Evening Star Newspaper, February 25, 1893, Page 10

Cd . a THE EVENING STAR: WASHINGTON, D. C, SATURDAY. FEBRUARY 25, 1893—SIXTEEN PAGES. PRESIDENTS'CABINETS | Queer Stories From Famous Ex-Seo- Tetaries as to Their Formation. TYLER AND DANIEL WEBSTER. —a & Curious Story of Henry A. Wise and John C. Calhoun—The True Inwardness of President Harrison’s Appointments—A Reminiscence of Gen. Garfleld’s Cabinet. a ‘Wettten for The’ Eventne Star. RESIDENT CLEVE- land has given out earlier than usual news about his cabinet. But changes are apt to be made, however, in such things at the last mo- | ment so, that nothing is | certain. The cabinet | history of the past is full of curiosities, and | T have found this week 41 some curious letters showing the troubies of Presidents in this regard. One 1s from President Polk asking James Buchanan to be a member in his cabinet. Init he states asa condition of the acceptance that he shall not be a candidate for the presidency or vice presidency while in the cabinet. Buchanan accepted the office as Sec- retary of State on these conditions. I wonder if Gresham has made the same promise to Cleveland. Frank Pierce wrote about a mouth | after he was elected to Buchanan telling him | that he intended to put new men in his cabinet, | and in his letter concerning the cabinet he asks Buchanan to “Burn this letter.” He said be intended to make up his cabinet before he left Concord and that he would not change it after he got to Washirgion. To thie Buchanan re- lied that Concord was nota very good place | DeSake upa.cebiect and edvising Lim net to settle upon his ministers before he got to Wash- Harrison's cabinet than Gen. Michener, who Was one of his chief lieutenants at Chicago, and who has for ten years been his most intimate Ziend. Tchatted with him about the subject ‘id be: “There have been many stories about the making up of President Harrison's cabinet, but few true ones. The statement that ex-Senator Piatt of New York was offered the Secretar- ship of the Treasury or of any other place un- der the administration by President Harrison before the nomination was made is false in toto. No man had a promise or intimation of any kind from before his nomination that he would be given an office by him. No man had any such intimation or promise during the period between his nomination and elec- tion, and there were no promises to speak of made before President Harrison came to Wash- ington. He would not embarrass himself in any way, and as to the cabinet, though he discussed offices and men, he did not seriously begin to consider appointments until at least a month after bis election. Blaine was the first man chosen and Gen. Harrison wrote to him and offered him the Secretarvahip of State, and I am not sure, but it is my impression that he received a letter accepting the appointment two or three days after bis letter was sent. The aext appointment was. I think, that of Mr. Proctor as Secretary of War. Senator Proctor had never met Gen. Harrison up to the time of the convention. He came to Chicago end quietly looked over the situation and there made up his mind that Harrison was the man who should be nominated. While the balloting was going on at about 11 o'clock one night be and Gov. Cheney of New Hampshire and Mc- Cullough, the railroad president of New York, came to the headquarters of the Indiana dele- gation and announced their intention of throw- ing their support to Harrison. They said that they intended to work and vote for him and that if the giving ont of the fact would help his cause we were at liberty todo so. We were, of course, glad to meet them and we scattered the information far and wide as soon as we could get hold of the newspaper men, After the con- vention was over Mr. Proctor went down to Indianapolis in McCullough’s private car and Gen. Harrison was struck with bility and common sense. He liked him at once, and when he came to making up his cabinet he chose him, both on the grounds of gratitude for his work at Chicago and re- spect for his sterling abilities. He knew also that the appointment would please New Eng- land and be was sure that he would makea good cabinet advisor. Secretary Noble was highly recommended by Attorney General Mil- ler. President Harrison had known him for ington. NOW DANIEL WEESTER BULLDOZED PRESIDENT TYLER. Thad quite a chag some time ago with Gen. Jobn Tyler, the son and private secretary of President Tyler. He was close to his father during the whole of his administration and be iv me a large amount of unwritten history. Said he: “When my father succeeded to the presidency he continued President Har- Fison’s cabinet in offi they were agai net meeting was held on the day succeeding t! death of ident Harrison, and it was bape the mest remarkable cabinet meeting in history. When all the memvers were present and the doors were closed Daniel Webster, the Secretary of State,arose and addressed my father, saying: ‘Mr. President, I suppose you intend to carry out the ideas ‘and customs of voar predecessor and that this administration Inaugurated by President William Harrison Will continue in the same line of policy on which it has been begun. Am I right? ‘My father, muck astonished, nodded his head almost involuntarily and looked at Mr. Web- ster with wonder. Daniel Webster straight- ened himself up at this and continued: “ “Mr. President. it was the custom in our eab- inet meetings of Prosident Harrison that the | President should preside over them. All measures relating to the administration were to be brought before the cabinet and their settlement was to be decided by the | majority of rotes, each member of the cabinet | and the President having but one vote.’ WEBSTER AND TILER. “My father was always courteous, but he was also firm. He had his own ideas of how his ad- ministration had to be managed, and he was not backward in responding to ‘this exhibition of adamantine cheek. He rose to hia fect and confronted Webster, and then looking about the cabinet room he said: ‘Gentlemen, I am very proud to have in my cabinet such able statesmen as you have proved yourselves to be. I shail be pleased to avail myself of your counsel | and advice, but [can never consent to being | dictated to as to what Isnall or shail not do. | 1am the President and I shall be held respons- | ible for my administration. I hope I shall have | your hearty co-operation in carrying out ite Mmensures. Solong as you sce fit to do this I sbail be glad to have you with me. When you think otherwise I will be equally giad to get, our resignation.” This,” conclided Gen. Fler, “settled the question, and there was no farther trouble as to who was the head of the cabinet.” Bow Jom @ cALMOUN Gor INTO TILER’ ‘CABINET. I spoke to Gen. Tyler about John C. Calhoun | and he told me how he became a member of his father’s cabinet against his father's will. was all accomplished by Henry A. Wire. Upsbar, who bad Leen made Secretary of on the resigzation of Ds blown up on the Princeton Fiver 1p 1844, and this made a va: cabinet. “Henry A. Wise,” said Ge “was my father's chief represen’ Bress,and he took it upon soon as he heard of U eto Jobn C. Calhoun Tyler wanted him to accept the portfolio ef the Secretary of State. He did ‘this without saying @ word to my father. ‘The next day be came itto the White House and told father what he had done. He said the letter bad been sent and to withdraw it} would make the whole south angry. My father was thunderstruck. He gripped his ebair with all bis £ t was all he could | do to keep from te to get out of his sight and never cross his path again. But be Temembered that Wiss was bis chief friend in Congress and be did not dare to break with bim. He never really forgave him, and the situation ‘was such that be lai to appoint Calhoun. Justat the time Upshur died he Lad completed atreaty for the annexation of Texas, and had he lived few weeks longer thie we have undoubt- edly been consammated and the war with Mexico Would never have occurred. Tom Benton huted t JORX C. CALMOUS. Calhoun and he threw all his weight against the treaty, Calhoun bad been made Secre- tary of State. and prevented its confirmation. | ‘The result was the Mexican war, and it was all Drought about by Henry A. Wise.” XT POLK'S CABINET. President Polk's cabinet was made up with almost as much trouble as was that of President | Tyler. John C. Calhoun wanted to remain | the Secretary of State, but he was sacrificed to please Martin Van Buren. rge Bancroft wae made Secretary of the Navy, Robert J. Walker Secretary of the Treasury and Jobn Y. Mason of Virginia, who wae Secretary of the Navy in Tyler's cabinet, was made Attorney General. was kept in the cabinet because | he asked Polk to keep him there. He stated to his friends that he wanted 1 cabinet office for | the money it brought. Said he. “I like the | place and the salary will assist my Virginia iand | daughters,” aud so he got the place. ‘BOW PRESIDENT HARRISON FORMED HIS CABINET. Neo man outside of the President himself my negroes in the education of six | ™aster General. years and liked him. He came to Indianapolis GEN. MICHENER. at the request of the President-elect and he was afterward appointed to the Interior De- partment. The appointment of Gen. Rusk was made both on the grounds of friendship, of his peculiar efficiency for the head of the depart- ment for which he waschosenand as a matter of gratitude for his action concerning the Chicago convention. chance for his own nomination he threw ail his streng:h to Harrison, and sitting in his office in Viadison, Wis. he kept the wires be- tween that city and Chicago hot with telegrams to his friends to vote and work for Harrison. Few of these appointments were made until a short time before the inauguration, and three were not settled upon definitely until Harrison came to Washington to be inaugurated. These were, I think, the appointments of Tracy, Wanamaker and Miller. The President had about decided as to them, but not positively. Mr. Tracy had impressed him asa big man and asespecially titted for the head of the navy. Miller had been long associated with bim in legal matters and John Wanamaker had weight through his great natural ability as a business man and the recommendations of the national committee. President Harrison decides things He carefully and judiciously weighs every point, and his decisions are made through reason rather than through feeling. He chore his cabinet slowly and carefnlly, and it seems to me that his selection has proved to be a good one.” EX-POSTMASTER GENERAL HATTON OF PRESIDENT ARTHUR'S CABINET. Mr. Frank Hatton was Postmaster General dur- ing the latter part of President Arthur's adminis- tration. He was one of the first appointees that Arthur made and he sent bis name as as- ant postmaster general in to the Senate at the same time he did that cf his first cabinet minister, Secretary Folger. The relations of President Arthur and Frank Hatton were very | close, and President Arthur advised with bir | r8 of political policy from | the time of Gartield’s death at the close of his | term in the White House. I doubt whether Arthur hada truer friend or a more conscien- r. ‘bat with Mr. Hatton about the 1 its appointment, I found him ery modest in his expre matter, but his s ites near as Te Said b ory was interesting and I give as he gave it to me. ou remember the circumstances RANE HATTON. of President Gardeld’s death and the temper of the party and of the country concerning it. There wasastrong feeling against Conkling and Arthur. ‘The leaders of the republican party thought it had g ne to smash, and I don’t believe that Senators Sherman, Allisou, Logan or any others of the then aspirants for the presidential nomination thought at the time that there was vival. Presid tion and he managed his appointments and his administration so ably that he succeeded in bringing order out of the confusion and made owwible the election of a repubiican successor. When Gartield died it was supposed that Arthur, representative element of the stalwart party as he was, would take Conkling into his cabinet and would choose men of this faction for all the positions. This was the talk of pers, but when be came to make his appointments he rove above factions and con- sidered the interests of the country as well as those of his friends. His adoption of the other course would have been decidedly un- At the time Gen Arthur entered upon his duties there was a man bebind nearly every diade of grass in the country who had an idea that somehow or other he was mixed up with the assassination of Garfield,and bad he ap- pointed Conkling he would have only added to the factional flames. As soon as he took hold of the administration the members of Garfield’ cabinet sent in their resignations, He replied to them that he would like to have them hold their positions until he could consider the mat- ter carefully and make other appointments. ‘The firet name that be sent in to the Senate was that of Gov. Foigeras Secretary of the Treasury and be gradually sent in other names until the only man left of Garfield's cabinet was Robert Lincoln. He staid until the close of the admin- istration. A WHITE HOUSE INTERVIEW. “I was several times acting postmaster gen- eral before I was appointed and confirmed as such. When Postmaster General Howe died I was made acti tmaster general for ten Gays and was then designated by the President te continue as Postmaster General for ten days uring thix time some of my frie without my solicitation or knowledge, u President Arthur to appoint me Postmaster General. I of course said nothing about it, but when I was calling upon him at the White House one day be said to me: ‘You would really be surprised at the number of letters I have re- ceived asking for your appomtment as Post- What have you to say about itand what would you think of such an ap- pointment?” “To this I replied,” continued Mr. Hatton: I might appreciate a “That however mac! knows more about the formation of President | appointment to such « position, I not As soon as he saw there was no | concerning the | it would be an advisable one for the President rs é oq would like to know why not?’ was Presi- said I. ‘Samuel J. Kirk- ‘t Garfield's cabinet and is anold man ® much-loved man in Iowa, and if you now take a young man and an inexperienced man same Kirkwood's friends will think itis ROBERT LINCOLN, PRESIDENT ARTEUR AXD FRANK HATTON. | as far as politics were concerned that I consid- ered Judge Gresham of Indiana as a good ap- Pointment. ‘He comes from a good ‘and he is es far as state,’ said I, I know popuiar, honest and able.” It was not long after this that Judge Gresham's name was sent in as Postmaster General. I don’t know that my words about him brought about his selection. He had many friends and there was astrong movement in his favor.” HOW A POSTMASTER GENERAL WAS MADE. “Then Secretary Folger died,” Gen. Hatton went on, “and Judge Gresham was transferred from the post office to the treasury. I again | became acting postmaster general and was again designated to hold the position ten days longer. At the close of there ten days I re- ceived anote from Fred Phillips,the private sec- retary of the President, saying that Gen. Arthur would like to see me at the White House and that he intended to appoint me Postmaster General. I went up to the Executive Mansion and I found President Arthur in Mr. Phillips’ room, the one which the President occu- pice, “He greeted mo with the remark, ‘Mr. fatton, in five minutes you will be Postmaster General of the United States. Ihave had your commission made out and it lies here on my table. All I have to do to complete the aj (eae ment is to affix my signature.” Just at this mo- ment Secretary Robert Lincoln came in and the President spoke to him of other matters and the three of us chatted together for perhaps ten min- utes. During this conversation the President did not say anything about my prospective a} pointment, and I, of conrse, did not mention it. As Mr. Lincoln left President Arth r picked up my commission and said: ‘You noticed that did not mention tl matter to Lincoln. Iam rather superstitious about such matters and 1 don’t like to talk about an appointment until I have made it. I bad not yet signed your com- mission and I thought it best to wnit till every thing was completed.’ He then affixed hi name to the commission and after a short chat Tleft the White House, and that day I took the oath of office.” we “How did President Arthur treat his cabi- t He gave them authority over all matters pertaining to their offices and he expected them to manage their own departments, About matters of public policy we conferred together, but as to ordinary appointments and rulings our decisions in our own departments were | final. He was very courteous in the treatment of his cabinet ministers and I think they had more influence than such officers have had dur- ing the last two administrations. He was in | some respects much like a boy. If at times he | became crusty or petulant he would overflow | with kindness to the extent almost of effusive- ness as @ sort of an apology for his actions.”” A TALK ABOUT GARFIELD'S CABINET. ‘The cabinet of Gen. Garfield was made very | slowly. He considered the matter the night he | received the news of his election and he made | out aslate at that time, buthe changed this again and again before the day of his inauguration, and his final choice was @ disappointment to A SCENE AT MENTOR. many. One of his closest friends at this time en. Swaim, whom he afterward made judge ocate general, and Judge Swaim has told me some unwritten history concerning it’ Said ae was at Mentor during nearly the whole of the period between Garfield's nomination and his ‘election, and I remember very well the night when we received the news that he war elected. We had decided ourselves beforehand tha’ New York and Indiana would decide the contest. Thad arranged with Gen. Chester A. thur to telegraph me at inidnight of election day as to the result in New York, and we re- ceived his dispatch sitting in the little office which stood apart from the house at Mentor. ‘The returns showed that everything bad been going our way, and when we got the dispatch saying that New York had undoubtedly gone | republican I told Gen. Garfield that be wi | elected. He tried not to believ saying that we had better wait we became too confident. As the dispatches came in, however, his election was confirmed beyond’ doubt, and we left the office and he had another little could be alone. After we got into the study I asked him ‘as to his cabinet. Ie suid: “You are elected beyond the shadow of n doubt, and I would like to know if. you had to decide tonight just who was to go,into your cabiget what persons you would choose.’ "He smiled at the idea and asked me whom I thought he would select, and he finally had me take my seat at my desk, while he aat at his on the other side of the room. He then said: ‘We will each write down on a slip of paper the men that we think onght to go into the cabinet, After we are through I will turn over my paper and lay it on my desk and you can turn over yours and we will then change desks and sce how near wo ‘All right,’ said I, and we each A moment later Gen. Garfield ‘I have an alternate for one of my offices.’ ¢ several,” I. Weil, in the course of were through and we changed ieats. Of the names written down there were, perhaps, three or four on both liste which were the same. The others were different. Several of the men whose names were written down are still living, and I would not like to lists. President Garfiek time to time un! to make give the 's ideas changed from il bis inauguration, and he had cabinet which should be strong and party and time do justice to the whole country. tails of the formation may be — some time, but it seems to me that it is too soon to do so now. Faasg G. Canrsxtzn. hy—" At , Xe maa =" Di 1d if negiected, baldness is sure to isliow. ‘iai'y ‘air MeSewer fo the. best preven: ve KANSAS SENATORS. The Stormy Times Over the First Election in That State. LANE AND POMEROY. ‘The Remarkable Career of Gen. Jim Lane and the Hold He Had Upon the People Until After the Johnson Imptachment— Sensational Charges ef Bribery and Their Besult. ——o——_— ‘Written for The Evening Star. N 1889 HORACE Greeley said, “The twin ourres of Kansas are land speculators and one-horse politicians.” Some people firmly be- lieve that the spirit of Mr. Greeley’s opinion still stalks the sunflower \) state. \ Mr. B. F. Simpson in lll speech on the “Wyan- dotte constitution,” of i= which he was one of the framers, and under which Kansas was admitted asa state, said, “I could never fathom what it was in the history or action of Kansas that had caused a cruel fate to decree that at the close ot every deliberative body held in the state there should be » disgraceful supplement in the shape of an investigating committee.” That his line has not touched bottom yet is evidenced by the fact that another “investigation” threatens the political and legislative status of Kansas, Kansas was born of battle and her politicians seem not to have acquired the art of getting along peaceably. They are always picking their flints and whetting their knives for somebody's scalp. ‘Tho New Englanders who “Crossed the prairies an of old, Their fathers crossed the 26s, To make the west as they the, east, ‘The homestead of the free.” were of the non-resistent peace policy sort, who abborred war and loathed contention. ‘They chose arbitration rather than law, and con- demned resort to force of armeas criminal. The followers of Garrison did not believe in office holding, declined to vote, declared the military the devil's agent, and foreswore alleg- iance to any human government. Yet men of their faith made the first emigrant trails in Kansas, and were the progenitors of the people who run the politics of that state today—a state with more politics and more kinds of them tothe square mile than is possessed by any other state in the Union. TROUBLE IX BREAKING INTO CONGRESS. Kansas Representatives have from the first experienced trouble in breaking into Congress. There are a few notable exceptions, but on the whole a Kansas man expects to fight to get in, and not intrequently finds that he has to fight for the right or privilege of retaining his seat after he gets in. The first Representives in Congress from Kan- were delegates from the territory, but honorary” offices had been conferred before that. Ge: lames H. Lane, or as he was better known in Kansas, was elected on 1 adopted a memorial to Congress asking admi ion into the Union as a state. ‘Senator Lane took this memorial to Washington and Galusha A. Grow prepared bill for the ad- mission of Kansas on the strength of it. It passed the House, but failed in the Senate, tak- ing with it Mr. Lane's senatorial honors.’ T! whole action was investigated by Congres It is said of Kansas olfice seckers, ‘they sel- dom decline office, scarcely ever resign, and never die.” Here. too, there are notable ex- ceptions. When the “national democratic party of Kansas” was formed an attempt was made to get the then Gov. Geary to indorse it. He was told that if he would identify himself with the party he should be one of the United States mators soon to be elected under the Lecom| ton constitution. His reply was characteristic: “The devil had as many kingdoms to give as you have senatorial honors to bestow or ever. will have by honest means. If you approach me again with your vile offers of bribery I will be tempted to toss you out of the window.” His declination was emphatic. Andrew H. Reeder once resigned an office in Kansas, or, rather, he abjectly abdicated when forsaken by the administration. He came back, however, just as the free state men inaugurated the first of their sample state governments in opposition to the territorial rule. He was offered and ac- cepted the office of delegate to Congress from Kansas. The pro-slavery people elected to send Gen. Whitfield. These two gentlemen stormed the citadel in Washington, and from that day in December, 1855, to the present there are not many consecutive pages of congressional proceedings that have not printed upon them some reference to Kansas. THE FIRST DELEGATE. Mr. Whitfield, having a regularly accredited certificate of election, took his seat, but ex- Gov. Reeder reached for it with so much energy that a congressional investigating com- mittee was appointed and sent to the scene of the trouble. It sat at Leavenworth, Lecomp- ton, Topeka and Lawrence, then flitted over the border to Wesport, Mo., where it seemed to feel more at home. ' The majority report, after reviewing the situation, said: “In the present condition of the territory a fair elec- tion cannot be held without a new census, a stringent and well-guarded election law, the selection of impartial judges and the presence of United States troops at every place of elec- tion.” ‘This was signed by Senator W. A. How- ard of Michigan and Senator John Sherman of Ohio. The minority report, signed by Senator Mordacai Oliver of Missouri, recited that “the election under which the contesting delegate, Andrew H. Reeder, claims his seat was not held under any law, but in contemptuous disregard w, and that it should only be regarded ression of « band of malcontents and revolutioniste by the House.” The House ly declared the seat vacant and ‘Messrs. field and Reeder were out of a job, and the territory of Kansas out one dele; In 1857 Marcus J. Parrott ws gate from Kansas. In truly western parlance this gentleman had the “dead cinch” on the office. Under the territorial laws as made by Congress the people could elect a delegat without recourse to the objectionable “bogus laws and Mr. Parrott’s lucky star was inthe ascendancy The people all united on him and he took his seat in the Thirty-fifth Congress, He does not seem to have belonged to the talk- ing species he first real senatorial election held in Kansas was that of April 4, 1861. Candidates were numerous and the air heavily charged with rumors of bribery. James H. Lane and Samuel C. Pomeroy pulled out the plums, mak- tog, +o it is charged, cat's paws of all the other fellows. It was s most remarkable election. Only one ballot was taken and the roll of the joint convention was called but once, but before the result could be announced members began to change their votes and kept it up for two ‘There were nine candidates and fifty- eight members changed their voies. After two hours of this kind of work the tally lists were in inextricable confusion and the joint conven- tion wild with excitement. At last the clerks [og their beari: and the speaker announced election of Mr. Lane and Mr. Pomeroy. SENATOR JAMES LaxE. James H. Lane occupies a peculiar position in the annals of Kansas. He was eccentric, er- ratic, impressionable and passionate. His friends crowned him king and his enemies bends the sunflowers with their faces ever toward thesun. Yet there was that in the man that destroyed what he would create. T. W. said of him: “I beard him in Nebraska City in 1856 before a hostile audience, and if eli ynce consists in moving and swaying men at pleasure never aw exhibition of it.” lected dele- ‘Devoid of those qualities of character which ex- cite esteem and it the enduring structure i Sofais<PSSwment psec es o and indomitable will.” x4 ‘The of this first Sena- inspired humanity with but two sentiments—love or loathing—and from etther standpoint criticism must be par- tial and partisan. ee a attire was as peculiar, but he consented to propitiate Pro} the regulation clerical when he arrived in Washington. To do this laid aside a curious calfskin vest and scal- skin coat which his enemies insisted he had worn without change from his entrance into the territory seven years before. LAN2'S INFLUENCE WITH LINCOLN. From the first Mr. Lane exercised « peculiar influence over Mr. Lincoln, who was his warm Personal friend; and through the chief execu- tive his power in Kansas was made absolute for years, and upon this his crop of enemies grew and fattened. It was particularly hard ) the governors, who were thus shorn of much of their power. ‘Gov. Carney came to Washi nd remonstrated with the President about it, Well,” Mr. Lincoln said with his kindly smile, “he knocks at my door every morning, and you know he is a very persistent follow; hard to put off.” and Senator continued a favorite at court, During the summer after taking his seat Lane went back to Kansas as a brigadier gen- eral and eutered upon aggressive border war- fare at the head of the Kansas troops. It was stated that he had resigned his place in the Sen- ate. Gov. Robinson, who never had had any appoipted Frederick P. Btanton on July 12s Senabr from Kansas in Lane's place. Lane's characteristic remark to this was, “‘G-r-e-a-t God! this looks like an at- tempt to bury aman before he is dead,” and hung to his seat in the Senate and his military honors as well. When the legislature met in becker’ 2 1864, it was the honest opinion of many that the seat in the Senate occupied by Gen. Lane was virtually vacated, as he was still at the head of his ‘jayhawkers.” Opposition to him was crystalizing and, a majority voting for an elec- tion, a joint session was held. Thomas Carney, then governor, was elected. The vote stood: “Carney 68,” “Against a fraud 1,” and twenty- seven members declined to vote, declaring that no vacancy existed. Gov. Carney bad the good sense to decline to claim the seat and “Jim Lane” romained Senator. In January of 1865, at the regular election, he was elected to succeed himself, with only ‘seventeen dissent- ing votes, THE JOHNSON IMPEACHMENT. ‘The impeachment trial of ‘Andrew Johnson came on in due process of “reconstruction. Kansas &® Btate stood solidly for impeach- ment, but Mr. Lane refused to obey the will of the people. “So fur as Iam concerned,” 1 said, “I propose to take my position alongside the President,” and he did. He made an im- ee joned speech in the Senate in support of ir. Johnson and then went to Kaneas to con- tinue ork. He was heard with impatience by the party leaders. He had lost his grip and po ene began to wane. At a mass meeting in Leavenworth denunciatory resolutions were adopted and Mr. Lane censured in unmeasured terms for ‘‘selling himself to Mr. Johnson. Ed . Ross reported the resolutions and lighted the lamp that illuminated his pathway as Mr, Lane's successor. For months vague hints had haunted news- paper columns connecting a western Senator with scandalous transactions in Indian affairs. Mr. Lane's friends knew who was implicated and hushed matters up. In June, 1866, Mr. Lane went to Kansas, and during bis absence men whom he had’ disappointed politically stirred up the story and it was printed in full, with names, in the Boston Commonwealth, and i avestigation was imminent, The men who had the key to the situation died with- out divulging, and the secret died with them, but they hat made known so much that Mr. Lane seems to have thought the situation fraught with danger, for he brooded over it till it frenzied him. On July 1, 1866, just after alighting from @ carriage at the home of his daughter in Leavenworth, he placed a pistol to his mouth and fired, the ball entering his brain. He lived ten days, conscious to the last. The end was tragic, as his career had been varied and picturesque. One who knew him best said simply: “Strange t the Shoud Reep tn tance tong ene eae Tt was the gentlest, truest epitaph this strange man receiv To fill the vacancy Edwin G. Ross, a news- paper man, was selected by the governor and at the meeting of the legislature in January, 1867, he was duly elected to fill out the unex- pired term. On May 16, 1868, knowing the Ceep-sented dislike the Kaneas people bad for Mr. Johnson and knowing also that the act would bring upon him the heavy displeasure of the men who had made him, politically, Mr. Ross voted against the impeachment of Mr. Jonson and his vote saved the nation an im- d President. From that day forward be man of sorrows and acquainted with His friends fell away from him as though they feared contamination, Kansas emphatically repudiated him and his action, and black biight fell upon his political hopes, He was a man of admirable quaii ies and of such integrity and honor that bribery nor con- tumely could touch him. When his term ex- pired he returned to Kansas and quiet. Every- thing he touched turned to ashes in his grasp. Out toward the setting sun he sought another home, but bis fortunes have not mended. SAMUEL C. POMEROY, On April 4, 190], when Lane was elected United States Senator, his running mate was Samuel G. Pomeroy>’ Mr. Pomeroy was re- @ his second term. Charges of corruption and bribery connected with Mr. Pomeroy were made and the inevita- bie investigating committee was appointed. ‘This committee reported that it was convinced ‘that money had been used for the base pur- poses of influencing members of the legislature to disregard the wishes of their constituents and to vote as money dictated, and regret their failure to procure the evidence necessary to demonstrate the facts to the people of the state.’ On March 25, 1868, the republican state con- vention at Topeka indorsed Mr. Pomeroy for Vice President, as ‘‘in his election the loyal people of the nation would have for Vice Presi- dent ‘a man we can trust.'" Two months later the man in whom Kansas had placed such confidence was bustling around among bis con- stituents trying to convince them that he did not try. to sell bis vote to Mr. Johnson in the impeachment trial, Thurlow Weed and Presi- dent Johnson's private, secretary, Edmund Cooper, were authority for the report, which Mr. Pomeroy denied as a canard. On January 25, 1871, Alexander Caldwell was elected United States Senator to succeed Mr. Koma Mr. Caldwell gare « banquet, to the leg- islature at bis home in Leavenworth which is remembered yet. Scarcely were the viands disposed of when the air grew thick with ru- mors of corruption and bribery. They gath- ered and grew till Gov. Harvey on January 9, 1872, made bribery in élections the subject o! one of the strong clauses in hisannual mesuage. On January 17. Kansas paper gave the names of seventeen persone said to been bribed to vote for Alexander Caldwell. About half the names were those of democrats. An inventi gating committee was appointed from the state senate and startling disclosures were made. “From the testimony taken,” said the com- mittee, “wo find that * * * money was used and attempted to be used in bribing and attempting to bribe and influence the members of the legislature (in 1867) to secure the eleo- tion of 8, 0. Pomeroy, E. L. Ross and, Thomas Carney,” and of tho election of Mr. ‘Caldwell that it was made plain by the Invish use of money that gentleman had secured his seat. Mr. Caldwell proceeded to Washington, how- ever, and took bis seat, In January, 1878, the United States Senate took up the subject and in February decided that because of the money used to uy votes Mr. Caldwell could mot le- rally retain bs ooet, “The concluding clause is very funny: ‘Ia conclusion the committee remark that, while Mr. Caldwell did things to procure his election which cannot be tolerated by the Sen- ate, they believe he was as much sinned against assinning. He was @ novice in politics and evidently in the hands of men who encouraged him in belief that senatorial elections in Kansas were carried by the use of money.” While the election declared day night (January my vote was bai of $8,000, $2,000 of which were to me that eve: , $5,000 on the next afternoon and & promise of the additional $1,000 when my vote had been cast in his favor. I now, in the Presence of this honorable body, hand over the ‘amount of $7,000 just as I receive! it and ack that it be count by the secretary.” (Col. York advanced and placed upon the chief clerk's desk two is of money, one open and amounting to @2,000, and a brown paper parcel tied with twine, which, upon examina- tion, was found to contain $5,000 in greenbacks of large denominations.) ‘I ask, Mr. Presi- Gent, that that money be used to defray the ex- penees of Prosecuting the investigation of S. Pomeroy for bribery and corruption.” Of ‘this astounding address Atchison Champion anid editorially: “‘At last, as sudden. and terrible as an earthquake which overwhelms busy city in ruin and disaster, came the aw- fal revelation and final end, crushing with de- feat and disgrace the man who had so long represented the state with usefulness and ca- erg in the Senate, and who might have been, ut for this shocking exposure, in one hour ‘more re-elected for a term of six years.” INQALLS ELECTED. ‘The fiasco created a stampede for Mr. In- galis,and he was elected by 115 votes. Mr. Pomeroy on the floor of the United States Sen- ate denied the charges and courted inves! tion. He got it. The majority report recived the following: ‘The whole transaction, what- ever view be taken of it, is the result of ‘a con- certed plot to defeat Mr. Pomeroy, and re- membering that the burden of proof is on the party making theaocusation we have come tothe conclusion that Mr. York has not sustained his charge by sufficient proof, contradicted as it is by the evidence of Mr. Pomeroyand Mr. Page.” The minority report found him guilty of bribery and attempting to corrupt voters by offers of mo: Mark Tw: Senator Dilworthy in “The Gilded Age” is a takeoff on the Pomeroy busi- ness, and the Senate report is paraphrased as follows: “It being plain that Senator Dilwor- thy’s statement was rigidly true, and this fact being strengthened by his adding to it the sup- port of ‘his honor asa Senator,’ the committee rendered a verdict of ‘not proven that a bribe had been offered and accepted.’ This in a man- ner exonerated Noble and let him escape. Senator Pomeroy sat out the session. The state of Kansas prosecuted him for bribery after @ fashion, the package of money tumbling around in the state treasurer's office for two years, when the case was diemissed and the money given back to Pomeroy through his attornéy, now Chief Justice Horton of Kansas. Sonator Pomeroy never returned to Kansas, but made his home in Washington, where hp died in 1891, The next senatorial investigation centered around the second election of Mr. Ingalls in 1878. A bitter political warfare was on. Charges and counter charges of corruption were made. The regulation investigation was ipstituted, and after months of monotonous grind Mr. Ingalls Was exonerated from all the charges made. In grand contrast to these instances was the last election of the late Senator Plumb. He never for a moment left his post in Washing- ton, where he had served the people for twelve Fears, yet on the day of the Joint session for election of United States Senator evs the two houses was cast for him, ther- being but one absentee. It was such a scene as no other stato in the Union ever witnessed. Kansas bas been thirty-two vears a state, and has had in her tive senatorial atorial investigations, tosay nothing gressional concurrence,’ the peccadillos of ter- Titorial days or the prospective populist com- Plication just looming above the hoFizon: ‘That thince 1! eot uad even bad success | is something that Kansas politicians have yet to learn, Isapex Wornett Batt. pee a ONE TOUCH OF SENTIMENT. The Efforts of the Poor to Save Their Dead From a Potter's Field Burial. From the New York Sun. When a person dies in any of the hospitals belonging to the city itis the duty of the offi- cials to notify such of his friends as they know of, and to wait at least twenty-four hours be- fore making any disposition of the body. If the friends do not call one of the various med- ical institutions may get it, or it may be in- terred in potter's field. Naturally, the hospital officials are anxious to have the body disposed of as soon as possible, but sometimes this desire is frustrated. On a recent afternoon a couple called at the reception room of Bellevue Hospital and in- quired about a man who bad died there on the previous night. Both were young, and a re- semblance in features ruggested that they were brother and sister. He wasa cripple, one leg being shorter than the other, and looked sickly. also the sister. She was older than he, and her face was seamed with lines that told of pri tion. She did the talking for both. “He was our father,” she said ina tired voice, referring to the dead man, ‘and we want to know how we can get the body.” The orderly suppressed » sigh as he replied: “I'll give you the death certificate,” he said, “if you are sure you will take the body «Yos, we will take it,” said the woman, Her brother opened bis mouth as if to omething, but she nudged him so bard with her elbow that it brought the tears to his eves and made him shut his tecth very suddenly. The orderly looked very dubious, but he se- cured the certificate aud gave it to the woman. “You must take the body away by tomorrow, he said firmly, but not unkindls “Iwill,” she eaid, and walked out, followed by her brother, who looked mystified. “Why did you insist upon her removing the body at ones,” arked the reporter, whe hal overheard the conversation. “Because we have a good deal of trouble with cases of this kind,” replied the orderly. “I don't believe these people will remove the body. Not that they don’t want ta, but they are too poor to bury it. In all likelihood they will go around among their neighbors, and perhaps to the alderman and assemblyman of their district. and try to raise enough money to pay the funeral expenses. Perhaps they will succeed, but the chances are they won't. You see, their neighbors aro likely to be no richer than they are, and while they might be willing enough to help them, it's probable they won't beable to. As for the politicians, they have a good many calls on their charity, you know. “It frequently happens that the relatives of poor people who die here come and get the certifieates, promising to remove the Dodie and then never come back. They are unable come back. The worst part of it is that they keep the certificates, which requires us to make eut duplicates and go through a lot of red tape to explain why duplicates were necessary. Bome of these cases are very sad. The rela- tives know when they get the certificates that it will be practically impossible for them to use them, but they hope for some stroke of luck to enable them to raise the money. I have fre- quently been surprised at the feeling shown by people against allowing the city to bury their relatives. Men and women who are usually in- different to sentiment, and whose lives are most wretched and hardened, will go to any lengths to keep the bodies of friends and rela. tives from potter's field and the medical col- leges. They have a special horror of the iatter. “Some of the relatives don't deserve so much sympathy. They are young toughs and get the certificates to display to their friends. It ie mere vanity with them, They usually know, too, that they cause us trouble, and they rather ‘enjoy that.” ie Locked in a Safe for an Hour. From the Chicago Tribune. Paui Gore of the Grand Pacific Hotel was locked in « fireproof vault in the hotel office for baif an hour Wednesday afternoon. It all came about, es Paul Gore himself explains, “through trying to be too gay.” Late in the afternoon = was received : “Thermometer 60 de- grees below zero here today." Mr. Videl read aloud the end of the dispatch and there was a turning up of coat collars and audible shivers from the people who heard it. Paul Gore was standing near. “Tl jase fix myself now for this cold wave,” he said. and seizing a small gas stove he carried it into the fireproof vault and slammed the in- side door behind him. There was a click as the door swung shut. A minute later there was 8 pounding on the steel door. Vi the vault and he beard faintl; to sake, t that door o Me. Vidal tried to locked How Men’s Fashions Have Changed in a Hundred Years. ANENT SHORT BREECHES. Shall We Adopt Some Points of the Costume of 1793?—How the Change Might Be Ef- fected—The Women Growing Gayer and the Men More Incengrucas. epee ‘From the Clothier and Furnisher. HERE Is BUT A small difference ‘twixt the swell of 1898 and the dandy of less than fifty years ago, as wit ness the two illustra- tions, 1898 and 1843. Save for an especial air of elegance in the earlier portraiture — for the waist is drawn tightly in the coat, not, bow- ever, with stays, but to the true figure of the wearer—and the skirts of the flare type, that impart @ smart look to the costume, and the fall sleeves, that give a distingue touch, the two coats are on similar lines. er back we find a court costume of the most distinguished and manly character. The vogue of the last decade of the past century showed the men of that epoch fine types, and history has so chron- | icled it. Something ‘might be done with thir | costume, The pantaloons which button at or are tied about the ankle, and were of the heavy white buckskin, could be succeeded by knee- He was very poorly dressed, as was | to raise the funeral expenses and are afraid to | breeches in some approved material. The high rolling collar and the long tails of the coat are ae ~ < ity TopaT—1893, closely in feeling with the costumes worn by the fair sex at the important social functions. This ix w costume worn by one of the embassy of either the English or French nation to the United Sates. It is a product of 1793—just 100 years ago. During the reign of Louis XVI of France the skirt coat was worn in the richest of fabrics, The cut of the garment was made so that it should not quite meet in front, in order to dis play the richly befowered ‘or embroidered | waistcoat: there were no lapels, the upright collar being richly embellished with gold thr: d there were pockets at the waist on each side, with large flaps as part of the decoratior Powdered wigs, breeches, silk hose and low shoes with buckles completed theensemble. It was indeed the era of brocade, and the court festivals of royalty were upon a scale of rich- | ness and beauty, in respect to the lavish ¢ | penditare for costumes and personal ador | ment of both sexes, that has never since been equaled. ‘The skirt coat of Louis XVI marked an era of pompand pageantry, when Sedan chairs were the equipaes of the aristocracy, and when to transcend one of the settled forms of etiquette meant social disgrace and ostr cism, When the people rose finally, goaded by the extravagance and indolence of’ the aristocrats, and the royalists were driven ont of France in 1798, the revolutionssts decided to make a | change, not only in the forms of government, bat also in the costumes and dress of the people. It was natural to suppose that, under republican conduct of the affairs of state, a 4 i Bi 1843—rirry YEARS aco. simplicity of dress would be observed. Not #0 with the Jacobites. The cunning leaders were | aware that the volatile character of the people must be appeased with something in the nature of glitter or tinsel in attire. Upset one theory of tinery for them, and they will invoke another! This bi been the case in France, anddoubtices always will be. The plan Was accordingiy adopted, to bold the masses to the new standard by pandering to their vanity, in inculeating ‘the ‘oue-man-as-good-as- another” principle, and urging them to outdo royalty in ite paimiest days. It was a shrewd move, and one advocated by Robespierre, who was himself an exquisite of the most advanced type. It was, moreover, palpable instance of dress being’ utilized as a factor of diplomacy in one of the political crises of a nation famous for its attention to detail in costume. Danton and Marat were by no means pleased with the frippery of their confrere, but they recognized the efficacy of ite adoption, and garbed themselves after the de- creed mn, thongh in a more subjugated form, The new scheme of dress was a direct meta morphosis from the embroidered square-cut conta, knee breeches and powdered wi royalty to the high-collared, Jong-tailed, big-lapeled coat of ibe rho also adopted pantaloons worn extending to the ankle, high i loaf hate and ribbons at the knee. tight and ) Sugar terview while he signaled the guillotine, is « Sgure mel Pry lye nes nique even in the dramatic history of France c.|A CENTURY OF STYLES WHAT CAN RE DOXE FOR A CHANGE. fo much for the olden; now on with the new! Whe « rare pictare thet was in “Merry Gotham" last season at the Lyceum! The men in red coate at the bunt ball; the formation of the cotillion chain ap and around the grand stairway; and the women radiant in gorgeous evening costames. The smdience, com, of the best element of New York gilded youth and fair debutantes— aa gre ngs on pa ee a curtain uj in am 2 on The girls wont home with the biack-tailed m0® and sighed. And the men in their apartments threw off their pen-shaped, comber-hued coats of the beet permissibie “good form,” and swore 1793—100 yRaRs ago. ‘What are you going to do about it? ‘The wos men are growing gayer in their full dress babite and the men are growing more incongruous, Aw to the gowns the fetching, winsome cons ceits that stirred the pulses of the fashionable of our own land more than fifty years ago— ther are growing more beautiful. “The clawe hammered nondescript of 1893 is gradually being pushed out of the pictorial focus, One need not go to England for a fashion, and never to France (where the effeminacy once reigned), nor to Brummell’s time, when all waa are the good old American days in beaux of the period were in short clothes, chime the ewitter time of the cotillion, some equally picturesque and inberently masculine dress for the men, that should make them a biendable part of the social tableaux, and whi Dey should take off after the night's jollities, don- hing on the morrow the practical garb of these times, with a lighter heart for having been pie- torial. Search back in the family records and seek out the ancestral portraits since the colonial days. There are plenty of epochs to draw upon. Washington in knee breeches is the first recollection of this nation. Have the evening dress of national extraction. There is nothing effeminate in long stockings. Some of the bravest, best, bluest-blooded Americans wore them in battle with leggings, and danced im them at the county ball. ‘The swells, if they want these changes, must setabout it themselves. Let them look up the A FINE TEPE POR SHORT CLOTERS. history of their countr¥ m the matter of coe turae. The every-day costume today repre- seuis an epoch of years ago, did they bat it, Tho frock coat with wide long skart, bell hats, with tighter trousers, rich-looking’ and meshed-up effects in scarfs. reproduce the fine types of which an illustration of the vogue ts here given. Men of good size and carriage should start the crusade. The interest in athletics of late bas kept ap the figures of the men of the 400. The athletic claba, with the boxing gloves, foils and out- door sports; the collegiate course and the inci- dental training; the hunting field, tennis court — all the sports of the four seasons—have de- veloped the sinews that keep them free throughout the exhaustive hours of the social season, Such is tho situation and such the opporta- nities. I have no desire more than for a bet- terment of the men's apparel scheme, and would prefer the surants of swelldom that have so skillfully steered the course in fashionable attire to lead the way. BNOBOCRACY. ‘There is a reason for everything that is right in the fashions. There is philosophy in the fashions. The oracle rarely predicts and never issuce edicts as to what the fashions will but be watches the tendencies of the times a prognosticates from them with what bas proves, unvaried success upon the details and em semble in men's dress, ry fy 5 Ant g & ra] ft g | F ig i i Dvsteas an i