The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 25, 1935, Page 3

WHAT GENERAL BU AT THE INQUIRY AND WHAT Clique Shows Roots of Role Which Led to Murder THE COMMITTEE SUPPRESSED DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JANUARY 25, 1935 Gen Butler was telling the Dickstein-McCormack Committee the story of the talk that MacGuire (Murphy’s man) had with him. tee published. In the right column is what Butler actually said—the supp mony being printed in bold face type. In the left column is what the Commit- ed testi- The Published Tealliniay: Then MacGuire said that he was the chairman of the distinguished-guest committee of the Amer- ican Legion, on Louis Johnson's staff; that Louis Johnson had, at MacGuire’s suggestion, put my name down to be invited as a distinguished guest of the Chicago convention. I thought I smelled a rat, right away—that they were trying to get me mad—to get my goat. I said nothing. “He (Murphy) is on our side, though, He wants to see the soldiers cared for.” Well, that was the end of that conversation. He (Clark) laughed and said, “That speech cost a lot of money.” Clark told me that it had cost him a lot of money. He thought it was a big joke that these fellows were claiming the authorship of that speech. I think there was one other visit to the house because he (MacGuire) proposed that I go to Bos- ton to a soldiers’ dinner to be given in my honor. He suggested that I go up to Boston to this dinner for the soldiers. He said, “We will have a private car for you on the end of the train. You will make a@ speech at this dinner and it will be worth a thousand dollars to you.” I said, “I never got a thousand dollars for mak- ing a speech.” He said, “You will get it this time.” “Who is going to pay for this dinner and this ride up in the private car?” “Oh, we will pay for it out of our private funds.” “Tam not going to Boston. If the soldiers of Massachusetts want to give a dinner and want me to come, I will come, But there is no thousand dollars in it.” So he said, thing else.” “Well, then, we will think of some- Then when he met me in New York he had Now, I cannot recall which one of these fellows told me about the rule of succession, about the Secretary of State becoming President when the Vice-President is eliminated. There was something said in one of the conversations that I had, that the President’s health was bad, and he might resign, and that Garner did not want it anyhow, and then this super-secretary would take the place of the Secretary of State and in the order of succession would become President. That was the idea. He said that they had this money to spend on it, and he wanted to know again if I would head it, and I said, “No, I was interested in it, but I would not head it.” He said, “When I was In Paris, my headquarters were Morgan & Hodges (Harjes). We had a meet- ing over there. I might as well tell you that our group is for you, for the head of this organization. Morgan & Hodges (Harjes) are against you. ‘The Morgan interests say that you cannot be trusted, that you are too radical, and so forth, that you are too much on the side of the little fellow; you cannot be trusted. They do not want you. But our group them that you are the only fellow in America can get the soldiers together. They say, ‘Yes, ut he wii get them together and to the wrong way.’ That is what they say if you take charge of them.” a What Butler Really Said: Then MacGuire said that he was the chairman of the distinguished-guest committee of the Amer- ican Legion, on Louis Johnson's staff; that Louis Johnson had, at MacGuire’s suggestion, put my name down to be invited as a distinguished guest of the Chicago convention; that Jehnsom had then taken this list, presented by MacGuire, of distin- guished guests, to the White House for approval: that Louis Howe, one of the secretaries to the Presi- dent, had crossed my name off and said that I was not to be invited—that the President would not have it. I thought I smelled a rat, right away—that they were trying to get me mad—to get my goat. I said nothing. “He (Murphy) is on our side, though. He wants to see the soldiers cared for.” “Is he responsible, too, for making the Legion a strikebreaking outfit?” “No, no. He does not control anything in the Legion now.” I said: “You know very well that it is nothing but a strikebreaking outfit used by capital for that purpose and that is the reason they have all those big club-houses and that is the reason I pulled out | from it, They have been using these dumb soldiers te break strikes.” He said: “Murphy hasn’t anything to do with that. He is a very fine fellow.” I said, “I do not doubt that, but there is some reason for his putting $125,000 into this.” Well, that was the end of that conversation. He (Clark) laughed and said, “That speech cost a lot of money.” Clark told me that it had cost him a lot of money. Now either from what he said then or from what MacGuire had said, I got the impression that the speech had been written by John W. Davis—one or the other of them told me that—but he thought that it was a big joke that these fellows were claiming the authorship of that speech. I think there was one other visit to the house because he (MacGuire) proposed that I go to Bos- ton to a soldiers’ dinner to be given by Governor Ely for the soldiers, and that I was to go with Al Smith. He said, “We will have a private car for you on the end of the train and have your picture taken with Governor Smith. You will make a speech at this dinner and it will be worth a thousand dol- lars to you.” I said, “I never got a thousand dollars for making @ speech.” He said, “You will get it this time.” “Who is going to pay for this dinner and this ride up in the private car?” “Oh, we will pay for it out of our funds. You will have your picture taken with Governor Smith.” I said, “I do not want to have my picture taken with Governor Smith, I do not like him.” “Well, then, he can meet you up there.” T said, “No, there is something wrong in this. There is no connection that I have with Al Smith, that we should be riding along together to a soldiers’ dinner. He is not for the soldiers, either, I am not going to Boston te any dinner given by Governor Ely for the soldiers. If the soldiers of Massachusetts want to give a dinner and want me to come, I will come, But there is no thousand dollars in it.” So he said, “Well, then, we will think of some- thing else.” I said, “What is the idea of Al Smith in this?” “Well,” he said, “Al Smith is getting ready to assault the Administration in his magazine, It will appear in a month or so. He is going to take a shot at the money question. He has definitely broken with the President.” I was interested to note that about a month later he did, and the New Outlook took the shot that he told me a month before they were going to take. Let me say that this fellow has been able to tell me a month or six weeks ahead of time everything that happened. That made him interesting. I wamted to see if he was going to come out right, Se I said at this time, “So I am going to be dragged in as a sort of publicity agent for Al Smith to get him to sell magazines by having our picture taken on the rear platform of a private car, is that the idea?” “Well, you are to sit next to each ‘other at dinner and you are both going to make speeches. You will speak for the soldiers without assaulting the Ad- ministration, because this Administration has cut their throats. Al Smith will make a speech, and they will both be very much alike.” I said, “I am not going. You just cross that out.” Then when he met me in New York he had another idea... . Now, I cannot recall which one of these fellows told me about the rule of succession, about the Sec- retary of State becoming President when the Vice- President is eliminated. There was something said in one of the conversations that I had either with MacGuire, or with Flagg, whom I met in Indianap- olis, that the President’s health was bad, and he might resign, and that Garner did not want it any- how, and then this super-secretary would take the place of the Secretary of State and in the order of succession would become President. He made some remark about the President being very thin-skinned and did not like criticism, and it would be very much easier to pin it on somebody else. He could say that he was above such routine matters and let the other fellow take care of it and then get rid of him if necessary. That was the idea. He said that they had this money to spend on it, and he wanted to know again if I would head it, and I said, “No, I was interested in it, but I would not head it.” He said, “When I was in Paris, my headquarters were Morgan & Hodges (Harjes). We had a meet- ing over there. I might as well tell you that our group is for you, for the head of this organization. Morgan & Hodges (Harjes) are against you. The Morgan interests say that you cannot be trusted, that you are too radical, and so forth, that you are too much on the side of the little fellow; you can- I said, “I do not think that you will get the soldiers to follow him, Jerry. He is in bad odor, be- cause he put on a uniform with medals to march down the streets in Washington. soldiers.” “Well, than, we will get Hanford MacNider. They Recent events accurately con- firm the historical clarity and foresight of Stalin’s analysis of the perspectives of the Trotzky- Zinoviev-Kamenevy group, made at the Fifteenth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on Dec. 3, 1927. Their counter-reyolutionary anti-Lenin- ist role, which led to despera- tion and ultimately to the assas- ination of Comrade Kirov by one of their clique, grows out of their fight against the construction of Socialism in the Soviet Union—a fight against the victory of the proletarian revolution, We reprint below sections of Comrade Stalin’s polemic against these elements who have now earned the defense of the Czarist White Guard and Fascist enemies of the Workers’ Fatherland: i Be ia By Joseph Stalin Firstly. The question of a possi- bility of a victorious Socialist con- struction of our country. I shall not go in detail into the docu- {ments and declarations of the op- position in this connection. They are known to all and it is unneces- |Sary to repeat them. It is obvious to all that the opposition denies the possibility. However, they pass im- mediately and openly to the posi- tion occupied by the Menshevists. Such an attitude on the part of the | opposition to this particular ques- tion is not new in the case of the present oppositional leaders. It was from this standpoint that Kameney and Zinoviev started when they re- | |fused to take part in the October |revolt. They then said expressly |that if we started the insurrection | we should be going to our ruin, that the premises for Socialism had not | yet ripened and would not ripen so soon. This same standpoint was | tainly be necessary to seize power, taken by Trotzky when he decided but that, supposing no help to be to take part in the insurrection. He | forthcoming from a victory of the | said openly that if a victorious rev- | workers in the West of Europe, it ‘olution in the West did not afford | was hopeless to think that revolu- us help very soon, it was foolish to | tionary Russia could hold its own imagine that the Russian revolu- | in the teeth of a conservative Eu- |tion could withstand against reac- | rope, and whoever did not believe tionary Europe. in Trotzky’s criticism was lacking Dragged Themselves In ion See eee you an extract from the said pam- | Andin what manner did Kamenev phlet of Trotzky: | and ey on the one hand and | “Without waiting for the others, Trotzky on the other hand eventu- |ally participate in the insurrection? | "® commence the fight and carry | This is a very interesting question it on within the limits of this |to which it is well worth while, country in the confident expecta- as okie few bead pla eeu tion that our initiative will give very wel comrades, hat it was i fae * only under pressure that’ Kamenev ihe sehia peicne tach vine Ss ser and Zinoviey took part in it at all. countries, If this should not be | Lenin drove them to it by threat- the case, it would be hopeless, as |ening to expel them from the Party. both history and our own theo- | Laughter, applause.) They had to retic calculations prove, to imag- | drag themselves into the revolt.| ine that revolutionary could withstand conservative Eu- | (Laughter, applause.) t oF ils free rope. To limit the prospects of aoe tape pen So without the Socialist revolution to na- will, but he did not do so without) ‘" a-certain reservation, which even ‘ional boundaries would mean |then brought him nearer to Ka- ‘?lling a victim to the same na- menev and Zinoviey, It is inter- ‘ional limitations that formed the esting that shortly before the Oc- rogram of the social patriots. tober Revolution, in July, 1917, (Trotzky, “1917." Vol. III, Part 1. Trotzky considered it appropriate to Page 90.) re-publish his own program. What This, comrades, tion of Trotzky, |phlet? It was a discussion with Lenin as to the possibility of a vic- tory of Socialism in one country, which idea of Lenin he considered wrong, affirming that it would cer- was the resery which in man; was the subject matter of this Pam- CONSUL AND HIS BACKER a I may here read | ways explains his present collabora- | tion with Kamenev and Zinoviev. And how did Lenin enter the rev- clution? What was the attitude of the Party? Also with a reservation? No, Lenin and his Party proceeded without the least reservations. Heve js an extract from the excellent article by Lenin, “The War Pro- gram of the Proletarian Revolu- tion,” published abroad in Septem- ber 1917. | “Socialism victorious in a single country by no means immediately obviates all further wars. On the contrary, it presumes them, The suppression of capitalism ensues very differently in the different countries, This cannot be other- wise in the case of commodity | production. Hence the irrefutable «Russia | conclusion that Socialism cannot win through simultaneously in all countries; it will succeed first in one country or in a certain num- ber of countries, and the other countries will for a time remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois. This will be the cause not only of con- flicts but also of the direct inten- tion on the part of the bourgeoisic of other lands to annihilate the | victorious proletariat of the So- cialist state. In such an eventual- ity, a war on our part would be necessary and justified. It would be a war for Socialism and for the emancipation of the other Peoples from the bourgeoisie. Wall Street’s Fascist Conspiracy Is Bared | By Marguecite Youhe” (Continued from Page 2) ican Federation of Labor cagily refused to recommend federal legisla- tion to make the Communist Party illegal on the plea that if the activities Mr. McCormack sought to curb were indeed “illegal,” then there was no necessity for legislation to make them “illegal”! Ob- | viously Mr. Green was mindful of the fact that his own recent demand for expulsion of Communists from A. F. of L, locals drew many sharp protests from workers. I asked Mr. MacCormack whether his committee made any study of the economic and political forces which underlie the superficial “shirt-movement” stunts they investigated in connection with Fascism. Again he answered “off-the-record.” And still again “off-the-record” When I asked him why, if he were interested in protecting “character reputation” he allowed Walter Steele of the open shop National Re- public, a magazine formerly linked with the Key Men of America, to tell the boogey-man story about a Communist plot to “kidnap the President”—in a public session—yet failed to ask the same Mr. Steele about his efforts to enlist chiefs of police in spying on militant labor leaders and Communists. A photostatic copy of the letter written by the “kidnap” man is presented elsewhere on page one of this issue. DICKSTEIN’S “INNOCENCE” Efforts to secure a clear explanation of the Committee's deliberate attempt to conceal, rather than to divulge, fascist activity in the United States, were fruitless when Congressman Dickstein was interviewed by the New Masses investigator. Congressman Dickstein played dumb, He “wished” he had known about the Warburg-Morgan financial hook-up, he said, because, "Td have called Murphy and Morgan and Warburg and anyone else in- volved.” He “didn’t have the time or money” to look into the American Liberty League angle of the Murphy-MacGuire conspiracy, though, on second thought, he “didn’t have time” to question Murphy. Asked why National Commander Belgrano of the Legion was excused from ‘testify- ing, he referred the query to Chairman McCormack. He “didn’t know” why the Committee never found out from Ralph Hasley of the Amer- iean Civic Federation—whom the Committee put on the stand to pour forth his stalest lies about the Communists—who financed the distribu- tion by Easley of an anti-semitic book Se ae by George medias The Published Teatimony: é together, gether and go the wrong way.’ fully censored record. tact, important.” Seamen Relief Strike Gairs Growing Suppo Unemployed seamen in New Or-! leans, Newport News, Baltimore, Charleston, Cleveland, the recent relief order taking them off relief and putting them on forced labor at one dollar a week plus flophouse food and lodging. In Houston and Newport News, the Waterfront Unemployment Councils and the Marine Workers Industrial Union have forced a re- versal of the order, and in New) | York City no attempt has yet been} made to put the order tat. effect. What Butler Really Said: They say, ‘Yes, but he will get them to- That is what they say if you take charge of them.” I said, “MacNider won't do either. He will not get the soldiers to follow him, because he has been opposed to the bonus.” “Yes, but we will have him in change (charge?)” And it is interesting to note that three weeks later after this conversation MacNider changed and turned around for the bonus. note that. It is interesting to He said, “There is going to be a big quarrel over the reappointment of MacArthur” and he said, “you watch the President reappoint him. He is going to go right and if he does not reappoint him, he is going to go left.” we been watching with a great deal of inter- Page 3 I TLER SAID ‘Stalin’s Anal ysis of Trotzky-Zinoviev- Kameneg Hitlerism Cry Against F.D. R. MachineHeard rian Revolution, the Lenin Institute page 7.) 2nd edition point this i the revolt brought h Kamen proletar r could be of no afforded timel: Lenin went, into a reservation, d letarian rul serve as a ba letarians of emancipate themselve yoke of the bourged i This is tered the Or ober this is the reason why year of the revolution T: found a Zinoviev Revol in th tz: common platform with and Kameney. A Dialogue We might well imagine a dialogue conversation between Troizky the one hand and Zinov: Kamenev on the other on the casion of the foundation of the Op- positional bloc Kamenev and Zinoviev to Tr Look here, dear comrade, vy were ultimately right in saying it was a mistake to enter the October Revolution and that it on would be better to wait for the Surance, tod ced the entire Constituent Assembly. Today all | Telief prog ront created recognize that the country and | to cloak ial of the goverrment are in a state of Teal unemplo: decay, that we are faced with ruin, der the brav and that there will be no Socia!- shing ism at all in your country. It was a mistake to go in for t But you entered it of your own Ro the Wagner-Le unemployment insu free will. You made a great mis- Millions of the take by doing so. which in practice, Trotzky replies: the wages of the workers wage ta No, my dear colleagues, you are and assessme unjust to me. True, I went in for 7 fe the revolt, but you have forgotten to mention how. I did not go in for it unreservedly, but with a re- servation. And since it has turned out that we can expect no help from outside, we are obviously Rakosi Flays Foes at Trial | going to our ruin, As 1 predicted | Program.” | cialist construction in this country. Vierick, a proven Nazi agent according to the Committee's own care- Tomorrow Marguerite Young will report her interview with Gen- eral Smedley Butler in his Newtown Square, Pa., contribution to the picture of the fascist advance in the United States both before and after the Dickstein-McCormack Committee picked up and whitewashed the Murphy-MacGuire plot. Savannah | and Norfolk, are on strike against | So he left me saying, Miami... .” - “T am goimg down to est this quarrel over his reappointment to see how | it comes out. He said, “You know as well as I do | that MacArthur is Stotesbury's son-in-law in Phiia- | delphia — Morgan's representative in Philadelphia. | You just see how It goes and if I am not telling you the truth.” I noticed that MacNider turned around for the bonus, and that there is a row over the reappoint- ment of MacArthur, So he left me saying, “I am | « going down to Miami... .” | would be the case in my “Peace In Bud apest Zinoviey and Kamenev | That will probably be the case We had forgotten your reserva- tion. It is now obvious that our blee is on a sound ideological foundation. (General laughter and applause.) This is the way in which the standpoint of the Opposition came about in regard to their denial of | the possibility of a victorious So- | tent that judge int dismiss the witness and interroga kosi e individuals “as not to to embarras Questions Witnesses “What are your pol: 1 connec tions?” Rakes : witness in turn, until the cour a exasperated, finally put a stop to this revealing method of mi i e fascist And what is the actual purport of this standpoint of theirs? I: stands for capitulation. To whom? Obviousiy to the capitalist elements in the country. To whom else? To the international bourgeoisie. And how about the “Left” phrases and the revolutionazy gestures? They have disappeared as chaff in the wind. Shake our Opposition tho- roughly to remove their revolution- eak to the Eng~ in‘ the presence fish geen Smt of Bela Kun?” Rakosi inquired of General Dormandy. The general admitted that he hadn't, explod the foolish sl r that Bela Kun ary phraseology, and you will see had dinopests what remains is nothing but a eae ae spirit of capit uals fon, 1 helasenad Sesute aikek 3 Goa | whether Communism was na- | tional movement, didn’t ho?” “No,” answered Dormand: | “But you expressed you! pre- ting that because of this situation (the strength of | the revolutionary movement) Ru- manian troops were mainly used,” | viously as admit He “never saw” reports to the Committee naming Jewish firms in | exclaimed Rakosi. the United States who gave money to Harry A. Jung. answer” why Dr. Rumley wasn’t asked about his Committee for the Nation activities which resulted in benefiting Hitler's finances. could he say why they hadn't asked Dr. Rumley, about his connections with Lessing Rosenwald, who is active both in the American-Jewish Committee and in Rumley’s Committee for The Nation. He “didn't know” why they hadn’t called Felix War- burg to find out how it happened that F, X. Mittmeier, a secret Nazi agent, happened to be placed in the Warburg’s Bank of Manhattan. “Fascism came at the last moment,” “I knew of only one Fascist group—the Black Shirts—and they weren't | He “couldn't | | ICOR BAZAAR TONIGHT Nor A three-day bazaar to finance the an exposed Nazi con- | activities of the Icor (Society Ss Jewish Colcnization in the S: Union) will open tonight at Irving Plaza Hall, Irving Place and Fit~ teenth Street. The bazaar will con- tinue on Saturday and Sunday starting at noon on both days WHAT’S ON Boston, Mass. | Celebrate release anti-Karlsruhe nine | Mr. Dickstein finally lamented . . home, giving his and opening new LL.D. District Of- fice at “Coming-Out-Party.”. Re+ freshments, games. dancing, en! tal Adm. free! Saturday. night, Jan. 26. | Beliair e, Ohio LL.D. Br. Karl Marx giving a Bil Dance Saturday, Jan. 26 at Bohe: RUBBER WORKERS WIN RISE | AKRON, Ohio, Jan. 24—Rubber mian Hall eaker will be rt Workers are to receive a 5 per cent | sles Gita io has: been’ in the increase effective Feb. 1. the Good- | Soviet Union’ and Siberia coat tell the real pice m. Dancing bee to? mines. She will tures of Soviet gins at 7:30 p.m year, Firestone and Goodrich com-| panies announced yesterday. It is | reported that 40,000 workers are in- . . volved. The increases come as a Philadelphia, Pa. - means of pacifying the iacreased | All organizations keep Feb. 23 ope, +, ‘ Scott jearin who just strike talk and growing dissatisfac- | from. arepe, (will lecture’ on Mee tion with the refusal of the com-| cism or Communism,” for United panies to recognize the A. F. of L.} Workers’ Organization. ‘ unions. Dancing and e: inment this Sune | day, Jan. 27 at FSU, a 8 p.m 4 Ss. Lenin Memorial Meetings | Baltimore, Md. Memorial Mecting at Elks Hall, 1523) Madison Ave., cor. McMechen St.,| Friday, Jan. 25 at 8 p. m. Mein| speaker, Manning Johnson, nation- ally known Negro Labor leader. Pro- gram: Freiheit Singing Society, High- land Vanguards, Acrobatics, Political nent speakers. Adm. iends of the Soviet Union, Superior, Wis. © Cartoons, W.LR. Band. Washington, D. C. Daily Worker Comm. ts holding an Lenin Memorial Meeting at Masonic | affair Feb, 3 at Vasa Hall, 1th and Temple, 10th and U Sts. N.W., Sun- | John Ave. Good program, refreshe day evening, Jan. 26, 8:30 p.m. V. J. Jerome will be the main speaker Union City, N. ments, dancing. | Chicago, I. Italian Coopera’ Center, 24th St. | Sature and Summit Ave. at & p.m. Harry velt Ra, Gannes, speaker. ' t 8 pm, ~ Detroit, Mich. Fort Wayne Hotel Temple at Pass “ICOR’ Biro-Bidjan MASK-BALL Good Union Orchestra 5 PRIZES FOR BEST COSTUMES Refreshments Admission 35¢ ||| Saturday, Jan, 26th 8:00 P.M.