd this would be an in- tensely interesting question if there was a well-defined fusion of opposing parties in the various districts against any single op- ponent, but it seems that such condition exists in only two or three districts. The August Vote. The following shows the vote by congres- sional districts inthe August election: First district—Democrats, 12,821; popu- lists, 6,341. Democratic majority, 6,480. Second distitée—Democrats, 16,076; popu- lists, 9,094. “Demétratic- majority, 6,082. Third ,distrjct—Democrats, 15,978; popu- Usts, 10,981,, Demacratic majority, 4,208. Fourth district—Democrats, 12,967; popu- lists, 8,517.. Demperatic majority, 4,070. Fifty district—Democrats, 16,539; popu- lists, 32,461, Democratio. majority, 4,078. Sixth, district—Democrats, 12,325; popu- lists, 7,300. Democratic majority, 4,935. Seventh district—Democrats, 9,460; poy lists, 11,081. Populist majority, 1,621. Eighth district—Democrats, 15,420; popu- lists, 12,031. Democratic majority, 3,208. Ninth district—Democrats, 16,835; popu- lists, 10,154. Democratic majority, 6,181. In the Districts. To take up the various congressional races: In the first district Geo. W. Taylor, the democratic nominee, is opposed only by Frank H. Threet, a negro, and Taylor's election is a foregcne conclusion. Taylor ‘was a sound money man, but when nomi- nated by the democratic convention on a free sliver platform he pledged himself to vote for free coinage. In the second district the candidates are J. F. Stallings, democrat; Thos. H. Clark, national democrat, and J. C. Fonville, pop- ulst. This district gave Johnston 6,082 majority in August, but all of this came from the two black belt counties of Mont- gomery and Wilcox. Mr. Clark has the in- dorsement of the republicans, and will poll a much larger vote in Montgomery than Goodwyn polled in August. If he can hold to him the republican vote in the balance of the district, ang, Mr. Fonville can poll the full populist vote in the white counties, the result: will make the re-election of Con- &ressman Stallings somewhat doubtful. Montgomery is undoubtedly one of the strongest centers of national democracy in the state, and Mr. Clark will surely poll about 1,000 votes of sound money demo- crats in Montgomery, who in August voted for Johnston. In the third district tRe candidates for Congress are H. D. Clayton, democrat; G. L. Comer, national democrat, and E. C. Jackson, populist. This district gave John- ston nearly 5,000 majority in August. The defection on account of sound money will not be large, and the indications point to the election of Clayton by from 2,000 to 3,000 majority. The candidates in the fourth district are T. S. Plowman, democrat; E. H. Dryer, na- tional democrat, and W. F. Aldrich, repub- lican, with populist indorsement. The fight in this district will be very close, and the result is hard to foreshadow. Mr. Plow- man is a banker of Talladega, and it is be- Heved he will be liberal in the matter of campaign expenses. Mr. Aldrich, at pres- ent Congressman from the district, is a large mine owner, and it is known that he will not spare a few dollars to secure his election. Dallas will be safe for Plowman with a good majority, and the fight will be waged hot and fast in the other counties of the district.;'The populists are giving Aldrich their hearty support, as he has de- clared himself unqualifiedly for bimetallism and pledged himself that to bring it about he will vote for free coinage. Goodw¥a for Congre: The fifth has ;but two candidates, Willis Brewer of Lowndes, a wealthy attorney, opposes Congressman Goodwyn, the de- feated candidate for governor. Brewer has a lucky record ag;p politician, and is mak- ing the fight of; jue life. Brewer is active, and now the chances seem to favor his cree the’ sixth jet th t th district the candidates are J. H. Bankhead, wha stands for re-election on the democratic,ticket; A. 8. Vandegraff, the nominee of the.national democrats, and £ & Youngblood, populist: The indications in this district t to the re-election of Bankhead, though/this in a large measure depends upon the number of sound money democrats who will actually bolt the party nomination and vote for Vandegraft. This was one of the districts of the state which last April cast its vote for sound Money in the contest between Capt. Johnston and Cor man Clarke for the gubernatorial The situation in th The situation le seventh district is probably more complicated than in se other in the state. The nominees are: W. I. Bullock, democrat; Geo. national demoorat; James J. Curtis, repub- can, and M. W. Howard, populist. Be- sides these Geo. F.. Gaither, populist, has announced as an independent. The coun- ties of this: district gave a populist ma. jority in August.. If the populists were united in the -support of Howard, with Bullock, Curtis and Parker in the field, he would be almost sure of election. On the other hand,. if the:democrats were united pu- in support of Bullock, with Curtis, Howard and Gaither i field tae! So mgd overcome the August majority. the district is in doubt, and Curtis, who is @ young lawyer, may land and be the only straight republican from Alabama in the next Congress, oe Joe Wheeler's District. In the eighth district the candidates are: Congressman Joe Wheeler, democrat; W: W. Callahan, national democrat, and O. R. Hundley, republican. D. W. Day, the Populist nominee, has just withdrawn, and the bulk of his strength will go to Wheeler, which almost insures his re-election. The national democratic strength in the dis- trict is not large, and Mr. Hundley, the republican nominee, is a convert from Bourbon democracy of a few months’ standing, and is not receiving from the rank and file of his new party that earn- est and hearty support which would be given one of the old war horses. At any time, on s clear cut fight between demo- crats and republicans, this district is close, so while it seems safe for Gen, Wheeler much depends on the amount of the sound: money democ: jc defection. If it is large- ly in excess of the estimate put on it by conservative democrats, Mr. Hundley may land by a narrow margin, despite the popu- list vote, which Gen. Wheeler will get by the withdrawal of Day. The candidates in the ninth are Oscar Underwood, democrat; A. Lawson, na- tional democrat, and G. B. Crowe, popu- list. Mr. Lawson has the practical in- dorsement of the republicans, but there is an element in the populist ranks fighting Crowe and the outlook points to the elec- tion of Underwood. Ths is the congressional review of the Alabama situation now. It is dispassionate and impartial and, of course, will not re- ceive the sanction of any of the parti- sans, but it is the situation as I see it. The straight, or free silver democrats, are sure to win in all the districts except the fourth, fifth, seventh and eighth. Their chances are best in all of these, except the seventh. They would have no chance there if the republicans and populists had fused or very little if the populists were not fighting Howard. ——_—_ CARLISLE AND BLACKBURN. The Two Men Most Prominent Now in Kentucky. Correspondence of The Evening Star. LOUISVILLE, Ky., October 20, 1896. Carlisle and Blackburn are both repre- sentative Kentuckians, alike in being the foremost men of the state and in being ac- knowledged leaders of the people, but dia- metrically opposed in their methods, ora- tory and following. Carlisle represents the gold democrats, the thinking classes, the substantial citizens. Blackburn is the idol of the crowds, that always follow a rough rider and hail-fellow-well-met. The silver men look on him as a demigod. When these two men take the stump in Kentucky at the same time the strength of their re- spective elements will be known. Carlisle's speeches in the state will be five in number. They will have a mighty power, for he will be listened to with re- spectful attention by those who are con- sidering the money issues dispassionately, and his logic will do much to decide them. The silver men fear his coming. But they are determined that he shall have influence in his native state only so far as they are unable to counteract it. The silver campaign managers, on behalf of Blackburn, requested of Carlisle a di- vision of time at all appointments he might make in Kentucky. The request was firmly refused. Blackburn has made a date at Lexington for October 30, the same day that Carlisle is to speak there. He has made appointments for two speeches at Louisville on October 29. Carlisle will speak here on October 28. Carlisle’s other dates are as follows: Covington, October 22; Hen- derson, October 24, and Bowling Green, October 26. Blackburn has partly announced the pro- gram he intends to carry out. He will call on Carlisle to explain his speech of 1878 and will have ready for use all the referenccs Carlisle has ever made which seem favor- able to silver. : Blackburn will prove to be a most danger- cus opponent on the stump. He can catch a Kentucky crowd in a few moments, and to the people of the country there is no one like Jo Blackburn. There is an aban- dcn, a roughness, a reckless style about him which takes in this state, where men have been accustomed to fight, and have little use for any one of a milk and water style. Blackburn's style of oratory is pecu- Marly his own. His words are strong and vigorous—Anglo-Saxon, most of them—and his sentences make up in force what they lack in polish. It 1g not probable that Blackburn on the stump is like Blackburn in the halls of the Senate. If he were, the dignity of the latter body would surely suffer. When he addresses a gathering of his constituents he stops at nothing that will serve to impress on them what he wishes them to believe. His figures have a strength that does away with the need of rhetorical merit. His illustrations are al- ways striking. Upen his enemies he can- not heap too much abuse and no name is too severe for them. This style takes with a Kentucky crowd. It is fiery, untamed and to their lking. Blackb: ‘s Power Over a Crowd. Several times during the present cam- _paign Blackburn has worked on gatherings until they refused to lsten to national democratic or republican orators and have hooted them down. He did this on October 18, at Pleasureville, Ky. Whenever he wishes he can inflame his auditors until they will hear no one who differs from their idol, Jo Blackburn. In this connection, a means of working on the democrats that has been widely adopted by silver speakers in the western Part of the state may be mentioned. Dur- ing the troubles of last March, at Frank- fort, when the troops were called out to guard Frankfort, in the last days of the senatorial race, it was noticeable that cartridges and bayonets were missed by the soldiers in large numbers. Why this was so to such an extent was not known until recently, when at a number of silver gatherings the speaker has held up a carttidge or a bayonet and addressed his hearers somewhat in this strain: “Here in my hands is a memento of the republican rule in this state. I took it from a soldier at Frankfort last March; from a soldier who was called out by the first republican governor we have had in thirty years, to guard the halls of the state capitol and keep Jo Blackburn from being elected. Are we to be ruled by republicans, backed by bayonets”—and so on. Mr. Carlisle’s Future. - There have been many rumors afloat con- cerning the future of John G. Carlisle. Most of these were based on a probability of his return to the United States Senate. So many of them have been set afloat that nene of them have been worthy of cre- dence. But the last, which comes from a better source than the others, is receiving more attention. It is in substance that an agreement has been made by the republicans and sound money democrats to elect Carlisle to the United States Senate in the event that an extra session is called b; v. Bradley, and the election of Blackburn's successor brought up. This is @ wild-eyed story, but it is being repeated time and again. —_._—_ CHICAGO’S POSTAL CARD VOTE. The Ballots Hi: Reached 212,000— Judge McConnell’s Determination. A special dispatch from Chicago to the New York World today gives the following account of the Chicago Record postal card vote: Kinley. Palmer, 7,44) i's 4,912 88 1,076 soy 681 5 500 53 = 2 4453 5 12,489 177 Towa ... 18,084 279 The postal card vote has now reached 212,000. Judge McConnell, the democratic member of the canvassing board, has been requested by Chairman Jones’ representa- tive to retire, ao that the effect of the vote may be discredited. Judge McConnell has refused to do so. He says that having ac- cepted the position of representative of the free silver democracy he is pledged to see that the count is absolutely fair to the end. ————— oe ____ The Ones That Won. From the Rorbury Gazette. Jabney—“‘How did those two friends of yours come out in their checker games?” -Bloozin—“One won one and the other one ‘won one.” 13 CARLISLE INSULTED) Beautiful Eggs Thrown at the Secretary of the ‘Treasury. FREE SPEECH OPPOSED BY HOODLUMS Police Summoned to Protect Him From Violence. POINTS IN HIS ADDRESS Secretary of the Treasury Carlisle made the first of his series of Kentucky speeches at Covington, Ky., last night. Odd Fel- lows’ Hall, where he spoke, was crowded. Mr. Carlisle was received with hearty ap- plause when he appeared on the stage. This was followed by vociferous cheers for Bryan from a line of about a hundred men fermed in the rear of the hall. The cheers continued for some time after Secretary Carlisle began to speak, completely drown- ing his voice, so those nearest him on the stage could scarcely hear his words. At the same time a crowd occupied the street and rent the air with shouts for Bryan. The interruption was repeated at frequent intervals during the entire speaking. Now and then a man on the outside would shout: “Carlisle, the traitor!” After Mr. Carlisle began his speech he stopped and begged the turbulent crowd to leave the hall. The disturbers did not eave, but they interrupted him afterward less frequently. While Secretary Carlisle was interrupted centinuously during his speech, and eggs were thrown about the hall, four being thrown at him, the most -lisorderly scene was at the close of the meeting, when hood- lums gathered about the exit with insulting remarkz. There were many noisy people on the street, and they were in such spirit 4s to threaten violence as well as :nsult to the Bocretasy: The authofities had nét taken radical ac- tion to prevent disturbance up to this time, but after the meeting the mayor and chief of police promptly furnished a detachment of twenty police, who safely escorted Sec- retary Carlisle to the residence of Mr. Frank Helm. Secretary Carlisle was disturbed, and showed his annoyance over the yelling at the opening of the meeting, but he d!d not know that any eggs had been thrown till after the meeting was over, although one of the eggs struck the center chandelier. He was intensely in earnest in his argu- ment and held his audience in close atten- ticn. He was unccnscious of the howling elements outside of the hall and was him- self surprised at the calling of a detach- ment of police to escort him to Mr. Helm’s residence. He will speak at Bowling Green Saturday night and at other points in Ken- tucky next week, when, it is feared, he wil! epcounter disturbances. Secretary Carlisle's Speech. In his speech Mr. Carlisle said, in part: “I have come here to speak in behalf of the democratic candidates pledged to the principles of a democratic platform, and my purpose is to discuss some of the pend- ing political questions from a purely demo- cratic standpoint. “We are not republicans, or populists, or fusionists; we are simply plain, ol4-fash- ioned democrats, without any modern adul- terations in our doctrines or any of the pcpulistic or communistic appendages to our organization. It may be that the homely doctrines of the old-time democ- racy will grate harshly upon the ears of many who are here this evening, but they are as true new, my friends, as they were in the past, when we all stood together in their cefense, prepared to go down in de- feat year after year rather than abandon a’ single honest conviction. “None of us stopped then to inquire whether our candidates could be elected, but we asked only whether the principles they represented were democratic, and whether the policies they advocated would promote the welfare of the country. We made no alliances with our political oppo- nents; we erased no democratic names from our ballots to make room for aliens to our faith, and whether victorious or de- feated, we kept the old democratic banner at the head of our column and never sur- rendered. Always a Democrat. “Here in this county, when less than twenty years old, I began to address the People in opposition to a new and danger- ous political party secretly organized to proscribe a large and meritorious class of our fellow citizens on account of their nativity and religion, and from that time to the present, although more or less ac- tively pagticipating in nearly every political contest that has occurred in the country, I may safely challenge my severest critic to show that I have ever uttered xn undemo- cratic sentiment or cast an undemocratic vote. “I claim the right, therefore, to be heard in the councils of my old associates, to dis- cuss the questions upon which differences of opinion have arisen, to vindicate the conservatism and patriotism of our com- mon Zaith, and to appeal for a fair and im- partial judgment upon the great issues which have been precipitated upon the country. “This is not a time for the exhibition cf passion and prejudice; it is not a time for personal abuse and misrepresentation; it is not a time for emotional oratory or dra- matic display, but it is a time for calm and earnest deliberation and for courageous and patriotic action. “We have reached a period of great dis- content and great danger; party lines have been, to a great extent, obliterated; party organizations have been partially disrupted and the counsels of old and experienced perty leaders disregarded. The issues in- volved are of such tremendous importance to the country that, for the iime being, or- dinary party obligations sink into utter ii significance, and every patriotic citizen is imperatively called upon to obey the hon- est dictates of his conscience without re- gard to the approval or disapproval of cau- cuses or conventions, and that is what many thousands of our people are now do- ing. “Strange and alarming doctrines have been promulgated under the name of de- mecracy, and the party discipline has been invoked and party loyalty has been appeal- ed to for the purpose of coercing or per- suading the people to cast their votes con- trary to their honest judgments. Principles More Than Party. “I know the potency of these appeals to party fealty, for I am a party man and always have been, but my allegiance is due primarily to the principles of my party and not simply to the organization that assumes t6 control and dictate iis plat- form, and certainly not to any organiza- tion which divides its authority and its ticket with my political opponents and in- corporates undemocratic features into its creed in ofder to secure their support. “In ordinary times and in the presence of ordinary questions of policy and exped- lency no citizen can be properly censured if he conforms his action to the judgment of a majority of his political friends, but no man. or set of men can rightfully have authority to dictate how you shall vote on questions which, in your opinion, in- volve the honor and peace and prosperity of the country. “The democratic party is not a mére par- tisan organization—a mere political ma- chine constructed and maintained only for the purpose of conducting campaigns and electing ambitious politicians to office—but it is a voluntary association of free citizens, united for the purpose of promoting the success of certain principles and policies which the members of the organization be- lieve to be correct in themselves and es- sential to the security and welfare of the country. “You and I have always believed that the organization was not an end, but a ineans: that it was an instrument to be used in promulgating true democratic principles and in selecting public officials who would be governed by those principles in the dis- charge of their public duties, and that if those who might be temporarily in charge of the organization or these whom we might elect to public office abandoned those principles, or otherwise betrayed the trust reposed in them, it was our duty, as good citizens, to repudiate them. “We have belicved, in short, that the principles of the party were the essential things, and that the organization was sim- ply a means to be used in promoting their success. There were democratic principles Women Are beautiful only the power of health which bavtany aera bright eyes, a healthy color and a good complexion. Every woman may not be beautiful, but every wo- man may become more attractive by building up health with the aid of Duffy’s Pure Malt Whiskey Unequaled as a tonic and stimulant for worn-out and tired bodies. It stirs up the sluggish blood, creates a good appetite, helps digestion and renews the vitality. Its effects are speedily shown in improved looks, increased strength and better health, Tell your grocer or druggist you must have Duffy’s, and accept noth- ing else. = long before there was any democratic or- ganization. Principles of Trpe Democracy. “What are the principles of this American democracy, for 1 do not refer to that wild, turbulent and destructive form of democ- racy which has been imported from abroad, and which is so nearly allied to anarchy that it is almost impossible to dis- tinguish g e from the other? Liberty, regu- lated and protected by law, local seif-cov- ernmeut and strict construction of the powers delegated by the states and people as their agents, no interference with the private business of the citizens, except so far as may be necessary for the observa- tion of the public peace, the public health, the enforcement of honest contracts an% the maintenance of the just authority of the state and federal governments, no pro- scription on account of religious belief, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, habeas corpus, the subordination of the military to the civil authority, no taxation beyond the necessities of the government honestly and economically administerea, the nearest possible approach to the abso- lute freedom of commercial intercourse home and abroad and sound mon use of the people, in order that may be profitable and that the be cheated out of their earnings by use of spurious and deprecia irredeemable papas. “These are some of the familiar and es- sential articles in the creed of the old democracy, which, during the last hundred years, has been illustrated and con crated by the genius of Thomas Jefferson the heroism of Andrew Jackson and the courage, fidelity and patriotism of Grover Cleveland. During all that time the democracy has constituted the great conservative force of the country. It is opposed to paternalism and radicalism in all their forms, and at every great crisis in our affairs it has ap- pealed to the sober reason and judgment of the people for support. It upholds the honor and dignity of the judiciary as the last refuge of the cppressed citizen; it vin- dicates the rights of labor and the rights of property; it denounces violence and crime, whether committed by one man or by combinations of men, and insists upon the absolute supremacy of the federal and stete laws within their respective spheres. Supports Palmer and Backner. “Tais is the kind of democracy I believe in, and my support will be given to the candidates who represent it In this con- test. Every man who has read the history of this country knows who thcy are. Jonn M. Palmer and Simon Bolivar B: ner are not strangers to the American people; they were not discovered yesterday by the be- wildered delegates to a political con tion; they will not be forgotten when the sound and fury of this remarkable cam- paign have subsided; they are soldiers and statesmen, ripe with the experience de- rived from long public service at critical periods in our history, and they rtand conspicuously in this contest for law ind order, for the inviolability of contrac’ for the indepenaence and manhood of classes of our people, for just and eq taxation for public purposes onty, sound and stable currency. maintenance of the national authority and national honor under all circumsvances.” Free Silver Dangerous. Mr. Carlisle then made an exhaustive ar- gument against the free coinage of silver, in which he contended that it was a dan- gerous doctrine, which, ‘f it became a law of the land, would result disastrously to all businesses and oc’ ations, and to none would its effects prove more herm- ful than to the farmer and the wage-carn- er. Continuing, he said: “If the American people will declare by an overwhelming majority of their votes that our present standard of value is to he permanently maintained; that no contracts are to be violated, no obitgations repudi- ated in whole or in part; that the public peace is to be constantly maintained, pub- lic and private property scrupuiously pro- tected, and the public authority prompt- ly vindicated whenever and wherever it may be assailed, a long step will be taken toward the restoration of prosperity in every part of the country, Favors Retirement of Greenbacks. “The next step is to take the govern- ment of the United States entirely out of the banking business by retiring and can- celing every one of the notes issued by tt, thus forever stopping the demand upon the treasury for their redemption in gold or silver, aid placing the burden of fur- nishing gold, when gold ig demanded for the redemption of notes, upon the banks, where it properly belongs and where it always rested until tne government most unwisely inaugurated the policy of issu- ing its own obligations to circulate as money. “Retire the old United States notes and the treasury notes of 18% and gold will flow into this country from all part the world to take the! laces in culation and our cu’ system will firmly established upon a subsiantial, en- during basis. “There are many, many who believe, or profess to believe, that these importations of gold are due to sume artificial cause— some arrangement, combination or agree- ment upon the part of an imaginary inoney power to accomplish certain politica! re- sults, and that they will cease after the election. “I can assure our suspicious friends that there is nothing artificial in this movement of gold; that it is the natural and necessary result of the existing ‘inan- cial conditions on the opposite sides of the Atlantic, and that it will cease whenever the equilibrium is substantially restored, whether that be before or after the elec- tion. It will certainly cease after the election, whether the equilibrium is re- stored or not, if the people of the United States by their votes inaugurate the policy of free coinage and the ratio of 16 to 1, and the gold which favorable balances and profitable rates of interest have re- cently brought to our shores will depart from us as rapidly as the fastest ships can carry it across the sea. “Our treasury reserve will be imme- diately exhausted, the gold held by the people and financial institutions will cease to be used as money, the circulation will be suddenly and enormously contracted not only by the withdrawal of gold, but on account of the inevitable panic which will prevail in every part of the country, and we will enter at once upon a long period of suffering and distress unparalieled in our history. “Until I have lost all confidence in the intelligence and patriotism of the Ameri- can people I cannot believe they will de- liberately incur the risk of industrial and commercial ruin merely tor the purpose of making a financial experiment which is opposed to all the dictates of sound reason and condemned by the experience of all mankind.” —— —- see ___ An Old-Fashioned Man. the d coins or 1 for a and for the said the drug- gist as the customer pushed back a quar- ter with a hole in jt that had been handed out for change. “A horse!” exclaimed the stranger, ex- hibiting a pair of golf stockings. “if you expect to retain any trade never say that again. If it’s anything on you it’s a bike.”