The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 14, 1935, Page 3

Detroit C.P. BROWDER ON LABOR PARTY Striker Slain | Urges Unity On Austria Party Asks Socialist te Hold Joint Meeting to Honor Heroes DETROIT, Mich. Feb. 13—A Droposal for a united front meeting ® honor of the heroic Austrian workers who were killed last Feb- ruary fighting Austrian fascism was sent today to the Socialist Party here by the Communist Party. The full text of the letter fol- Call Published Socialist Party of Wayne County, Detroit, Michigan. Dear Comrades: The “New Leader” of Saturday, Feb. 9, contains a call reprinted from the ‘“Arbeiter Zeitung,” organ of the Austrian Socialists, ad- dressed: “To the workers of the world, to all parties of the Labor and Socialist International, and the Communist International.” call, in part, reads: “For the first anniversary of the February struggle we have joined together in a revolutionary united front. the Sehutzbund, in deep solidarity with our best comrades who are confined in the fascist prisons, we have put aside the unhappy fratri- cidal warfare and formed a union for action, in the conviction that fascism can only be defeated by a united working class determined to act in a revolutionary manner.” Demonstrations Urged The call continues and urges that demonstrations be held in behalf of the Austrian workers for the fol- lowing demands: “Release all working class pris- | oners. “Stop the scandal of the concen- tration camps! “Restore the political and eco- nomic rights and liberties of the workers! “Oppose ments!” The Communist Party is arrang- ing a mass meeting to remember the Vienna heroes and in support of this appeal, but we think it ap- propriate, especially on this occa~ sion, that a joint meeting be held between the Socialist and Commu- nist Parties for these demands. We should like to hear from you as to the possibility of such a joint meet- in imperialist war arma- ig. We would appreciate a very early reply. Fraternally yours, COMMUNIST PARTY OF US.A., MICHIGAN DISTRICT. (Sgd.) Wm. Weinstone, Secretary. ) WHAT’S ON Philadelphia, Pa. Labor Defender Concert and Dance Friday, Feb. 22 at Ambassador Hall, 1704 N. Broad St.; Nedie Chilkovsky in a series of revolutionary dances; well known violinist; entire Prethett Gesang Ferein chorus; _ excellent dance orchestra. Adm. at door, 30¢; in advance through organizations 35c. Tickets at 49 N. 8th St., Room 207. Scott Nearing, just returned from Europe und the Soviet Union, will lecture on Fascism and Communism on Saturday, Feb. 28 at 8:30 p.m. at the Olympia Arena, Broad St., below Bainbridge. Adm. 35c. Hard Times Dance. Arranged by the Fretheit Gesangs Farein, Saturday, Feb. 16 at Martins Hall, 1033 Girard Ave. Big Dance Orchestra. Wonderful! Bar, plenty of tun. Adm. 2c. Come in your working clothes and bring all the victims of the depression to the dance. Young Liberators giving s tance, Friday, Feb. 18, at Carioca Hall, Sth below Garden. Good Orchestra. Newark, N. J. Greatest affair in the history of Newark Revolutionary Movement. Mareh 17th Date Reserved. Organ- izations arrange no affairs on this date. Auspicee Internationa! Labor Defense, New Jersey District. Chicago, Il. Organizations Attention! The Inter- Rational Workers Order of Chicago is celebrating its 5th Anniversary at the Ashland Auditorium, Feb. A 6:80 p.m. to 2 a.m. An excellent pro- gram has been arranged. Kindly keep this date open. Theatre Collective Chauve Souris. ‘Three-Hour Program of Theatre, Music and. Dance, following by dancing to 3 a.m., Saturday, Feb. 16 at 8:30 p.m. at People's Auditorium, 2487 W. Chicago Ave. Adm. 35c; 100 tekets at 5c. Professor Scott Nearing will speak on “The Soviet Union in World Af- fairs,” Priday, Feb. 15th, at Medical Arts Center. Auspices F.8.U. Boston, Mass. Bazaar; Tonight, Thursday, ers’ Clubs and Women’s Night. Concert by Freiheit Gesengs Ferein. Other features. New Inter- national Hall, 42 Wenonha St., Rox- ury. John L. Spivak expose “Fascist Con- spiracies in the United States” Sun- dey afternoon, Feb. 17, 2 p.m. Frank- lin Park Theatre, 618 Blue Hill Ave., Dorchester. Ausp. A.W.F. and Inter- national Bookshop. Rockford, IIl. Program given by County Comm. of Unemployment Councils, Sunday, Feb. 17, 4 p.m. at S.M.8.F. Hall, 1019 3rd Ave. D. E. Earbey will speak. Ad- mission 18¢. Detroit, Mich. Film & Photo League offers course in Elementary Photography b Friday, Feb. 15 at 701 Charlevoix Bldg. Classes every Friday evening for 12 weeks. Tuition for course $2, with laboratory experiments, or $1 for lectures only. Limited number of students can be accomedate. Work- Chicago e@ THEATRE COLLECTIVE presents CHAUVE SOURIS NEWSBOY ae DISARMAMENT FIVE OTHER PLAYS MUSIC COLLECTIVE DANCE ART COLLECTIVE Dancing to 3 A. M. Sponsored by > aie Collective SATURDAY. FEB. 16 (Curtain at 8:30 sharp) PEOPLE'S AUDITORIUM 2487 W. Chicago Ave. Adm. 8c, This In memory of our martyrs, | in memory of the heroic fighters of | we DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1935 | Full Text of St. Nicholas Palace Speech, Feb. 10 | Following is the full text of the speech of Earl Browder, general secretary of the Communist Party, | U. S. A, om “The Communist | Position on the Labor Party Question,” in St. Nicholas Palace, New York, Sunday, Feb. 10: | Fellow Workers and Friends: The Communist Party is now dis- |cussing the change in tactics pro- | posed by its Central Committee on | |the question of a Labor Party. | Atter five years in which we op- posed all proposals to make the |Labor Party a practical issue, we have now changed this negative |attitude, we now come forward as the advocates of a Labor Party to be built upon the basis of federat- ing the trade unions and other workers’ mass organizations, on a platform of the immediate issues of the class struggle. We make no change in principle |in the Party line, Our approach re- mains the same as that formulated in the Sixth World Congress, in | 1928, which, on the proposal of Stalin, resolved unanimously: “On the question of the organ- | izing of a Labor Party, the Con- | gress resolves: That the Party concentrate its attention on the work in the trade unions, on or- ganizing the unorganized, ete., | and in this way lay the basis for | the practical realization of the slogan of a broad Labor Party organized from below.” This decision registered the fact |that the issue of a Labor Party, as a practical mass question, had at that time passed into the back- |ground. Since 1929, any attempt jat a Labor Party could only have | resulted in, either a new appendage to the old parties of the bourgeoisie, or else a mere substitute for the Communist Party with its weak- |Messes and none of its strength. New Mass Party Looms The events of 1934 begin to place | this question in a new light. Mass | disintegration of the old two-party system has begun. A new mass party, to the left of and in opposi- | tion to Roosevelt, will in all proba- bility occupy the foreground by the |time of the 1936 presidential elec- | tions. For the opportunists and rene- gades, this is the end of the ques- |tion, but for us this is only the be- |ginning. For them this develop- ment is welcomed because it con- |tains within itself the opportunity to find substitutes for the Commu- nist Party, find means to lead the masses away from class struggle |into class collaboration; find the channel to.dead those who break |away from one bourgeois party im- mediately into another essentially |the same. We Communists look for precisely the opposite elements of the situation, we seek to make the to lead these’ masses onto the path of class struggle, to break the power of the class-collaboration leader- ship, to bring the working class face |to face with the problem of State Power, the problem of which class shall wield this power. Thus in no way do we bring for- ward the Labor Party as a substi- tute for the Communist Party. For us, it is merely a part of our strug- gle to build and strengthen the Communist Party itself among the masses, to extend its authority, to root its principles, tactics and or- ganization deeper among the masses. We stress this even more today, precisely because life itself places the Labor Party as a prac- tical question of the moment: pre- cisely because we are now pledging our readiness to actively participate in the establishment of a Labor that the Communist Party is the indispensable weapon of the work- ing class, without which it can neither fight successfully for its im- mediate needs nor find the way out socialist society. Education by Experience To successfully bring those millions now being disillusioned about the New Deal, over fully to the revolutionary path, is, however, & process that can only be com- pleted over a period in which their own experience teaches them, and in which the persistent, unwaver- ing, growing work of the Commu- nist Party completes their educa- tion, Every day brings new evidence of the extremely rapid breaking of the old political bonds. Events of the past two weeks are of historic im- portance in this respect. Roose~ velt’s decision in the Jennings case, in which he threw the government on to the side of the newspaper publishers and against the News- paper Guild (incidentally forgetting in most cynical fashion, his direct demagogic promises to the officers of the Guild) was the first open repudiation of the demagogy which has become famous as the National Run Around. Heywood Broun, president of the Guild, coined a clever bon-mot when, commenting on this decision, he said: newspaper owners cracked down on the President, and the President cracked-up.” But this wise-crack could not hide the fact that what really cracked-up was Broun’s illu- an about Roosevelt and the New It had become impossible any longer te maintain the fiction that Roosevelt’s administration is aiding, or wishes to aid the labor move- ment; the fact has emerged before the eyes of millions that Roosevelt heads the offensive of monopoly capital in its determination to save profits at the cost of the degrada- tion of the life of the masses. The Auto Code Issue Broun, who used to write lauda- tions of Roosevelt in his column in the Scripps-Howard newspapers, who regularly reproved the Commu- nists for their “short-sighted” op- position to and exposure of Roose- velt and the New Deal, is silenced on these questions in his column, since his new “revelation.” His “freedom of the press” was break with the old parties mean a | beak with the bourgeoisie, we seek | Party, all the more must we insist | of capitalist oppression into the new | “The | EARL BROWDER | | | freedom only to praise Roosevelt. !and damn the Communists, As a | trade union executive whose organ- | ization has felt the heel of Roose- | | velt’s boot on its face, he must find jother channels for his protests. Broun’s education is important only ; | because it typifies a similar process | going on in the minds of millions. | Roosevelt’s renewal of the auto- mobile code and the Wolman Board, ; which even William Green and the | A. F. of L. Council did not dare go along with any longer, even though | they were jointly responsible with Roosevelt, for its establishment last March, has brought the whole ques- | tion to a head. Green himself is | forced to repeat the words of the | Communist Party, that the New | Deal is introducing fascism. Just a} month after the Communist Party announced its present Labor Party | policy, Green finds it necessary to | “threaten” Roosevelt with the pros- | pect of a Labor Party led by the A. F. of L. Executive Council. Such a |threat by Green cannot frighten | Roosevelt very much, knowing as he | does by practical experience, the narrow limits of the “fighting” | ability of these “leaders,” but be- | hind that is the more real threat of |a Labor Party over the heads of | | Green & Co,, just as the real strike threat is never that voiced by the/| | A. F. of L, leaders, but that which | threatens to go over their heads, | At the 53rd Convention of the A. | F. of L., the Communists called for |the withdrawal of all trade union | representation in the New Deal! ‘committees and Labor Boards; we} | were denounced as impossibilists | and disrupters, by Green, by Thom- | as, by Lovestone. Today Green andj | company are forced to take the path | | we pointed out then, or stand for-| lever discredited before their mem- | | bership. A Danger and an Opportunity The open bankruptcy of the A. F. of L,-Socialist Party leadership's | policy toward the New Deal, creates | lat once the most serious danger of | | destruction of the trade union) movement by the sharpened capi-| Before that is done, we want all the| talist attack, and at the same time political-class issues involved in the | the opportunity to revive the trade | | unions with a new policy and a new | clearly before the masses; we want| Age and Soc! jleadership. Equally important, it) to give the masses the opportunity | HR, 2827, last Thu: | opens wide the doors of the labor | | movement for the development of a | real mass Labor Party. The change | | for a deep-going regeneration of the trade unions is exemplified, above | all, by the most promising and healthy rank and file movement | that has arisen among the steel | | workers in the Amalgamated Asso- | \ciation of Iron, Steel, and Tin) | Workers, which the officials are) combatting with terrorism and mass | | expulsions. | | Not a single argument, of the! slightest plausibility, can longer be) raised, in the light of these events, against the decision on Labor Party | policy adopted by the Central Com- | mittee of the Communist Party. Al- ready it has been endorsed by the) | overwhelming majority of our mem- | \bership, without a single vote! | against it, and with only a few) | scattering abstentions. What re-| | mains, however, is the mastering of | the thousands of detailed problems | involved in carrying this policy out | in life. It depends upon our prac- | tical work to decide what this pol- iey will look like in life. The major problem connected with the Labor Party, is the fight | to prevent the mass movement of | millions, breaking away from the | old parties, to be drawn into the channels of a third capitalist party, a “progressive” party of the LaFol- lette type. Two Opposing Forces There does not yet exist a clearly- defined Labor Party movement. | There is only the beginning mass break-away, within which a strug- gle is going on between two main class forces. These two forces are those who, on the one hand, will moye heaven and earth to prevent this movement going beyond the limits of the fundamental interests | of monopoly capital, of profits and private property in the means of production; and, on the other hand, those who would throw this move- ment into struggle against capital for the preservation and improve- ment of living standards at the cost of profits and private property of the rich. Our main political task among the million-masses is to bring out clear- ly these two antagonistic class forces, to differentiate the general movement into these two main camps, to raise the issues of this struggle so sharply and clearly that the millions can see and under- stand, and to secure thereby the de- feat. and isolation of the leaders who are the agents of capital in this movement, trying to direct it into channels harmless to Wail Street. The leaders and groups which typify the pro-capitalist tendency, are the LaFollettes, the Upton Sin- clairs, the Olsens, the Huey Longs: they are being joined by that part of the Socialist Party leadership typified by Louis Waldman and the right-wing New York Commiitée; William Green threatens to join them, and may even be forced to do 80 before long. But it is clear that @ party dominated by such a leader- ship, even if it called itself a Labor Party, would only be another edition of the LaFollette movement of 1924, | | which in a previous period of up- heaval led the movement off into a blind alley, betrayed it, and dis- persed it. Two Dangers Against such a party, organized from above by such leaders and controlled by them, the Communists must fight, allying ourselves with all loyal fighters for a Labor Party of struggle against capital In this struggle, we must guard against two deviations, two errors, which will appear again and again, in all sorts of disguises, First, is the error of narrowing down the broad class-struggle section of the movement only to its revolutionary wing, to those who accept the class struggle clear up to and { ding the revolutionary overthrow of capi- talism and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Against such a narrow- ing tendency we must fight, de- manding the fullest united front of |all who are ready for the militant fight for the immediate demands of | the workers, for support to the trade union struggles, strikes. etc.; for the Workers’ Unemployment, Old Age and Social Insurance Bill 2827); for Negro rights, for civil \rights generally, against developing fascism and war, and for a Labor Party democratically controlled from below, Beyond these basic items, there should be no further test of loyalty to a real Labor Party, except the actual carrying out of a disci- | plined and organized fight for these things. The second error, or deviation, which must be guarded against, is that of compromising with, or fail- ing to struggle against the enemy camp within the general mass movement, with the top trade union | bureaucracy, with the LaFollettes, the Olsens, the Sinclairs, the Longs, the Waldmans. The Labor Party is not, for us Communists, a means of making peace with these gentle- men, but on the contrary a means to make more effective war, to de- feat them and isolate them from the masses, Unless this dominates all our thought and activity, we will be certain to make damaging, op- ly betray the interests of the masses, Initiative of Communists To what extent do we propose that the Communists shall take initiative in bringing about the for- mation of such a Party as we en- dorse? We propose the fullest im- mediate initiative by all Commu- nists, everywhere, in raising this question, discussing it among the masses, and bringing the organi- zations to adopt resolutions of sup- port for such a movement, thus creating the solid foundation to bring such a party into existence. We do not propose to initiate at once a movement to organize such a Labor Party on a national scale, party and its program to be raised of an intelligent choice between the class-struggle line we propose, and the class-collaboration line of the enemy camp. It is the opportun- ists, the reformists, the conscious social-fascists, who want to rush quickly into the organizational crys- tallization of the Labor Party from the top, on a national scale, before the masses below have had a chance to prepare themselves for an effec- tive participation in deciding the character and form of the Party. We, on the contrary, base our- selves upon the masses in the lower organizations, in the localities. And in the localities we find many places lere the issues are more clear, the movement more matured, than is true on a national scale. In all such localities, the moment the time seems to be ripe, we urge all who follow us, to join in taking the ini- tiative for the formation of a local Labor Party of the sort we have described. A measure of ripeness for such a move is to be seen in whether or not the majority, or a consider- able section, of the local trade unions and other workers’ organi- zations, are ready for participation in the movement. Communists Stay on Ballot The question is being asked, would the formation of a local or State! | Labor Party means that the Com- | |Munist Party would disappear from the ballot, would cease to conduct | its own independent campaign. The answer to this is, NO, by no means, The Communist Party, participat- ing in such a Labor Party, would Tegister its own ticket on the ballot, placing in nomination the same can- didates who are named by the Labor Party as a whole, It would con- duct ifs independent campaign,, urging all workers to vote the Labor ticket, and urging all who agree with the necessity to strengthen the revolutionary section to vote Labor through the Communist list, which contains the same names, This technique of elections is com- monplace in American election pro- cedure, which time and again has seen the same candidates appear on different tickets. This is done even among the big capitalist parties; thus, in California last November, Hiram Johnson was nominated on Republican, Democratic and Com- monwealth tickets. The technique these gentlemen use for their own opportunist, capitalist aims, we can appropriate for our own revolution- ary needs. Basis in the Unions The key to the breakaway of the masses from the Roosevelt New Deal is in the economic struggles, in the trade unions. The present struggles in auto and steel are the center, and give the type. of the process which we must hasten, further de- velop, and guide into correct chan- nels, It is therefore clear that all achievements in the fight for a Labor Party will, in the first place, depend upon fearless, energetic, and (A, R,! Page 3 By a Scab | In Georgia Agent of Richmond Mill | Owners Kills Father of 6 Children ROSSVILLE, Ga., Feb. 13 (FP) — Striker Columbus Walker lay in ri coffin with his stomach blown out, and his wife, expecting her seventh | child soon, sat by the kitchen stove | rocking and crying. President Franklin D. Roosevelt smiled down on the family from the large calen- dar on the wall above the dead | Striker’s head. } Columbus Walker, jovial and mil- | itant, had been active in the Rich- | mond Hosiery Mill strike. The day | before, a bright Sunday morning, jhe had been sent for by Talmadge | Lindsey, who had been scabbing but said he wanted to get back into the union. Corbett Davis, a union mem- ber, went along. Walker knocked— and was answered by shotgun fire, which tore his stomach out, Davis, dumbfounded. stood looking at the | dying man. The second barrel was fired into Davis’ chest. He may live. “Take up the work where I left it.” was the murdered striker's last request. Five thousand work- ers from Rossville and Chatta- nooga went to his funeral. Was War Vet | Blood - soaked discharge papers showed that Walker had taken part | in five major battles fought by the Rainbow Division during the World War Until a few weeks before the mur- der, Lindsey had been a trusted member of the union, The day be- fore he killed Walker, Lindsey sent word that he would like to rejoifi| the union, and wanted Charlie Puckett, local organizer for the United Textile Workers of America, Bill Frazier, president of the local |hosiery union, and Walker to come to his house Sunday morning and talk the situation over. All three are leaders, Puckett and Frazier were busy, so Walker took Davis | along with him. | Carried Home Gun | The night before Chattanooga po- | |lice had seen Lindsey carrying home |® shotgun, which he had gotten! | portunist mistakes which objective- |{T0™ the foreman of the mill. | Lindsey turned himself and his | j released shotgun over to the depu- | tized guards at the mill gate, and retained lawyer George W. Cham- \lee, chief stockholder and Richmond | Hosiery Mill attorney, to defend him. | ‘T. Arnold Hill Supports 2827 Tn Washington WASHINGTON, D. C., Feb. 13.— Speaking before the House Com- |mittee on Labor at the hearings on ithe Workers Unemployment, Old ial Insurance Bill, rsday, T. Arnold | Hill, representing the National Ur- | |ban League, told the sub-committee | jthat he supported the measure be- | cause “it includes farmers and do- | mestic and personal service workers. | These two groups are the most in- | secure of all American workers. - So far as Negroes are con- cerned, this bill takes the profits out of strikebreaking. Negro work- ers have broken strikes because it | jwas frequently the only way they | had of making a living... . Now with the security of unemployment | benefits, they will not be forced to break down the standards of or- |ganized labor by going in to work at [Wages that are lower than the average local or trade union wage.” Maxwell 8, Stewart, associate editor of the Nation, a liberal weekly, declared that the Workers’ Bill “would protect the worker who | is on part-time as well as those who are wholly unemployed.” William Leader, president of the American Federation of Hosiery Workers of Philadetphia, an organi- zation of 12,000 workers. whole- |heartedly endorsed the Workers Bill as opposed to the Roosevelt Admin- \istration’s and the A. F. of L. of- ficialdom’s Wagner-Lewis Bill. At- | tacking the administration measure, ihe said, “Any form of unemploy- |ment insurance that takes a year to go into effect, once it is passed, | that includes only special groups of |workers, that makes no provision for the protection of trade union standards such as the Wagner- Lewis Bill, which 1s under consid- eration, is of little value to us.” | correct work, in the unions of the A. F. of L., upon the leadership of | economic struggles, and especially the strike movement. Our Labor Party policy, therefore, depends | |upon, and is an outgrowth of, our general trade union policy and prac- tice. The changes in this field, which we are now completing after a year of cautious experiment and testing of our ground, have proved | their correctness up to the hilt, have kept us among and at the head of the most important mass struggles and movements, The Party mem- bership has already mastered most of the lessons of this changed trade union policy. It will more quickly master the Labor Party policy in all its details, when it understands this as only a further extension of the trade union policy, of the whole struggle for the united working class | front against capital. In this report I have outlined the Labor Party policy of the Central Committee, discussed a few of its most complicated phases, and placed its relation to the development of events and the companion-policies of our Party. Further elaboration will, I think, be most fruitful in the form of extended questions and an- swers, To this, the answering of all concrete questions raised from the floor of this meeting, we propose to devote the main time at cur disposal tonight, a JINITED FRONT FOR WAR UNITED FRONT in German te French Arms Trust—“We always know how to work together.” Me Niohon and Tobin Still Whitewash the As New Deal Spreads Hunger By Carl Reeve While William Green, on behalf of the Executive Council of t! American Federation of Labor. making statements in Washington severely critical of the N.R.A, and its codes, other A. F. of L, leaders, in contrast to Green’s words, con- | tinue to uncritically praise the/ NR. A. William Green, in the conference with Roosevelt, said that the effects of the codes have “shocked and dis- illusioned” the workers and their resentment is “growing.” He at- tacked the wage and hours provi- Sions of the auto and tobacco codes, | and the actions of the Auto Labor Board against the unions. He de- manded the amendment of Roose- velt’s Works Bill, and attacked the| low wage provisions of this bill. | Pressure Moves Green The mass discontent and dis lusionment of the workers wit results of the N.R.A. has pre: | William Green and the Executive | Council of the A. F. of L. to criticize the N.R.A. and Roosevelt decisions. | Other A. F. of L. leaders such as| Tobin and MacMahon, using a dif- ferent method, continue to give| blanket endorsement to Roosevelt and the N.R.A. without criticism. The policy of Green and the Ex- ecutive Council of “non-partisan” Political action—of endorsement of Roosevelt and the New Deal of class | collaboration, of acceptance of the! employer controlled labor boards, their refusal to prepare strikes, their prevention of strike, have brought jon these bad conditions and. enabled the N.R.A. and Roosevelt to put over the employers New Deal program Now Green, criticizing the N.R.A.| DB" and Rocsevelt’s decision, must an-| swer the demand of the workers for | some action. Hither a break with | the traditional class collaboration, no strike policies, either preparation of strike struggles, or continuation of the old reactionary cooperation with the employers. This is the choice before Green. Now Green| concretely proposes only some tin- kering with the N.R.A. and more representation on N.R.A. boards, | which means a continuation of fait! in the employers’ politicians, which | means that the workers are not| bomg rapidly mobilized by Green to act against Roosevelt's open shop | drive. Tobin Eulogy of N. R. A. Here is how Daniel Tobin, vice | president of the A. F. of L. and/ jjes of | head of the Teamsters Union, un- pletely dis | critically praises the N.R.A. (Feb. | Sources of Teamsters Magazine) | " “We hear a great many com- plaining about the fact that they cannot get immediate relief for their grievance in Washington when they send their case to either | the local N. R. A. board or to other Washington boards handling grievances. Let me say this: that | the same conditions existed dur- | ing the war when the life of the | nation was at stake, that the gov- | ernment is doing everything it possibly can, and the working people are apt te become more | unreasonably critical and impa- | tient. Kindly hear this in mind, | that less than two years ago we | had no N.R.A, and we had no boards locally or nationally to take \ up grievances where employers discharged men for belonging to unions, Now at least we have something, Some day it will be improved. Don’t always be growl- ing against everything.” | Tobin, in this magazine, not only defends the N.R.A. without criticism but also attacks the locals of his own union which are working in a) united front for higher wages and} for unemployment insurance; de- fends the white guards who are try- ing to foment war against the So- viet Union, and puts forward the, policy of expulsion of Communists and other militant workers from the unions, MacMahon Blames Lobbyists Thomas MacMahon, president of | the United Textile Workers Union, | also in contrast to Green, heaps praises on Roosevelt’s acts without reservation or criticism, MacMahon | |said in the January “Textile! | Worker” that “a group of employers, | constituting such a small portion of the population of our country,” are in a “position to defy the president | of our country and the administra- | tin in Congress.” MacMahon paints a picture of extreme want and “dire poverty.” He declares, “The present administration wants to do some- | thing, but impediments are being | placed in the way by the well-paid |lovbyists in Washington.” . | Prancis Gorman, actual leader of the U. T. W., while offering more | criticism of the N.R.A., would also | have the workers believe that their | | plight is due to a few “bad” em-! |ployers, who are “violating” the | N.R.A. and “disobeying” the Rooze- velt boards, Gorman says, for ex- N.R.A. Codes man who for the first done things that will eventual! lead to something better for labor. “My charges are made against the employers who are defying the wishes of the president's board.” In the December issue of the United Textile Worker, MacMahon said of Roosevelt, “I have every confidence in the committees appointed by Presi- dent Reosevelt. I believe they will decide fairly and according to factual evidence presented, either at hearings held in Washington or in various localities throughout the country, under the direction ef an impartial chairman ap- pointed by them. it for five minutes ident and retire without feeling that in the make- up of this splendid man, there is beating underneath his skin a heart that feels for suffering hu- manity and a brain that has within its many cells, solutions for the difficulties we have en- countered, are encountering, and will encounter in the future. Textile workers must have hope, God knows you have been pa- tient.” Build Waning Faith | American Federation of Labor leaders such as Tobin and Mac- Mahon and Tighe have drawn no lessons from the heavy blows struck by Roosevelt, against the A, F. of L unions and against waxe levels. have not been moved by ring Bi eapolis teamste: strike and the general textile str they do all they can to build up the waning faith of the workers in Roosevelt, in the N.R.A., in the La- bor Boards. Neither in words or deeds do they take note of the re- cent steps toward fascism of the Roosevelt government, which men- ace the very life of the labor or- ganizations. The U. T. W. official news sheet (Jan. Textile Worker) prints a lying attack on the Communists and on militant workers who take part in united front activities, in ridiculous fashion spinning crude yarns about the National Congress for Unem- Ployment Insurance being “an in- strument of the mill owners.” Mac- Mahon rakes up the aged and filthy hite guards, long since c: redited even by capital: “forced labor” in the So~ viet Union. Tobin gives $10,000 of the teamsters’ money to the democratic party to bolster the New Deal. Mike Tighe attempts to destroy the A. F. of L, steel union by his expulsion campaign. Communists Call for Unity The Communist Party from the beginning pointed out that the N.R.A. was the instrument of the employers, that Roosevelt has from the beginning carried out the orders of the empioyers. The Communist Party predicted that the policy of Green, since the N.R.A. began, of class collaboration, of preventing strikes and accepting employer | tenance men J 6MurrayAuto Workers Win Pay increase Strike of Maintenance Men in Same Plant Continues Solid By A. B. Magil Special to the Daily Worker DETROIT, Feb for nearly two weeks, st opped w demanded an incre: did not return till were pror morning a leaflet was nded out by a group in the metal next the maintenance nued solid and the walk- has affected the operation of r departments The Detroit District Committee of the Mechanics Educational So ciety of America, independent union of tool and diemakers, has issued a leaflet on the Murray strike which declares We also Council feel that the Dis Federa! Unions, h the M. E. &. A, eps to widen the scope rike wherever justified by joint membership or strike the unorganized. A. District Commit S upon the A. F. of L, to the co-operation of the A. F, teamst and taxi men to the Truscon Steel strike led by the M. E. S. A. in Cleveland “as a con- dition of aiding the maintenance men at Murray’s However, the Murray workers and not the top officiais are the ones carrying on the strike here, It is, therefore, certainly not to the of t interests of either the A. F. of L. or the M. E. S. A. members or the unorganized workers to make maintenance the Cl the men suffer veland teamsters, heir top officials, 0-operation. The who today are in of the automobile deserve the uncondit 1 support of the entire labor mo: ment It is to the interests of the M. E. S. A. to spread the strike and help win it Murray because Murray the vanguard workers. trolled arbitration boards, would worsen the conditions of the work- ers. The Communist Party, in its open letter to William Green, called for 4 united front of all workers in the A. F. of L. to build the A. F. of L, unions, particularly in the steel and auto industries, in order to prepare immediate strikes against Roosevelt’s company union, wage cutting de- cisions. The open letter of Communist Party points out danger of fascism, and declares “the whole trade union move: is in the most serions danger. unprecedented open shop drive w the backing of the government is new fully come into the open.” This open shop drive was aided by the fact that Green and Ex- ‘ive Council helped put 24 N.R.A., and supported the emp! er’s government of Roosevelt, which is directing the anti-labor drive. Now, the open letter to Green points out, every worker in the A, the | F. of L. must build the united front, must make a sharp break with tha traditional policy of Green of co- operation with the employers, must build the A. F. of L. unions into mass unions and prepare to strike against the attacks of the employ- ers and their government. The workers can now see that the policy of support of thesé capi- talist parties, Democratic and Re- publican, which have been supported by Tobin, MacMahon, Gorman and by Green, must be smashed, and that the workers must follow line of independent political act: of the work The workers are becoming disillusioned with the two old parties of the employers and are breaking away from them in ereasing numbers, sesing that th: N.R.A. has brought about starvation conditions. As the resolution of the Commu- nist Party Central Committee points cut, it is to the interest of the work- ers to build a labor party, based on the trade unions, which will fight for the demands of the working class and defend the workers’ living standards aga he assaults of the old parties of the employers. a 1 00 Brings You Copy of Hunger and Revolt: Cartoons by BURCK SPECIAL OFFER “HUNGER AND REVOLT: Cartoons by Burck” is now available only with the following subscription offers: Year’s sub and copy of 6 Months’ sub and copy of book... 3 Months sub and cony of book. book... .. Ye2r's Sat. sub and copy of book. Add 20 cents to Cover Postage (THESE PRICES DO NOT INCLUDE MANNATTAN AND THE BRONX) DAILY WORKER 50 East 13th Street New York, N. Y. Please enter my or Please renew my Worker for subscription subscription Daily I am enclosing $.. “HUNGER AND R: Name Street , Plus $1.20 for a copy of by Burck.” LT: Cartoons