Evening Star Newspaper, June 16, 1896, Page 2

ery ACP tam g G59) ab: g (2 ye THE EVENING STAR, TUESDAY, JUNE 16, 1896-SIXTEEN PAGES. eee : - to tickets, especially those assigned to| upon us, and do Thou establish the work of | ury and the public credit in constant peril. | mestic credits would be greatly cur-| these proceedings that the delegates realize | sentiment was perceptibly concentrating state sheer pines woei tintesta ard in four bandas tAmen: Our foreign credit is tmpaired and domes-| tailed.“ “More than this there would | they are here to perform a duty already laid | around Reed for-@ long and bitter fight, which both contesting’ parttés had been| 48 the invocation ceased_a faint applause | tic capital feels insecure. The sectional|,, certain, and sudden contrac- | Out for and they are waiting patie emnsioe ae GANS crar to dient given rights by the national committee. Mr. Byrnes disposed of all these matters promptly, and there was véry Tittle friction. Generally Too Hot for Marching. Few of the delegations made the march from the hetels to the convention hall. The sun at midday became a trifle co torrid for the men who have been st- ting up late to attend caucuses to do any extensive marching. They left that part of the program to the clubs which are com- posed of the younger and more enthusiastic” element. The Il¥no!s delegation, escorted by the k County Republican Marching Club, geo strong, and the First Regiment Band of Chicago, marched to the convention hail from the state headquarters at the South- ern. The delegation was headed by Rich- ard Oglesby, who was three times governor and twice United States Senator from IIli- nois. By his side was ex-Governor Joseph W. F.ter. As the processton passed through the streets to the convention hall it was fre- quently cheered by the enthuslastic crowds that thronged the sidewalks. The march- ing club was uniformed with silk hats and Prince Alb:rt coats, and one member car- ried an umbrella. At the main entrance to the convention hall the members of the marching division divided itself, forming a long wall on each R. W. Thompson. side of the walk, and with uncovered heads saw the delegation safely landed. The Ohio delegation started from the Southern Hotel at 11:3, the Cook County Republican Club of Chicago and the IIli- nois delegation leading the way. The Blaine Club of Cincinnati, 300 strong, acted as escort to the Ohio delegation, the club members marching four abreast, all wearing high white hats and carrying al- ternately by rows red, white and blue um- breilas. Convention Called to Order. The hands of the clock were at 12:20 when Chairman Carter of Montana, un- waistcoated and widespreading shirt bos- om, steyped forward and, with three fierce cracks of his gavel by way of preliminary, sought to make his voice pierce the general rustle. The attempt was a futile one, however. He was exhorting the supernumeraries, who crowded the aisles between delegates’ “please retir © gentlemen failed to hear him, but his injunction was rapidly carried into ef- fect by hustling officials, who swept down the a with more vigor than ceremony. A murmur of curiosity began at the foot of the platform, swept across the floor and flowed en and up to the ends of the highest galleri2s like a ripple across a pond. Then Joseph B. Foraker. there was an interval of comparative quiet, while Mr. Carter made some directions abcut the seats, and then announced the preyer of Rabbi Sale. The thousands struggled to their feet w they caught the significance of the rabbi's outstretched hands, and stood for three minutes with bowed heads. ‘The rabbi was a-stout young man with jet black hair, a black beard cut to a point on the lines cf fashion. His voice was bet- ter fitted for a large auditorium than Chairman Carter's and demonstrated that the acoustic properties of the convention hall were to be very satisfactory. Mark Hanna, down in the front line, studied the floor with bowed head while the invocation progressed; Chauncey M. Depew covered his face with a devout hand; Senator Quay held a fan before his features, and Mr. Plait—it was impossible for him to give his features a more pious cast than nature had already done. The rabbis prayer was as follows: Rev. Samuel Sales Prayer. ‘All merciful and most gracious Father, fountain of Ight and life, we seek Thy presence and implore Thy guidance in the tolls and tasks of our earthly being. O Thou who art enthroned in tie soul of man and rulest in the destiny of nations, be nigh unto us now and show forth Thy ‘Wondrous ways in this assembly of people. Hearken unto Thy servants, the bondmen of freedom, and pour out on them, have come to Thy bidding in the s: of truth and honor, the spirit of wi and un anding, the spirit of counsel and strength, the spirit of knowledge and the fear of the Lord. “Make ousness the girdle of their loins i faithfulness the girdle of + h 3, that they may manfully discharge the ucred duties of their gathering, to further ne well being of the people, and to safe- guard the honor and integrity of the na- ton. O kindle anew in the hearts of our generation the altar flame of devotion to the high aims that inspired the minds of the founders of our republic, and above all illumined and immortalized ‘the life of the father of his country. Fit us with a deep and abiding sense of the transcendent dig- nity and nobility of American citizensnip nd of the sacred obligations that should attend it, so that we may grow from day to day in the beauty of civic virtue, and our beloved land from ‘hundred-narbored Maine’ to the vine-clad hills of the Golden Gate; from the bound north to the warm and sunny south, may go from strength to strength, until it achieves {ts destiny to become the fixed’and shining mai tor every bark bound for the haven of law and liberty. “Let not the glory of our past be greater than the present, nor let us come to shame and grief by the worship of gods of gold and silver, to neglect of those ideals of mind and the soul which alone are worthy of a fi man’s homage, and can alone se- cure the coatinued possession and enjoy- ment of civil and religious liberty. Remove from around us the din and nolse of in- Sincerity and hollow sounding shows, let bitter strife and wrangling cease, in the joyous and grateful exercise of our pre- cious, divine birthright, and as true and loyal Americans, let us rise superior to every prompting and prejudice of sect and en so that, firmly linked in the love of our common country, we may reali: how good and lovely ‘it. is for breth- ren to dwell together in harmony. Prosper Thou the work of this coun- cil, convened in the cause of people, and when its message goes forth over the land, may its golden ring bring them the assurance that prosperity will brighten our homes and the immediate jewel of our soul, be good name of our people and the credit ¢ our government shall remain untarnish- ed forever. May Thy grace, O God, come rippled over the vast audience, which was promptly checked by Chairynan Carter, who, after considerable effort, With his gavel, Managed to secure a semblance of ‘order. He then formally announced that the con- vention met in pursuance of the call of the national committee, and Manley of Maine moved forward from his colleagues of the committee, who were arranged behind him, to the front of the platform, where he read the call. Mr. Manley’s stooping figure was easily recognizable, and the spectators good- humoredly joined in a demonstration made by the Maine delegation. Mr. Fairbanks Cheered. The first real demonstration of the con- vention came when Chairman Carter in- troduced Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana as the tempordry presiding officer, Mr. William H. Sutherland of the New York delegation seconded Mr. Fairbanks’ nomination, and his selection was indorsed by the unanimous voice of the delegates. As Mr. Fairbanks stepped forward to de- liver his speech, a wave of applause ran round the galleries, interspersed with stac- cato cheers. Mr. Fairbanks is a tall, slender: gentle- man. His features are aquiline, his fore- head high. His hair is jet black and he wears a beard. He made a strong figure as he delivered his speech in clear tones. His voice, however, lacked that penetrating quality which reaches out into space, and he could be heard with difficulty by those in the more remote parts of the hall. But when his words. struck.a responsive chord the answer was quick and spontaneous. As he declared in his opening sentences that the nominees of this convention would be triumphantly elected, President. and Vice President, there was a tumultuous demon- stration of approval Mr. Fairbanks said: Chairman Fairbank’s Speech. “Gentlemen of the convention: I am pro- foundly grateful for this expression of your generous confidence. “As citizens we ‘were severally called upon to discharge a mone important duty than that which rests upon us: The nom- Ination of a President and Vice President of the United States. This duty is a pe- culiarly impressive one at the moment, for it 1s already written in the hook of fate that the choice of this conventicn will be the next President and Vice President of the great republic. Three years of demo- cratic administration have been three years of panic, of wasted energy, of anxiety and loss to the American people without a par- allel in our history. Today the peopie turn to the republican party hopefully, conti- dently; and it is for us to meet their ex- pectations; it is for us to give them those candidates upon whom their hearts have centered, and to give them clear, straight- forward, emphatic expression of our po- litical faith. The republican party is a M. S. Quay. party of convictions; and it has written its convictions in the history of the republic with the pen and the sword; with it the supreme question alweys has been not what is merely political, but what is ever- lastingly right. “The great men we have given to the nation and to history, the mighty dead and the illustrious living, are our inspiration and tower of strength. If we are but true to their exalted example, we cannot be false to our countrymen. ‘For a third of a century prior to the advent of the present democratic adminis- tration we operated under laws enacted by the republican. party. All great measures concerning the tariff and the currency originated with it. Tariff laws were form- ed upon lines which protected our laborers and producers from unequal and unjust foreign competition, and upon the theory that the best market in the world is the home market, and that it should be enjoy- ed by our own countrymen. “Under the currency laws our currenty was made national. The wild-cat state bank money of the democratic party was wiped out of existence. The unprecedented demands growing out of the war were met by a paper currency which ultimately became as good as gold. Since the re- sumption of specie payments in 1872 ev- ery dollar of our money, paper, silver and gold, has been of equal purchasing power the worid over. The policy of the party has been to make and keep our currency equal to the best in the world. “Under the operation of these honest tariff and honest money republican laws the country grew in wealth and power beyond precedent. We easily outstripped all other powers in the commercial race. On No- vember 8, 1892, there was work for every hand, and bread for every mouth. We had reached high-water mark. Labor received higher wages than ever, and capital was profitably and securely employed. The na- tional revenues were sufficient to meet our obligations and leave a surplus in the treas- ury. Foreign and domestic trade were greater in volume and value than they had ever been. Foreign balances were largely in our favor. European gold was flowing toward us. Cause of the Change. “But all of this is changed. The cause is, not hard to-seek. A reaction began when it was known that the legislative and ex- ecutive branches of the government were to be democratic. The democratic party shad at Chicago condemned the republican tariff principle as unconstitutional, and solemnly pledged itself to the overthrow and destruction of the McKinley law and to the adoption of free trade as the policy of the United States. This bold, aggres- sive attack upon the long-settled policy of the republican party bore its natural fruit in shaken confidence, unsettled business, and we were soon drifting against the rock of destruction. Before the work of demo- lition had actually begun a run was started upon the treasury reserve, which the republican party had wisely accumu- “lated for the protection of the government credit. The drain upon the reserve for the redemption of greenbacks and treasury notes greatly surpassed all prior expe- rience, and emphasized the discredit into which the democratic administration had fallen. An utter want of confidence in the administration possessed the people. “The democratic party was harmonious upon one subject, and that was the de- struction of the McKinley law. But when they came to the exercise of the creative faculty, the enactment of a great revenue measure in its stead, there was discord. The imperiled interests of the country watched and waited through the long and anxious months for some settlement of the important question. They wanted an end of uncertainty. At length the Wilson. bill was adopted, and it was characterized by a democratic President as the child of ‘per- fidy and dishonor.’ It was so bad that he would not contaminate his hand by signing it. A bill that was too base for Mr. Cleve- land to approve is too rotten for the ap- proval of the American people. Defects of the Wilson Law. “This important law was wanting in the primary purpose of a revenue measure; for it failed to provide adequate revenue to meet the requirements of the govern- ment. The deficiency thus far amounts to some one hundred and fifty millions of dol- lars. The end is not yet, for the deficit grows day by day. This leaves t! treas- Our Advértising Columns. Read the advertising columns of The Star carefully. They are an invaluable guide to the buyer. You will find the an- nouncements of all the success- ful business houses and will miss the fake concerns and habitual bankrupts. You won't find the latter. Reputable advertisers dislike being found in their company. favoritism of the Wilson law was one of its marked features. Its blow at sheep husbandry was an unpardonable offense; it was @ flagrant wrong to the farmers of the United States. This-great industry had developed and grown under republican pro- tective laws until it was one of our great- est. We are now sending abroad millions of dollars for wool, which were paid to our farmers under the McKinley law. “The bill struck down reciprocity, one of the highest achievements in American statesmanship. No measure was ever en- acted which more directly advanced the interests of the American farmers and manufacturers than reciprocity. With its destruction fell advantageous commercial agreements, under which their products were surely finding larger and profitable foreign markets, and without the surrender of their own. The substitution of ad va- lorem for specific duties has opened. the way for systematic wholesale frauds upon the treasury and producers and employes of the country. By means of undervalu: tions, foreign goods pass through the cu! tom houses without paying their just trib- ute to the tredsury of the United States. Thus we have lost millions of dollars in revenue; and the foreign producer has been enabled td unfairly possess our home mar- Charles H. Grosvenor. kets. My time will not permit further ref- erence to the unfortunate legislation of the democratic party, nor to the hurtful, demoralizing effects of it. Suffice it to say that it has been the great and original fac- tor in breaking down confidence, checking progress, emptying the treasury, causing continued deficits and enforced {dleness among millions of willing workers, “To meet the monthly deficit and protect our credit and save the government from protest, the President has been forced to sell bonds; in other words, he has been obliged to mortgage the future in a time of Feace to meet the current obligations of the government. Contrast With Republican Record. “This is in sharp contrast with the re- publican record. Our tariff laws not only raised revenues, but they protected our do- mestic industries; they impartially pro- tected the farmer and manufacturer, both north and south. Not only that, but they also raised sufficient revenue to gradually reduce the public debt, and without im- posing a grievous burden upon the people. During tie administration of Harrison $36,000,000 of obligations were paid, while Cleveland, during the last three years, has added to cur interest-bearing debt $262 00,000. Against such democratic tinan- ciering the republican party emers its em- phatic protest. 5 “Having attempted to reverse the tariff policy of the United States with such la- mentable results, the democratic party now proposes to reverse the currency policy. “It turns to the currency as the parent of our ills. Its effort to shift the responsi- Lility will deceive no one. Its record on the tariff, its record of inefficiency and in- sincerity, is a part of the unfortunate hi: tory of the republic. “The present currency system is the fruit of republican wisdom. It has been ade- quate to all our past necessities, and if un- corrupted will meet cur future requlre- ments. Our greatest prosperity was at- tained when republican currency laws were in full operation. When the republican party was in power our currency was good; it was made as good as tie best on the globe. We made sourd money, and we also made an honest protective tariff to go with It. Sound money and an honest pro- tective tariff go hand in hand together— not one before the other. “The very foundation of a goynd cur- teney system is a solvent treasuj If the people doubt the integrity of the treasury they will question the soundyé the currency. Recognizing this ental fact, the republican party alwxy@ proyjded ample revenue for the treasury. When in the last half century of our history aia the democratic party advocate a financial pol- icy that was in the best interests of the American people? Look at its ante-bellum General Lew Wallace. currency record. Consider its hostility to the currency rendered necessary by the exigency of war, and, later, its effort to in- flate the currency in a time of peace by the issue of greenbacks. Witness {ta opposi- tion to the efforts of the republican party to resume specie payments. But four short years ago it declared for a return to the old discredited bank currency. The Use of Silver. “The republican party has not been un- friendly to the proper use of silver. It has always favored, and favors today, the use of silver as a part of our circulating medium. But it favors that use under such provisions and safeguards as shall not im- peril our present national standard. The policy of the republican party is to retain both gold and silver as a part of our circu- lating medium, while the policy of free coinage of silver leads to ccrtain silver monometallism. It is an immutable law that two moneys of unequal value will not circulate together, and that the poorer al- ways drives out the better. “The republican party desiring fairly to secure a larger use of silver, pledged itself in favor of an international agreement. Harrison, true to the pledge of the party, took the initiatory steps and Invited an “International monetary conference at Brus- sels, at which the subject of an iaterna- tional coinage agreement was ably and profitably discussed. The democratic party was also committed to international bi- metallism, but when it came into power the work which had been so auspiciously begun by the republican party was aban- doned. It was so absorbed in its efforts to peal down the McKinley law and empty e treasury that it had no time international bimetalllism. ieiromots “Those who profess to believe that this government can independently of the other &reat commercial powers open its mints to the free and independent coinage of silver et a ratio of 16 to 1, when the commercial ratio in all the great markets is thirty to one, and at the same time not drive every dollar of gold out of circulation, but de- ceive themselves. “Great and splendid and powerful as our government is, it cannot accomplish the impossible. It cennot create value. It has not the alchemist’s subtle art of trans- muting unlimited silver into gold, nor can it, by omnipotent fiat, make 50 cents’ worth 100 cents. As well as undertake by @ resolution of Congress to suspend the law of gravitation as attempt to compel an unlimited number of 50-cent dollars: to circulate with 100-cent dollars at a parity with each other. An attempt to compel unlimited dollers of such unequal value to circulate at a parity is bad in morals, and is vicious in policy. Sound thinkers upon the great question of cur- rency know from the beginning of the ex- periment how miserably and certainly it would fall. The commerce of the country would be again thrown upon the sea of uncertainty, and the specter of want would continue to haunt us for years to come. Effcet of Free Silver Coinage. “Upon opening our mints to the inde- pendent free coinage of silver, foreign credits would be withdrawn and do- by the expulsion of tion of our c $620,000,000 gold, ‘and our paper and silver al =. instantly and spect. ly deprecidte. in’ purchasing power. one result ta “follow. this; enterprise would be rthar embarrassed, business demoralizatiog’ ‘would be increased, and still further gudgserious injury would be inflicted upon’ the laborers, the farmers, the merchants and all those whose welfare depends upon &® wholesome commerce: “A change trom the present standard to the low silver sfandard would cut down the recompense of fabor, reduce the value of the savings in savings banks and build- ing and loan associations, salaries and in- comes would shrink, pensions would be cut into, the beneficiaries of life insurance would suffer; hort, the injury would be so untyersal and gar-reaching that a radi- cal change can be contemplated only with the gravest apprehension. “A sound currency is one of the essen- tial instruments in developing our com- merce. It is the" purpose of the republi- can party not only to develop our domestic trade, but to extend our commerce into the uttermost parts of the earth. We should not begin our contest for commercial su- premacy-by destroying our currency stand- ard. Ail the leading powers. with which we must compete ‘suapended the free coinage of silver when the increased production of silver forced the commercial ratio above the coinage ratio to gold. Shall we ignore their ripened experience? Shall we attempt what they have found utterly impossible? Shall it be said that our standard ts below theirs? “You cannot build prosperity upon a debased or fluctuating currency; as well undertake to build-upon the changing sands of the sea. Benefits of Sound Mon “A sound currency defrauds no one. It is good alike in the hands of the em- ploye and employer; the laborer and cap!- talist. Upon faith in its worth, its sta- bility, we go forward planning for the fu- ture. The capitalist erects his factories, acquires his materials, employs his arti- gans, mechanics and laborers. He is con- fident that his margin will not be swept away by fluctuations in the currency. The laborer knows that the money earned by his toil is as honest as his labor, and that it is of unquestioned purchasing power. He likewise knows that it requires as much labor to earn a poor dollar ag it does a good one;'and he also knows that if poor money is abroad, it surely finds Its way into his pocket. “We protest against lowering our stand- ard of commercial honor. We stand against the democratic attempt to degrade our currency ta the low level of Mexico, China, India and Japan. The present high standard of our currency, our labor and our flag will be sacredly protected and pre- Served by the republican party. . “There are many and important ques- tions requiring the enlightened and pa- triotic judgment of the republican party. A pan-American commercial alliance was conceived by James G. Blaine, and the highest motives of self-interest require us to accomplish what he had so well begun. The Monroe doctrine must be firmly up- held; and the powers of tho earth made to respect this great but unwritten law. There can be no further territorial ag- grandizement by foreign governments on the western cortinent. “Our devotion to the pensioners of the uation was never more emphatic nor more necessary than now. ‘The republican party believes in the de- yelopment of our navy and merchant ma- rine until we establish our undisputed su- premacy upon.tae high seas. “The struggle for Cuban liberty enlists the ardent sympathy of the republican party—a party/which has given to Hberty its fullest meaning on this continent. We wish to see a new republic born on Cuban soil greet the new century, whose dawn is already purpling*the east. “My friends,’ the campaign of 1896 1s upon’ us. The great questions for debate in the august foram of the United States are free trade and free silver against a protective tariff and sound money. As we regard our homes:and our honor, our hap- piness and prosperity, and the future power and majesty of the republic, let us dedicate ourselves to the restoration of a protec- tive tariff whic’ shall be genuinely Ameri- can and to the maintenance of the purest standard of value’ with which to measure the exchanges “ofthe people. “A distinguished!republican kas sald that the supreme desire ¢f. the American people is for an ‘honest @urteney-and:a chance to earn it by honest toll.’ ™" Adjourimyn{ Unill Morning. At the close of Fairbank’s speech Chair- man Carter announced the subordinate offi- clals of the convention as selected by the national committee. They were elected. Mr. Fairbanks then assumed the gavel, and the real work of the convention was heartily cheered, After Fairbanks -another announcement by Carter. This was the announcement of the officers selected by the national com- mittee for the convention secretary, ser- geant-at-arms and the others. ‘Then arose a tall, thin gentleman, Wm. Lamb of Vir- ginla, a Norfolk wheelhorse with a revo- lutionary ancestry, for the adoption of Tules of the last convention to govern this, pending further action, and for, the roll call of states, in response to which thé various state chairmen were to announce the selections by their delegates. In the far left corner-arose a portly stde-whis- kered colored man, waving arm sky- ward to attract the chairman's eye. i The gentleman from North Carolina,” shouted Chairman Carter. “From Kentucky—Thompson,” shouted the delegate. He had merely risen to com- plain that in his corner he could not hear. When Webster Franagan’s name was called many delegates asked ‘What are we here for?” quoting Flanagan's famous re- mark. ‘Announcements of committee meetings were shouted from the platform. Powell Clayton of Arkansas offered a resolution and asked that it be read, but Chairman Carter said it could only be done by unanimous consent, and Grosvenor ob- Jected. At 1:50 Grosvenor moved that the con- vention adjourn until tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock. Tho motion .was carried, and there was a confused rush for the en- trances, while the band struck up a waltz. CONVENTION SCENES. It Was a Decorous and Rather Cold Audience. Special From a Stat Correspondent. CONVENTION HALL, ST. LOUIS, June 16.—The republican national convention opened teday with probably as little noisy Gemonstration as ever characterized a big publie assemblage. Chairman Carter's gavel did rot fall until twenty minutes af- ter 12. ‘The delegates had then been all assem- bled for ten minutes, and there had been but-thres little ripples of applause—when Platt entered the hall, when Depew entered and when the big form of Hastings ap- peared in the middle aisle. Most of the delegates in, thelr, immediate vicinity ap- plauded, and there was a murmur and the sound of moving chairs as people got up to see better.. There was the same marked “absence of 'dérhonstrative . enthusiasm which has characterized the crowd dn the street and in’ thé corridors of the hotels the week. 4 ane, ‘the cohvelttion was called to order there was no demonstration save a general stir among the! delegates and a few hand claps. 5 Mr. Carter uttered but a few words and called on the'chsplain for prayer. The prayer was vigorously applauded at its close, and when Mj. Carter introduced Gen. Fairbanks, the temporary chairman, the coriveation applauded ‘generally for about three seconds, ‘and was then still. During the course of his opening address Gen. Fairbanks was frequently interrupted by brief applause.-It was a mighty cold audience. Fairbanks, the temporary chairman, arises to make his speech, and does r.ot get more than a murmur of applause. His indirect reference to the preconcetved choice of the country for President is also coldly receiv- ed. Me talks in a clear voice, but it is evident he is not heard far from the stage. Mr, Fairbanks is not a spellbinder. Fairbanks wades drearily through his speech, and the audience stands it as patiently as possible. It's just such a Speech as you will find in the Congressional Record when “leave to print” has been granted on a*partisan question, and the average member of the House gets in a “corker’ for home consumption. There is practically no applause as he goes along. ‘This is not due to any fault of the speech, for it is good republican doctrine. The fact is, you get the idea from the very outset of ly for the time to do it. Away back in the rear of the hail in the place allotted for the District of Colum- bla, between Alaska and Oklahoma, are Andy Gleeson and the towering frame of Perry Carson, Washington's duo of poli- ticlans. They are sitting close together, which 1s quite appropriate, for neither one dees a thing these days but watch the other, to see that he does not steal a march on him and get the national com- mitteeman’s place. There are about four hundred newspaper men in the convention, and a figure among them is ex-Senator Ingalls of Kansas. The man who ruled the Senate with a rod of iron and packed the galleries with distin- guished autiiences when he spoke sits un- obtrusively at work among the boys, tak- ing notes for his report of the convention for a New York newspaper. The “states- man out of a job” is today a newspaper reporter on a job, and a good job, too. ‘The convention hall was not crowded and there was little confusion in getting seats. About the whole proceed!1.gs there was the air of formality. Every element of curt- osity was eliminated. No struggle, at least not at today's session, was anticipated, and no friction of contending forces lent an interest to the proceedings. The inter- est of the occasion was in being there, in looking over the great assemblage of peo- ple and in seeing the thing done as it was expected t be done. The only contention the result of which was in doubt has been fought out during the week behind the closed doors of council rooms. ‘The first hearty genuine burst of applause comes when the name of Jas. G. Blaine is mentioned by Fairbanks. The Maine dele- gation, sitting immediately in front of the speaker's desk, rise to their feet and raise a cheer which is taken up all over the hall and doubled. N. O. M. THE FIGHT FOR REED. Considered Under the Circumstances as Remarkably Strong. Special From a Staff Correspondent. ST. LOUIS, June 16.-The Reed people have set the politicians talking about what might have been. They have shown that even now the Reed movement is not a thing to be despised. The work of the con- vention is set up, McKinley is to be nom- inated and with him a man representing the opposing factions. The platform is practically settled upon. Yet, in spite of this, the name of Reed sounds through the corridors and at its mention the crowd cheers. This ia not an enthusiastic crowd assem- bled here at St. Louts, nor ts it a large as- semblage. Bourke Cockran said of the ova- tion which came as a tribute to his eloquent speech at Chicago, four years ago: “They cheer me, and vote against me.” This con- vention ts cheering Reed and voting against him. When Chauncey Depew was called upon for a speech in the corridor of the Southern last night, right at the very door of McKinley headquarters, his mention of the name of Tom Reed excited more ap- plause than did the mention of McKinley, though both were generously cheered. A negro delegate, waving his hat and shouting the name of Reed, was followed through the lobby by a cheering crowd. The entire assemblage in the lobby joined in the dem- enstration of enthusiasm. A McKinley leader standing by said: “We do not need to do any shouting!” That's true; they don't. Two Tom Reed banners, held by two white men, in front of the hotel, congested the crowd around them, so that for the first time since business began here there was “No thoroughfare.” A man carrying the Massachusetts banner, “‘As solid as gold for Reed; as solid as Reed for gold,” set the lobby and corridors ringing with cheers for “Reed!” “Big Tom Reed!” Up to tha present hour this is the only public demonstraticn of enthusiasm there kas been. An instructed McKinley dele- gate, who is a member cf the House of Representatives, tore the McKinley badge from his coat and threw !t down. “I am instructed and pledged to vote for McKin- ley. I shell do it, but I don’t have to wear the McKinley badge when I want to shout for Reed.” All this means 1 othing as to practical re- sults now. It ie not the forerunner of a Ex-Secretary Tracey. stampede. The nomination of McKinley is fixed beyond human possibility of change under the circumstances. It simply sets some of the politicians thinking what might have been, and asking themselves if there was not a big blunder in manage- ment somewhere. It is very clearly shown,not by the shout- ing, but by the private talk of delegate: that there was something in the often-re- peated assertion of Manley and Represent- ative Aldrich in the canvass for delegates that many of the delegates glected for the Ohio candidate would be glad of a chance to vote for Reed. This was their answer to Grosvenor’s figures on McKinley delegates, and it was their argument to their friends and the friends of other candidates to keep up the fight to the last and not to be dis- couraged. It is obvicus now that they were not in- dulging in idle talk, but gt the time they were not believed, and tleir line of battle was broken in many places through fear and discouragement, and the -fight was thus lost weeks ago. The fact is apparent that many dele- gates who are going to vote for; McKinley would prefer to have Reed nomtnated if it were possible. The wisdom and shrewd- ness of Hanna in Kaving McKinley dele- gates ins‘ructed at tho county and state conventions is demonstrated. McKinley’s nomination would have been greatly endangered by the terrible strug- gle over the gold question had ke not been so strongly entrenched behind instructions to delegates. One of the weaknesses of the opposition to McKinley was from the first the un- willingness of some of the parties to the combination to unite on Reed if he proved the stronger candidate. The Reed people have put up a remark- ably strong fight under the circumstances, even at this late time have been mak- Sig a vigorous effort to consolidate all the anti-McKinley strength on the man from Maine. Notwithstanding all the disadvant- ages under which they have been laboring, the fight of Pfatt, Quay, Manley and Lodge has not been fruitless. The demonstration Lodge has made has proven sufficiently impressive to convince Mr. Hanna that haste is desirabie; that a too long delay in fighting over the platform might prove dangerous, and he is compelled to yield the victory to gokl. The struggle over that question with its consequent frictions was ‘becoming dangerous. The McKinley gold men on the one hand and the straddlers and silver men on the other were becoming impatient and discontented. The _almost superhuman efforts in behalf of gold was at the same time being made. The gold With gold personified in Reed and McKin- ley forced imto the attitude of directly antagonising gold, it might even have en- dangered McKinley's nomination a9 cgm- pletely as he holds the convention now. Lodge has shown h‘mself a great leyder in 8 direct and daring assault, and he suc- ceeded in convincing Hanna that the fight was going to be serious if he continued to hold out against gold. Therefore, the Me- Kinley people decided that the most im- portant thing was 4o hasten the conclu- sion and get their man nominated while they had a sure thing of it. The trouble in the Missouri delegation on account of the dissatisfaction of the friends of Filley; the threatened zssault of the A. P. A. on McKinley, and, above all, the temptation to which the southern delegates were subjected in being lined up with the anti-McKinley people on the gold question, all admonished Hanna not to'unnecessarily prolong the fight. The object of all this demonstration by Lodge was simply to get gold into the platform. He knew before he came here that the time had passed when something might have been done to save Reed. His object has been to make Mr. Hanna understand that the Reed people are not so hopelessly crushed as rot to be dan- gerous, and he made a very successful bluff. An agreement has been reached, and it is generally conceded that the following financial plank will be adopted: “The republican party is unreservedly for scund money. It caused the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure cal- culated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, there- fore, opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of silver except by international agreement, and until such an agreement can be obtained we believe the existing gold standard should be preserved. We fa- vor the use of silver as currency, but to the extent only that its parity with gold can be maintained, and we favor all meas- ures designed to maintain inviolably the money -of the United States, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth. 3PM DISTRICT AFFAIRS AT ST. LOUIS. The Petition for Increased Repre- sentation Laid Aside. Special From a Staff Correspondent. 8ST. LOUIS, June 16.—The District of Co- lumbia delegation occupied the attention of the national committee yesterday after- noon and occasioned some irritation. The result of the deliberations was that the pe- tition for additional representation was laid upon the table, thereby debarring the pati- tioners from the right to appear to the committee on credentials, The question came up by Chairman Car- ter faying before the commitiee the petition for the admission of the four additional delegates. At the same time Mr. Carter submitted a printed pamphlet, which was in full as follows: The attention of the committee is re- spectfully invited to the following corres- pondence relating to the election of dele- gates in the District of Columbia, and to the recommendation and evident necessity for a change in the rule of the national convention governing such elections. These letters are published, by permission of the writers, for the information of the com- mittee and the convention: March 28, 1896. Hon. Thomas H. Carter, chairman national republican committee. Dear Sir: I have the honor to report that the board of elections authorized by the national committee to have charge of the election of delegates and alternates from the District of Columbia to the national republican convention to be held in St. Louis, June 15, 1896, composed of Andrew Gleeson, Perry Carson and myself, was or- ganized by the election of myself as presi- dent and William Knox Brown as secre- tary. The election took place on the 28th of January, 1806, and resulted in the election (on the face of the returns) of Andrew Gleeson and Perry H. Carson as delegates, and Wm. F. Thomas and J. W. Bell as al- ternates. Twenty-three voting precincts were established, with three judges and @ clerk to each precinct. You are well aware that the right of suffrage in the District of Columbia is not exercised, and, therefore, there are no laws regulating the ballot. ‘The board did not deem it wise to direct a registration of votes to prevent fraudulent and oft-repeated voting, since no penalty could attach to repeating, and no arrests by the police could be made therefor. The board could make regulations such as lo- cating the precincts, fixing the time, ap- pointing the judges, etc., but it was power- less to prevent fraud. The election, there- fore, amounted to little more than a farce. In several of the districts, notably the tenth, more than one thousand irregular votes were cast. It is beyond question that several men voted over twenty times each; how many did this will never be known. One man voted eight times at the same precinct before he was detected by the judges. He said he accomplished this by changing hats each time. Men driving along the sfreet were stopped and impor- tuned to vote; even boys voted in many in- stances. For nearly a year prior to the election of delegates the colored people commenced to hold meetings. As the time approached for holding the election, meet- ings in various sections of the city would be held each night, the excitement devclop- ing into riotous proceedings requiring con- Stant attendance of the police to prevent bloodshed and murder. Not one meeting was held by the white republicans, and only a few dozen took part in the election. Under these conditions, I submit that a representation of delegates from the Dis- trict of Columbia amounts to a roaring farce, and should not be continued by the national republican committee. Ninety- nine per cent of those who are the most prominent in these local elections renier no service during a campaign; on the con- trary, they are chronic beggars and office- seekers. I believe, under the circumstances, that I fairly represent the best republican element In the District of Columbia when I suggest that in the future no delegate be allowed from the District. I inclose copies of protests that have been filed with this board. Very respect- fully, (Signed) MYRON M. PARKER. ‘WASHINGTON, D. C., April 11, 1896. Hon. M. M. Parker, chairman, 1418 F street, city. My Dear Sir: Your esteemed favor of March 28, embracing a report of your sery- ices as a member of the board of elections supervisors authorized by the national com- mittee to take charge of the election of dele- gates and alternates from the District of Columbia, to the national convention, $s at and, together with protests thergwith. transmitted, signed by M. M. Hollan® We F. Thomas and Oscar Nauck. “Yah I note with deep regret the announcemetiti. of the inability of the committee, thrangh the board of election managers, to secure’! any improvement on the wretched and fraudulent election methods which have’ heretofore disgraced the party in the Dis- trict, and, inasmuch as this District cannot in the nature of things be considered as a territory, preparing for the full rights of citizenship and statehood, I fully concur in your recommenéation that the national con- ventions of the party should no longer be troubled with the disgraceful proceedings witnessed here, or the voice of delegates wo do not, and whose successors never can, represent electoral votes. Your report, with the recommendation and protests ac- companying the same, will be by me sub- mitted to the national committee for con- sideration at its meeting in June. Yours very truly, Gigned) = T. H. CARTER, Chairman. When these letters were read Perry Car- son arose to make a brief speech. He said the effort to secure additional representation on the part of the politicians was a direct and personal attack upon him. If they were admitted, the plan was, he said, to hav them elect Mr. Frank B. Conger national committeeman. At this point a member of the committee, whose name tould not be learned, took the floor, and in a petulant tone said that he was sick and tired of those everlasting quarrels in the District of Columbia. He said it wae a shame and a disgrace. More- over, the District of Columbia cuts no fig- ure in politics, anyhow. He, therefore, moved to lay the whole matter on the tabie, and his motion was adopted. i Mr. Willis of Delaware attempted to se- cure @ reconsideration of the vote, but his motion wes also laid on the table. This, it is thought, settles the whole mat- ter for this convention, at least. mere is every prospect that there will be @ vacancy in the national from the District of Columbia. peryred son and Gleeson insist upon having it, and neither will yield to the other, they say. If this deadiock continues there will be « vacancy. N.O.M VICE PRESIDENTIAL GOSSIP. Many Names Mentioned for the Second Place. Special From as Staff Correspondent. ST. LOUIS, June 16—Depew, Miller, Bliss and the rest of the big New Yorkers who are friendly to McKinley are making a fight against Morton for Vice President. Platt and his Meutenants say Morton will be nominated for Vice President, or that if he himself prevents this they will select “a man,” and that the man selected will not be “one of that crowd of fellows in New York who want it.” Word is sent out from the McKinley headquarters with the authority of Mr. Hanna that he and the rest of the Ohio people prefer Hobart. This is supposed to be because of their having been compelled to yleld to Platt on gold. The explanation made with the announcement is that Mr. Depew, Mr. Miller and the rest of McKin- ley’s friends in New York are opposed to the selection of a New York man, and are in favor of Hobart. For that reason Han- na is for Hobart. There is ro reservation in this statement. J. P.M. ST. LOUIS, Mo., June 16.—There was joy in the camp of the New York delegation this morning, when it was learned that Mr Hanna and the McKinley managers had given Mr. Platt the privilege of naming the candidate for Vice President, and there was corresponding depression in the ranks of the New Jersey delegation, the mem- bers of which had believed chat their can- didate,,Garret A. Hobart, was making great strides toward victory. Even the Connecticut delegation felt a little sore over the matter, although they had not been a unit for any one candidate. Senntor Allison. From New York headquarters this morn- ing the information was given that until Mr. Morton’s candidacy for President was finally determined, there would be no men- tion made of New York's choice for Vice President. Indeed, Mr. Platt had answered Mr. Hanna's offer direct by saying that he could not consider the vice presidency until after a President was nominated. T was looked upon to mean a further effort would be made after the somination for President to secure the consent of Mr. Morton to use his namé fer the office of Vice President, and yet, from a very re- Mable source close to Mr. Platt, it was said this morning: “Mr. Platt will name a New York organization man whose name has not been mentioned in the public press.” Rumor was busy this morning with the names of Lemuel E. Quigg and J. Sloat Fassett. The latter has become very close- ly allied to Mr. Platt within the past few years, end the breach of two years ago seems to have been entirely healed. In- deed, so anxious is Mr. Fassett to be known as a “general organization” man, that last night he compleined to Mark Hanna be- cause his name had been mentioned on dodgers as a probable speaker at a Mo- Kinley mass meetirg. The anti-organiza- tion forces from New York are trying to force the name of Chauncey M. Depew upon the convention, and it is possible that in the hope of a stampede for that popu- lar man they ‘may mention his name, but it is certain that Hanna, Platt and Quay can control the convention, From Maine has come a movement in favor of Henry Cabot Lodge, and the ar- gument is used that a& Lodge is really the father of the gold movement snd has forced the leaders to accept his plauk, he would be a good tail to the ticket. The statement concerning McKinley's friends turning over the vice presidential nomination to Platt has continued to create discussion all morning. It was said at Ohio headquarters at a late hour that the concession meant Morton only, and that the McKinley people would break if Platt named any one else. This seems to be about the New York delegation’s idea in the matter, with the exception of the McKinley element. Mr, Miller and his adherents, whose bit- ter break yesterday with the Piatt element was the talk of the day, do not relish the turn which affairs have taken. They per- ceive in the Morton boom a@ death biow to their faction in the state and a victory for Platt. For this reason they are opposed to Mor- ton’s selection, and do not hesitate to say so. They have conferred with Mr. Hanna, and he has told them that the sentiment of the delegates is for Mr. Morton and he cannot coatrol them. FOR GOLD. Determination of McKinicy Peo- ple on the Platform. Special From a Staff Correspondent. ST. LOUIS, Mo., June 16.—The McKinley people, after a conference this morning, came to @ positive determination, in ac- ccrdance with the general agreement last night, that the platform shall definitely and directly declare for gold. Mr. Hanna and Mr. Foraker say that the declaration for the “present gold standard” will be reported from: the committee on resolutions, and will be adopted. They do (Continued on Eleventh Page.)